‘Saint Luigi’? America’s moral compass couldn’t be more broken



U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi announced last month that she would seek the death penalty for Luigi Mangione, the 27-year-old accused of killing UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson. Shortly after, Bondi reported receiving death threats.

A recent California ballot initiative seeking to penalize insurers that delay or deny lifesaving care has been introduced as the “Luigi Mangione Access to Healthcare Act.” And last week in San Francisco, the Taylor Street Theater reportedly sold out its upcoming run of “Luigi: The Musical,” described as “a wildly irreverent, razor-sharp comedy” in which Mangione becomes “an accidental folk hero.” The show’s website insists the play is “not a celebration of violence” — only a satire probing why Mangione “struck such a chord with the public.”

Mangione’s story raises broader questions about how justice is defined and how quickly society applauds those who take it into their own hands.

How has a man who allegedly executed a business executive come to be hailed as a hero, packaged as entertainment, and nearly canonized?

On the morning of Dec. 4, Thompson stepped out of his Midtown Manhattan hotel, less than a block from the Museum of Modern Art, en route to a meeting on West 54th Street. Around 6:45 a.m., Mangione allegedly emerged from between two parked cars and allegedly shot Thompson multiple times in the back. Investigators say each round was etched with the words “deny, defend, depose.” Prosecutors say Mangione had tracked Thompson’s routine for weeks, crossed state lines with a silenced pistol, and carried out a carefully calculated assassination.

Social media reacted within minutes. TikTok users anointed Mangione a “Healthcare Hero.” A legal defense fund is approaching $1 million, and online vendors now sell “Saint Luigi” prayer candles. Meanwhile, Thompson’s widow and two children have watched strangers celebrate the man who took their husband and father.

A deeper sickness

The public response reveals a broader frustration with the health care system, where delayed treatments, inflated procedure costs, and unaffordable medications have become disturbingly common. It looks for someone to blame.

But beneath the outrage and helplessness lies something deeper: a longing for rescue. A savior. Someone to step in and make it right. And when no one does, society crowns those who take justice into their own hands. Or inspires others to try.

Many supporters online justified Thompson’s murder. One TikTok user put it bluntly: “Insurance companies have killed thousands by refusing care. Mangione just gave them what they deserve.”

Genuine pain meets cultural drift. Emotions now outrank principles. And spectacle outranks substance. Turning a homicide into a musical is not clever, thoughtful critique — it signals moral exhaustion. Cheering a vigilante says, in effect, “I’ll decide what justice looks like.” And when a society lights prayer candles in honor of an accused murderer, it has confused vengeance for virtue.

True justice, by contrast, is anchored in truth, aims at restoration, and moves through lawful process. The crime bypassed every safeguard — reducing a human being, an image-bearer of God, to collateral damage. Scripture is clear: “Do not take revenge, my dear friends, but leave room for God’s wrath, for it is written: ‘It is mine to avenge; I will repay,’ says the Lord.”

Publicly available evidence doesn’t indicate that Mangione ever filed a lawsuit, sat down with Thompson, or met with anyone from a health insurance company. He never organized a peaceful protest. Instead, he allegedly opened fire — and people cheered.

A different way

History, though, offers a different blueprint for confronting deep injustice — one that Martin Luther King Jr. understood. Writing from a Birmingham, Alabama, jail, King outlined four steps for confronting it: gather facts, negotiate, undergo self-purification, and only then take direct, nonviolent action.

King’s patient, God-honoring approach didn’t just reshape laws — it reshaped hearts. The assassin, by contrast, strategized with rage and gunfire, appointing himself judge and jury. The applause he receives now threatens to silence the very lesson King labored to impart.

Two forces appear to be fueling the public response. First, widespread frustration with systemic failures exposes real suffering in this fallen world. For many Americans, the health care maze of insurers, drug companies, hospitals, and policymakers feels predatory. Second, cultural norms have shifted. Outrage has replaced deliberation, and peaceful restoration is no longer the goal. The value of human life feels negotiable.

Applauding an alleged gunman reveals that self-justified anger, not discernment, is now steering the ship. But vengeance disguised as justice is still evil. Right and wrong don’t bend to hashtags, personal versions of truth, or societal trends. True justice is steady, ordered, and restorative. It requires humility to acknowledge that human beings are not its author.

