Trump speaking with Pence and Wife

Carolyn Kaster | AP Photo

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What a long, strange trip it has already been, and we aren’t even done with week two of the Trump presidency.

Fresh off the heels of giving the March for Life perhaps its greatest ever PR boost, Trump decided to take action on the issue that took him from vanity candidate to a force of nature during the election: immigration.

Sure, his attempt to tamp down on potential abuses of American generosity could hardly be called controversial to anyone who has been paying attention to Germany’s refugee rape crisis, or the Middle East’s decades-long passionate love affair with terrorizing us. Not to mention the fact Obama did more or less the same thing as it pertained to Iraqi refugees for six months in 2011, and the list of seven nations Trump put on his pause list also came from the Obama administration.

No matter. We know the progressive playbook by now, and it was written by a teething toddler with a perpetually soiled diaper. And so it was that the glow of the March for Life was traded in for #MuslimBan. A giant whopper of a lie to be sure, but when the rollout of Trump’s policy has all the rough edges of an airport strip search, the moral high ground that is required to combat such a lie is all the harder to come by.

From a lack of communication among various departments necessary to carry Trump's edict out, to secondary Trump proxies like Rudy Giuliani undermining the White House's own messaging by referring to it on Fox News as a “Muslim ban,” some lessons from Trump's first attack run on the Death Star needed to be learned.

Which brings us to Tuesday night, when Team Trump put forth the first class, primetime political presentation it needed coming off an erratic weekend.

Enter Neil Gorsuch, Trump’s nominee to replace Antonin Scalia on the U.S. Supreme Court. The general consensus, which is one that I have no quarrel with for the time being, is that Samson may just have found his David.

A strict constructionist. A bias against undue litigiousness. A healthy respect for the legislative process and the separation of powers. A refusal to make an idol out of precedent. You bet I'm interested, although as we say here at Conservative Review, "Trust but verify."

And then there is this irony of ironies: Some of Gorsuch’s most notable decisions come down on the side of defending the First Amendment’s protection of religious liberty, a trajectory, which if continued could supply some of the very ammunition necessary to thwart Trump’s unfortunate endorsement of the Rainbow Jihad by way of keeping Obama's LGBTQXYZ123?#! executive order in place.

Dare I say it, but Gorsuch must be a little Trumpian in his approach. Give credit where credit is due.

But hey, if only Nixon could go to China perhaps someone with the mercurial moral compass like Donald Trump will be the one to end the suing of nuns and make the pro-life effort to overturn Roe v. Wade great again. Which, by the way, Trump promised to do in front of almost 100 million people during one of last fall's presidential debates.

This is where the rubber meets the road on this decision and brings us back full circle to the March for Life that led off this column. Gorsuch is about to get the Robert Bork/Clarence Thomas treatment on what he believes to be the legitimacy of killing babies. And it will not do for Gorsuch to pull a Jeff Sessions and try to skate through the nomination process with winks and nods to “settled law.” No, the ethos of the March for Life must be evident in Gorsuch’s legal reasoning.

Dare I say it, but Gorsuch must be a little Trumpian in his approach. Give credit where credit is due.

For the following is undeniably true: Trump is high energy, and he is unafraid (sometimes of even the right things). If his nominee to the Supreme Court is equally so, perhaps this week will be looked back upon as the official beginning of the end of the culture of death.

steve deace
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