Two reminders we all need after the election: We are NOT a democracy, and the Electoral College is good



We heard a lot about democracy during the election season. The left circulated the narrative that Trump would be the end of democracy while the right called him the savior who would rescue it from the undemocratic Biden regime.

Mark Levin, however, says we need to be reminded of something: “[Our Founding Fathers] didn't support democracy; they supported republicanism.”

“Democracy means factions can take over or a majority can be tyrannical,” he says, adding that our Founders saw this in other countries and “didn’t want anything to do with it.”

“They wanted republicanism; they wanted checks in power,” he explains.

That’s why they enshrined certain principles in our Constitution.

That way, “you can't have people vote away your rights,” says Levin. If “90% of them don't think you should have the right to bear arms, that's too damn bad.”

The fact that our forefathers foresaw the inevitable issues with a true democracy and created our brilliant system proves that “they were geniuses.”

Their installation of the Electoral College was equally brilliant.

Even though we see people like Tim Walz advocating for the demolition of it, Levin knows the truth: It’s for our nation’s protection.

“You choose a president not through a direct election” but rather via an “Electoral College. Why?” asks Levin. “One person is the head of an entire branch; we can't just leave it up to a popular vote” because then “the cities will choose the president.”

“In order to have a union and in order to make sure every aspect of the society was represented, they came up with this brilliant Electoral College,” he explains.

Because of this brilliant system of balance, “California doesn't get to drown out Montana, Wyoming, [or] Idaho.”

“If you had a national popular vote, that’s what [California] would do,” says Levin.

A system in which “the president [is] chosen by the people through the Electoral College but not chosen by the legislature” was “unheard of” at the time. So was the idea of “staggered terms” and a “bicameral congress.”

“So the accumulation of power, the centralization of government is limited,” Levin explains.

To hear more of his explanation on the brilliant and effective system of government designed by our forefathers, watch the clip above.

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‘Normongering’: The left’s rhetorical trick against Trump



At the core of the argument against Donald Trump lies a persistent claim that he threatens national and international norms. But breaking norms isn’t inherently bad; not all norms are good. So even if Trump challenges America’s political norms, that alone isn’t enough to disqualify his candidacy. The crucial questions are these: Which norms does he break? Are they truly norms, or are they just someone’s preferences? And if they are norms, are they good or bad?

These days, the American left complains the loudest about threats to “precious” norms. But this concern is largely performative — a superficial display of reverence. The left fundamentally hates norms. Leftists don’t reject only traditional American norms (although they do); they reject norms altogether. For them, defining anything as “normal” is a form of coercive bigotry that stifles individual autonomy, cultural diversity, and tolerance of “difference” writ large. Any serious analysis of threats to norms must acknowledge that the left has spent the past century working to demolish them.

For the sake of the nation — and for the sake of any genuine norms that remain — don’t let the normongers win.

This reveals an odd reality: Those most agitated about norm-breaking are the ones who break norms the most.

The left arrogantly assumes the right to decide which norms deserve respect. Leftists seem to believe that all the norms they disregard are bad, while the ones Trump allegedly violates are good. Curiously, their commitment to norms only appears when Trump challenges them. This selective concern for norms, paired with their hostility to traditional social standards, exposes their true motive. The left’s hand-wringing over norms is simply a rhetorical strategy to justify breaking long-standing protocols for treating current and former presidents, as well as presidential candidates.

‘Defending’ norms or destroying them?

The phenomenon of people who despise the very idea of norms lamenting that our norms are under attack has become so common in public discourse that it deserves its own term. I propose we call it “normongering.”

Pronounced aloud, normongering closely resembles “warmongering,” an adjacent concept. While a warmonger eagerly promotes war and conflict, a normonger despises norms yet stirs up political warfare and rhetorical conflict by falsely claiming that norms are under threat and in need of defense. The normonger frames his political aggression as a reluctant, defensive response to an unexpected assault, creating the misleading impression that he escalates hostilities only with regret.

The left has achieved major victories in weakening or destroying norms related to citizenship, pronoun usage, apparel, marriage, drugs, law enforcement, fitness, personal finances, elections, etiquette at meals, the workplace, sex, faith, diet, energy consumption, education, art, employment, parenting, and every other sphere of life. This unrelenting opposition to norms and normality remains a defining trait of left-wing politics. Perpetual conflict against norms and the “status quo” is its central activity.

Normongering serves as a powerful strategy for the left because it allows progressives to portray themselves as something they are not: normal people committed to defending the status quo.

Most Americans — and people in general — like norms. They seek to uphold existing norms and expect others to do the same, as norms provide a framework for public interaction, governance, and social situations. Unsurprisingly, the party that constantly calls for “fundamental transformations,” “comprehensive reforms,” and vague “change” also wages continuous war on norms. Meanwhile, leftists posture as the defenders of these norms, using this stance as a form of misdirection — an attempt to distract the public from the extensive list of norms they have already dismantled.