Micah 6:8 presents a higher standard of justice rooted in mercy and humility: “To act justly and to love mercy and to walk humbly with your God.” The verse binds justice to mercy — and both to humility. Mangione’s story raises broader questions about how justice is defined and how quickly society applauds those who take it into their own hands. It also invites a quieter kind of reflection: Where do those same vigilante instincts surface in everyday life — not in violence, but in subtler forms of retaliation, exposure, or punishment that feel justified in the moment?

Maybe it’s blasting a business online for poor service instead of speaking to the owner face-to-face. Perhaps it’s joining a social media pile-on, canceling someone over a single misstep, or cutting someone off in traffic to “teach them a lesson.” Different scale, same instinct: to occupy the judge’s seat and declare justice on personal terms.

These actions may feel justified — even redemptive. In the face of valid grievances, whether rooted in exploitative workplaces or overpriced services, the way they are addressed still matters. When individuals act as their own law, the result is often greater injustice, not less. In such conditions, human flourishing gives way to division, fear, and moral confusion.

Lasting justice, changed hearts

The assassin's bullets didn’t reform health care or restore human flourishing. They killed a father, traumatized a nation, and tempted a society to pursue a counterfeit justice. They sowed fear, chaos, and the potential for copycats. Proposals such as the Luigi Mangione Access to Healthcare Act may bring change, but it’s born of fear and opportunism, not transformed hearts. It seeks control, proclaiming, “I am the judge.”

Lasting justice doesn’t begin in systems but rather in the moral character of individuals. A just society is built by people who embody justice before they demand it — whose hearts, habits, and relationships reflect a higher moral order. When justice is rooted in truth and shaped by mercy and humility, it becomes self-sustaining. In such a society, the need to seek justice is diminished because it is already present in people’s lives.

God has shown you what is good. And what does he require of you? To act justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly with your God. It’s justice with mercy, mercy with humility — humility that recognizes no individual is the hero or the god of the story.

The assassin did not just kill a man. He redefined, for some, what it means to be just. It is the kind of distortion that ought to provoke moral outrage, not because it shocks, but because it substitutes true justice with a dangerous imitation. Resisting it demands more than words; it calls for lives shaped by prayer, grounded in truth, and anchored in humility and mercy.

Brian Thompson is gone. Luigi Mangione still faces trial. What remains is a choice: Buy a ticket to the musical or pursue a justice marked by mercy and truth. One path longs for a savior. The other already knows who the savior is.

Trump drops 10,000 pages of RFK assassination files, exposing puzzling early death reports



Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard announced Friday that the Trump administration had released 10,000 new pages regarding the 1968 assassination of Democratic Sen. Robert F. Kennedy (N.Y.).

The long-since classified investigation documents were released as part of President Donald Trump's January 23 executive order directing the declassification of files on the assassinations of Sen. Robert F. Kennedy, President John F. Kennedy, and Reverend Doctor Martin Luther King Jr.

'In my view, these documents provide the background to more questions than answers.'

"The Executive Order establishes the policy that, more than 50 years after these assassinations, the victims' families and the American people deserve the truth," read a White House fact sheet on the action.

During an April 10 Cabinet meeting, Gabbard told Trump she had "over 100 people working around the clock" scanning the relevant files.

"These have been sitting in boxes in storage for decades. They have never been scanned or seen before," she said.

Trump asked Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. how he felt about the news that the files on his father and uncle would be released in the coming days.

Kennedy responded, "I'm very gratified."

"I'm very grateful to you, Mr. President," he added.

On Friday morning, Gabbard told Fox News that the first batch of newly released files related to the government's investigation and "questions and theories that were being posed" concerning Sen. Kennedy's assassination.

The documents revealed that State Department cables were reporting on Kennedy’s death before it actually occurred.

Gabbard explained that the cables “showed different countries were sending messages to each other around Senator Kennedy’s assassination, saying that he had been assassinated, but that was before he was actually killed.”

"In my view, these documents provide the background to more questions than answers," Gabbard added.

"We're obviously not stopping here," she said. "We sent people out to hunt through different warehouses at the FBI and CIA, knowing there are likely other documents that have not yet been turned over to National Archives."

Gabbard noted that the second release would include more than 50,000 additional pages on the senator's assassination.

Kennedy Jr. responded to the document release, stating, "Lifting the veil on the RFK papers is a necessary step toward restoring trust in American government."

"I commend President Trump for his courage and his commitment to transparency," he added. "I'm grateful also to Tulsi Gabbard for her dogged efforts to root out and declassify these documents."

A White House spokesperson told Fox News Digital, "Nearly six decades have passed since the tragic assassination of Senator Robert F. Kennedy and these historic files have been hidden from the American people all this time — until now."

"In the name of maximum transparency, President Trump has released over 10,000 pages of the RFK files with more to come," the spokesperson continued. "There has never been a more transparent president in the history of our country than President Donald J. Trump. Another promise made and promise kept."

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Raphael Warnock Lives Free in $1 Million Luxury Home—Purchased by His Church

The lavish Atlanta home where Sen. Raphael Warnock (D., Ga.) resides brims with luxury details: Marketed as a "one of one custom home that effortlessly merges history & luxury," the five-bedroom home, built in 2022, went on the market for over a million dollars later that year and sold quickly—not to Warnock, but to Ebenezer Baptist Church, where he still serves as part-time senior pastor when he's not representing the state of Georgia in Congress.

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Israel has Powerful Friends in America—But a Few Enemies Too

Bidding for beachfront property in Gaza is on hold, at least until Russia stops blocking Donald Trump's ceasefire proposal, but Israel remains at the center of America’s culture wars. The Trump administration is making important progress on defending American Jews, but enemies of the Jewish state and the Jewish people are still on the loose.

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Black conservatives are the ‘tragic mulattos’ of American politics



Ben Shapiro’s recent video arguing President Trump should pardon Derek Chauvin elicited passionate responses on social media. Some conservative commentators thought it was a bad idea that would cost the president precious political capital. Others believed Trump should do it despite the guaranteed outrage it would incite on the left.

For black conservatism to survive, it must aspire to more than just policing the excesses of the progressive left or the fringe right.

The response from Xaviaer DuRousseau, in particular, caught my attention because the popular influencer and commentator jokingly raised an issue that a particular subset of conservatives rarely expresses openly.

Being a black conservative and maintaining your cookout credentials is getting soooo hard.

He ended his post with four crying emojis that made his point crystal clear: Issues that are racially coded and politically charged are hard for black conservatives to navigate.

A unique challenge

Many black conservatives experience this identity crisis — one characterized far more by the “tragic mulatto” trope from 19th- and 20th-century literature than the “Uncle Tom” epithet that is synonymous with racial self-hatred. The tragic mulatto stereotype arose in a culture governed by racial hierarchy. It was associated with mixed-race people who struggled with feelings of alienation in a world that did not accept them as either wholly black or white.

Black liberals are quick to label their conservative brethren “sellouts” for rejecting progressive politics. White liberals, likewise, have no problem questioning the racial bona fides of blacks who don’t vote for Democrats. A growing chorus of white conservatives also blame Martin Luther King Jr. and the civil rights movement for diversity, equity, and inclusion, as well as Black Lives Matter, critical race theory, and LGBT radicalism.

Black conservatism, in many ways, faces a unique challenge. It exists as a racial subgenre within a broader political movement that has traditionally emphasized color blindness and minimized the impact of racism on the current outcomes of black Americans. The only notable exceptions occur when accusations of bias and discrimination are directed at white liberals or at failed progressive policies.

Anyone paying attention to conservative public discourse in the age of social media, however, can see that the right’s approach to race is rapidly evolving. Conservative commentators are increasingly vocal about what they view as anti-white bias in criminal prosecutions, professional sports, media representation, and the job market. This emerging race consciousness is evident in heated online debates about American identity and culture. It also serves as an underlying theme in policy fights over immigration.

A new generation of ‘reconstructionists’

Race is the most visible source of the black conservative identity crisis, but the movement’s mission is equally important to its long-term survival. Today, the most visible black conservatives in America seem focused on increasing Republican representation in politics and growing their brands as right-wing commentators.

The conservative ecosystem certainly makes room for political operatives and culture warriors. But when black conservatism focuses primarily on boosting voter turnout and participation in elections, it fails to fulfill its core mission.