Trump is the exception

Do they really use appeals to the value of norms as a strategy for attacking them? Certainly. This is the defining trait of normongering, and it almost always appears as a hysterical reaction to Trump or his policies.

For instance, a long-standing norm has been to afford the president a degree of respect from both the press and citizens in positions of power. However, our media and celebrities have shattered that norm, routinely comparing Trump to Hitler. What has he done that compares to attempting world domination and the murder of 6 million Jews? In reality, nothing of the sort — except, they argue, that he threatens “our norms.”

Traditionally, impeaching a president was a last-resort measure for addressing executive misconduct. Elected officials were generally reluctant to pursue impeachment, understanding that it could lead to civil strife and divert resources from pressing governmental issues. Yet Democrats promised to impeach Trump even before his inauguration, absent any high crimes or misdemeanors. They made good on that promise, impeaching him twice. Why not? He was a threat to our norms!

The outrageous lawfare directed against Trump also reflects this norm-breaking approach. Armed agents descended on Trump’s personal residence over a dispute regarding the storage of presidential records. “No one is above the law!” declared Democrats. Yet these same individuals dismissed egregious records violations by Hillary Clinton (whom “no reasonable prosecutor” would indict) and Joe Biden (who, they argue, simply made honest mistakes due to age and forgetfulness).

This selective application of justice also extends to efforts aimed at keeping Trump’s name off the ballots in 2024. Meanwhile, a show trial in New York convicted Trump of 34 felonies, during which standard precedents and evidentiary procedures were ignored.

Americans have grown accustomed to the left’s pervasive disdain for norms, but we may now be approaching a Herculean level of normongering that could alter the nation’s future. Progressives have spent the past four years claiming, without evidence, that if Trump wins, he will become an “authoritarian dictator” who will “end our democracy” and that 2024 will be “our last election.” This rhetoric alone defies all norms of public discourse, but it could also signal a willingness to breach the most crucial norm in American politics: the peaceful and orderly transition of executive power.

‘Comprehensive reform’ means trashing norms

If Trump secures a clear and decisive win in November, will Democrats respect the choice of the American people? Recall that in 2020, during a scenario exercise called the Transition Integrity Project, prominent Democrats discussed plans to contest the presidency — even in the event of a “clear Trump win.” After the events of recent years, we can expect they will be even more committed to opposing the outcome of a fair and free election that doesn’t align with their preferred candidate.

If Trump wins, the normongers will refuse to seat the choice of the people. If they truly believe someone they call “literally Hitler” is taking office, they won’t simply congratulate him, hold an inauguration, and wait for another election in four years. Instead, they may employ every available procedural and judicial tactic to defy the result, justifying their actions by claiming Trump’s presidency poses such a severe threat to “our democracy” that they cannot honor the outcome. Should they succeed, they would have undermined our nation’s most fundamental norm — a peaceful transition of power — by invoking an imagined veto over the will of the people.

If they get away with it, the normongers may turn out to be correct: 2024 could very well be America’s last free election. Harris and her comrades have a long list of norms they are eager to violate when they take power: expanding the Supreme Court, ending the Electoral College, granting (more) benefits to people who enter the nation illegally, defying parents’ primary right to make decisions about their children’s health and education, paying reparations, and so much more.

Of course, all of these “comprehensive reforms” (read: “violated norms”) will be framed as attempts to protect the hallowed norms of “our democracy.”

For the sake of the nation — and for the sake of any genuine norms that remain — don’t let the normongers win.

Counting on chaos: How census miscounts could decide 2024



What if Donald Trump narrowly loses the election due to an unnoticed form of election fraud, later confirmed by U.S. Census data? What if Republicans saw this fraud coming but took no action and haven’t even held hearings to address it?

With Ohio and Florida solidly Republican this generation, Democrats have based their electoral strategy on the “blue wall” of Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin. Signs show that migration trends and demographic shifts may have bolstered Republican positions in Sun Belt swing states like Arizona, Nevada, Georgia, and North Carolina.

In a closely divided nation, acts of misconduct — and the GOP’s lack of a long-term strategy to counter them — will shape the course of history.

If Democrats retain the blue wall, Trump would still have 268 electoral votes — just one short of a potential win through a congressional vote. This outcome remains a real possibility. However, what if the states that Trump would likely win, based on clear population data, should actually yield more than 270 votes, even without a single Rust Belt swing state?

The Constitution mandates a census every 10 years to determine each state’s congressional representation. Article II, Section 1, Clause 2, then ties the Electoral College to that state’s congressional delegation based on census reapportionment. But if the census inflated blue state numbers and deflated red state numbers in a closely divided country, it could change the balance of power in Congress and potentially determine the next president.