Donald Trump maintained roughly the same support from black voters as in 2020 — about 13% overall and 20% of men. In fact, he lost black conservatives to Kamala Harris by an 11-point margin. Investing financial, political, and social capital to attract black voters has yielded poor returns. But this does not spell the death of black conservatism.

The movement needs a new generation of “reconstructionists” focused on strengthening local institutions and individuals rather than politicos and media personalities fixated on national elections. The most crucial task ahead is restoring the traditional family structure that prevailed from the end of the Civil War through the Civil Rights movement.

From 1890 to 1950, black men and women were more likely than their white counterparts to be married by age 35. In the 1930s, 65% of black women were married before having their first child. The 1960 Census showed that two-thirds of black children lived in two-parent households. Today, only 33% of black adults are married, 70% of black children are born to unmarried parents, and 45% live with a single mother. These outcomes are worse for blacks than for any other group.

The most valuable contribution

Although the family is the most important institution, it is not the only one. The poor educational outcomes in many urban districts should motivate a new generation of black conservative scholars, educators, and activists to take action.

Many have already risen to the occasion.

Ian Rowe, an educator who has spent his career teaching children in the Bronx, opened Vertex Partnership Academies in 2022. This high school’s mission is guided by the four cardinal virtues: courage, justice, temperance, and wisdom. Denisha Allen founded Black Minds Matter, an organization that promotes school choice and empowers black educators working to improve outcomes in their communities.

These leaders demonstrate that black conservatives need not feel conflicted between their ethnic identity and political ideology, especially when both are grounded in a Christian worldview of human dignity.

For black conservatism to survive, it must aspire to more than just policing the excesses of the progressive left or the fringe right.

The movement should also avoid the trap of believing that electoral politics alone can drive social progress. The most valuable contribution black conservatives can make today is to leverage their cultural competency, experience, relationships, and expertise to build institutions that can radically improve social and economic outcomes in the cities and communities they care about most.

Black pastors are at a crossroads as faith bends to politics



Donald Trump’s return to the White House must have been a bitter pill for black pastors who vocally supported Kamala Harris in the 2024 election. They likely would have preferred to spend Black History Month celebrating Harris rather than bracing for another four years of the "Orange Menace."

But many black clergy now face an even more sobering reality.

Black pastors and churches now stand at a crossroads. 'Authentic' blackness has been tied to a political ideology that opposes biblical truth.

The black church is on life support, and its decline stems from the same sins that plagued Israel in the Old Testament and every wayward church throughout history.

Millions of black Christians in the United States still attend majority-black churches that preach the gospel and believe the Bible. But the term “black church” serves more as a sociopolitical descriptor than a spiritual qualifier.

Many churches that have lost their spiritual power view poverty, racism, and inequality as the greatest sources of oppression. To them, the sins that “marginalized” people need salvation from are those committed by those in power.

The preachers leading these churches are learning a painful lesson — there is a heavy price for chasing false gods. No greater form of idolatry exists in America today than Christians who force the unchangeable truth of God's word to conform to the shifting positions of their preferred political party.

Politicians set tax rates, allocate funding for schools and roads, negotiate trade agreements, and craft immigration policy. Some may even promote healthy eating or discourage drug use. But politics should never take precedence over faith.

No one has the authority to declare that a man can become a woman or that two men can form a marriage. Political leaders who reject Genesis 1:27 and 2:24 should be challenged by pastors who boldly declare biblical truth and warn of the consequences of abusing political power. Any Christian, pastor, church, or denomination that justifies rebellion against the Bible by appealing to political consensus engages in spiritual adultery.

Kamala Harris visited New Birth Missionary Baptist Church in Atlanta, led by Rev. Jamal Bryant, just days before the election. Bryant, a charismatic speaker, leads one of the most influential black churches in America. In 2022, he condemned the overturning of Roe v. Wade shortly before performing a baby dedication and declaring, “Children are our future.” Nearly 70% of all babies aborted in Georgia are black, yet preachers like Bryant refuse to acknowledge the Democratic Party’s abortion extremism as a form of systemic racism.

Sen. Raphael Warnock represents Georgia in Washington and leads Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta, following in the footsteps of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. The debates over King’s theology are well-documented. But while King used the Bible to challenge racial divisions, Warnock invokes his faith to reject the biblical view of sex and gender.

These men are not isolated cases of theological drift. The most politically engaged black pastors in America have become surrogates for the Democratic Party. They claim to be bold prophets denouncing injustice, but in reality, they serve as cupbearers — protecting, not challenging, those in power.

Warnock may seem like a direct spiritual heir to Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., but the truth is that today’s most influential black preachers follow a different tradition — one rooted in the teachings of Dr. James Cone, the father of black liberation theology. Cone’s open embrace of Marxism led to the ultimate devil’s bargain. His theology sacrifices biblical fidelity for the illusion of social justice:

First, in a revolutionary situation there can never be just theology. It is always theology identified with a particular community. It is either identified with those who inflict oppression or with those who are its victims. A theology of the latter is authentic Christian theology, and a theology of the former is a theology of the Antichrist.

The men and women who consider themselves heirs to Cone’s theology have continued down the same path. The clearest sign of the black church’s declining cultural influence was the rise of Black Lives Matter. A movement that openly touted its “queerness” and pledged to “disrupt” the nuclear family would never have gained national prominence in previous generations. But rather than rebuke BLM’s leaders, many black preachers followed their lead.

Black pastors and churches now stand at a crossroads. “Authentic” blackness has been tied to a political ideology that opposes biblical truth. Black pastors who frame “gender-affirming care” for their “trans brothers and sisters” as the next civil rights cause have allowed the twin idols of race and politics to pull their hearts — and pulpits — away from God.

Thankfully, the Lord is merciful and willing to forgive all who repent and follow Jesus. Christians should always remember that what happens in God’s households is of far greater eternal value than who occupies the White House.

Deconstructing the MLK myth



Americans widely celebrate Martin Luther King Jr. as a civil rights icon, but does his full legacy receive the scrutiny it deserves? While his activism for racial equality earns recognition, his theological views reveal a concerning departure from biblical orthodoxy. From denying Christ’s divinity to promoting the social gospel, King’s beliefs raise significant questions for Christians today.

Every January, Americans honor Martin Luther King Jr.’s life and legacy. Schools, streets, and monuments bear his name as enduring symbols of progress and justice. His iconic “I Have a Dream” speech continues to inspire people worldwide, and his leadership in the civil rights movement remains transformative. However, beneath the public adulation lies a more complex story — one that complicates the perception of King as a paragon of Christian orthodoxy.

King’s embrace of a gospel stripped of Christ’s divinity and resurrection ultimately undermines the eternal hope of salvation, leaving a legacy that Christians cannot fully endorse.

As a pastor, theologian, and leader, King’s words carried immense weight, shaping not only the civil rights movement but also America’s moral and spiritual landscape. However, his writings and sermons reveal notable theological departures that deserve closer scrutiny.

How should Christians reconcile King’s transformative contributions to social justice with his deviations from foundational biblical doctrine? To fully understand his legacy, we must move beyond the public mythology and examine his beliefs through a biblical lens.

Born Michael King Jr. on January 15, 1929, in Atlanta, Georgia, he later became Martin Luther King Jr. after his father renamed himself and his son to honor the 16th-century reformer Martin Luther. This name change reflected a connection to Christian tradition and reform. However, King’s theological journey would eventually diverge from these roots.

As the son of a prominent Baptist pastor, King grew up immersed in church life. He attended Morehouse College, where exposure to liberal theological ideas began shaping his intellectual and spiritual development. This influence deepened at Crozer Theological Seminary and Boston University, where he embraced theological views that strayed from traditional Christian orthodoxy.

Rejecting core Christian doctrines

King’s writings during his academic years reflect a clear rejection of essential Christian doctrines, including Christ’s divinity, the virgin birth, and the resurrection. These departures place him outside the bounds of biblical orthodoxy. In his paper on the “Humanity and Divinity of Jesus,” King wrote:

The orthodox attempt to explain the divinity of Jesus in terms of an inherent metaphysical substance within him seems to me quite inadequate. To say that Christ … is divine in an ontological sense is actually harmful and detrimental … so that the orthodox view of the divinity of Christ is in my mind quite readily denied.

King’s denial of Christ’s divinity naturally extended to other foundational doctrines, including the resurrection.