Based on the census report used for reapportionment, which estimated the population as of April 1, 2020, Texas gained two congressional seats, while Colorado, Florida, Montana, North Carolina, and Oregon each gained one. Meanwhile, California, Illinois, Michigan, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia each lost a congressional seat, reducing their electoral votes for president. Although this shift benefited Republicans overall, many believed it still didn’t capture the massive migration from blue states to red states, especially in the Sun Belt.

In a bombshell 2022 report that should have sparked a fierce congressional debate, the Census Bureau admitted to overcounting in eight states and undercounting in six by unprecedented error margins. Five of the six undercounted states were red, and six of the eight overcounted states were blue, with the largest errors affecting red states on both sides. Here are the error rates:

  • Undercounted states
    Arkansas (-5.04%), Florida (-3.48%), Illinois (-1.97%), Mississippi (-4.11%), Tennessee (-4.78%), Texas (-1.92%)
  • Overcounted states
    Delaware (+5.45%), Hawaii (+6.79%), Massachusetts (+2.24%), Minnesota (+3.84%), New York (+3.44%), Ohio (+1.49%), Rhode Island (+5.05%), Utah (+2.59%)

In raw population terms, the largest errors disadvantaged red states and favored blue states:

  1. Florida (-761,094)
  2. Texas (-560,319)
  3. Tennessee (-330,628)

What was the result of these errors? As Hans von Spakovsky from the Heritage Foundation noted, “Due to these errors, Florida did not receive two additional congressional seats, Texas lost out on one seat, while Minnesota and Rhode Island each retained a seat they should have lost, and Colorado gained an undeserved new seat.”

It’s hard to predict how an accurate count would have affected congressional district boundaries, making it difficult to assess the partisan control of Congress. However, in the Electoral College, if Trump wins the Sun Belt swing states and Harris carries the Rust Belt swing states, instead of Trump losing 270-268, he would win 271-267. The data shows Trump could win with just the Sun Belt. And House control could hinge on a few districts that may have been distorted by Biden’s erroneous census certification.

Why didn’t Republicans hold hearings to investigate this error? In the previous census, there was an overcount of only 36,000 people nationwide, a negligible 0.01% that didn’t affect any state’s reapportionment. Doesn’t anyone want to understand the cause of such a significant error, especially one so favorable to Democrats?

While options for redress in 2022 were limited, Republicans had two years before the next presidential election to challenge the Biden administration’s decision. The apportionment clause grants Congress the authority to direct the census “in such manner as they shall by law direct.”

With control of Congress in 2023, House Republicans could have held hearings to clarify the correct apportionment and added legislation to budget bills mandating a compromise between the original numbers and the revised count starting in 2024.

Though a legal battle would likely follow, the Supreme Court ruled in Utah v. Evans (2002) that the census clause doesn’t forbid using statistical methods to enhance accuracy beyond a direct count.

This error isn’t the only factor giving Democrats an artificial advantage. Even before the recent surge in illegal immigration, estimates suggested California held an extra five seats in the House due to its population of illegal aliens. When Trump tried to exclude undocumented immigrants from the census count, the courts blocked his efforts. But when Biden’s inaccurate count favored blue states, officials claimed there was no legal recourse.

It’s disheartening and ironic to reflect on our founding and see how the framers believed the census would be one of the least politicized issues. In Federalist No. 36, Alexander Hamilton wrote, “An actual census or enumeration of the people must furnish the rule, a circumstance which effectually shuts the door to partiality or oppression.”

Today, self-evident truths are often distorted, making it easy for the government to manipulate data with bias and unfairness. In a closely divided nation, these acts of misconduct — and the GOP’s lack of a long-term strategy to counter them — will shape the course of history.

Tim Walz says the Electoral College ‘needs to go.’ Mark Levin explains what that would look like



The Democrat Party claims to be the party of the people. Why then is one of Tim Walz’s goals to eliminate the Electoral College?

Earlier this month at a fundraiser hosted by the equally degenerate Gavin Newsom, Walz made the claim that “the Electoral College needs to go.”

If Democrats succeed in this evil endeavor, “11 blue states will decide the president,” and “all the rest of the country – the 39 other states, tens of millions of people – will literally have no say in the election of the president,” Mark Levin explains.

Campaigning will take place “mostly in the cities,” meaning the people who live in more rural areas or work in industries such as agriculture, natural resources, and the like “will have no representation whatsoever.”

“The big metropolitan cities will decide who's president, which would be an utter and complete disaster, but the Democrat Party wants monopoly,” says Levin, adding that in addition to eliminating the Electoral College, the party also wants to “eliminate the filibuster” so that the party can rapidly pass laws “that will be impossible to undo.”

Then “they'll say, ‘We don't need to amend the Constitution; we're going to pass two statutes – the District of Columbia gets two senators and Puerto Rico gets two senators.”'

That’s “four more Democrats,” says Levin. “The Senate will never overcome that; Republicans will never be in the majority again.”

A Harris-Walz regime “will change the voting system forever.”

To hear more of what this disastrous duo wants to change, watch the clip above.

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