This doctrine (the resurrection), upon which the Easter faith rests, symbolizes the ultimate Christian conviction: that Christ conquered death. From a literary, historical, and philosophical point of view, this doctrine raises many questions. In fact, the external evidence for the authenticity of this doctrine is found wanting.

King also dismissed the virgin birth, the second coming of Christ, and the existence of a literal hell. Such theological positions directly conflict with core Christian beliefs, as underscored by the apostle Paul.

Now, if Christ is proclaimed as raised from the dead, how can some of you say that there is no resurrection of the dead? But if there is no resurrection of the dead, then not even Christ has been raised. And if Christ has not been raised, then our preaching is in vain and your faith is in vain. (1 Corinthians 15:12-14)

By rejecting these doctrines, King’s theological framework departs significantly from the faith he publicly represented, challenging the integrity of his spiritual leadership.

The ‘social gospel’ and its implications

Walter Rauschenbusch’s social gospel profoundly influenced King’s theology, emphasizing transformation of society over personal salvation. This reinterpretation of Christianity shifted the focus from the redemptive message of Christ’s death and resurrection to economic redistribution and social justice. King’s calls for a “warless world” and “a better distribution of wealth” clearly reflect this influence.

In a letter to Coretta Scott King, he wrote:

Let us continue to hope, work, and pray that in the future we will live to see a warless world, a better distribution of wealth, and a brotherhood that transcends race or color. This is the gospel that I will preach to the world.

While noble in its aspirations, this focus on temporal solutions often overshadowed the eternal hope found in Christ’s resurrection (1 Corinthians 15:3-4). By sidelining the gospel’s redemptive message, King’s theology contributed to a broader shift in American Christianity, where social justice increasingly took precedence over gospel-centered ministry.

The theological and ideological tension between King and traditional Christianity became evident in his relationship with the National Baptist Convention, the largest black Baptist denomination in the United States. Under Dr. Joseph H. Jackson’s leadership, the NBC placed institutional engagement over confrontational tactics like sit-ins and mass demonstrations. This approach clashed with King’s activism, culminating in a dramatic split during the NBC’s 1961 convention.

The division resulted in the formation of the Progressive National Baptist Convention, which aligned with King’s civil disobedience and social justice emphasis. However, this split also marked a theological departure, as the PNBC put activism above the gospel’s eternal message.

Truth matters

King’s legacy offers valuable lessons, but it also serves as a dire warning. His fight for racial equality transformed America, but his theological deviations reveal the dangers of placing social activism over biblical truth. King’s embrace of a gospel stripped of Christ’s divinity and resurrection ultimately undermines the eternal hope of salvation, leaving a legacy that Christians cannot fully endorse.

Theological integrity matters. When leaders compromise core biblical doctrines for societal transformation, they abandon the unshakable foundation of the gospel. King’s life serves as a powerful reminder that no matter how noble the cause, the truth of God’s word must remain uncompromised.

Many of the compromises King introduced have shaped today’s landscape, where private businesses are often pressured to bow to perceived injustices, further entangling the gospel with cultural activism. As Christians, we are called to evaluate every leader and movement against Scripture, refusing to trade eternal truth for temporal gains. Social transformation without the gospel is not only incomplete but ultimately hollow.

Kamala Harris Quoted One Of Hitler’s Favorite Writers In Her Concession Speech

What seemed like an otherwise innocuous speech, took a very, very unexpected turn at the end.

Kamala Harris’ Anti-White Racism Is Showing

How did we get to where a major party’s presidential campaign thinks it is a good idea to send out a racially discriminatory policy proposal?

A Compelling Case for Colorblindness

Between the end of the Civil War and the enactment of the Civil Rights Act (1964) and Voting Rights Act (1965), the goal of nearly all advocates of racial equality in the United States could be summed up as "colorblindness." As African-American journalist Coleman Hughes reminds us in The End of Race Politics, that aim—the "dream" Martin Luther King Jr. expressed in his speech at the Lincoln Memorial of a society where Americans would be judged "not by the color of their skin but by the content of their character"—was shared by the abolitionist/civil rights advocates Wendell Phillips and Frederick Douglass, black union leader A. Philip Randolph, the NAACP, and many others.

The post A Compelling Case for Colorblindness appeared first on Washington Free Beacon.