Report: Sen. Banks Imposes Hold On Air Force Nominee Who Backed DEI-Based Promotions

Sen. Jim Banks, R-Ind., is blocking the promotion of an Air Force colonel who supported race- and gender-based promotions in the service, according to a new report. On Thursday, Breitbart News’ Bradley Jaye revealed that Indiana’s junior senator has placed a hold on Air Force Col. George H. Sebren, who “authored a 2017 research paper lamenting […]

The Unelected Magistrate Judges Undermining Trump And Rule Of Law Are Completely Unconstitutional

Contrary to widespread perception, magistrate judges wield extraordinary power despite having no constitutional standing under Article III.

Surviving The Smear Campaign: Emil Bove Shines At Confirmation Hearing

Efforts to derail Emil Bove's nomination, whether from the left or from risk-averse elements of the right, should be firmly rejected.

Republican senator makes a stunning admission: 'I can't be somebody that I'm not'



Republican Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska signaled that she would be open to a major political shake-up, but on one condition.

Murkowski, who has a track record of bucking her party, admitted on a new episode of the "GD Politics" podcast that she would be open to caucusing with Democrats and even changing her party affiliation to independent if she felt it benefited her constituents. Although Murkowski has repeatedly refrained from voting alongside Republicans on key votes, she also acknowledged that there are certain aspects of the Democratic Party she simply disagrees with.

'There is some openness to exploring something different.'

"I have to figure out how I can be most effective for the people that I serve," Murkowski said. "That's why I'm going to continue to do a really hard job, because I want to try to help people."

"My problem with your hypothetical is that as challenged as I think we may be on the Republican side, I don't see the Democrats being much better," Murkowski said. "And they've got not only their share of problems, but quite honestly, they've got some policies that I just inherently disagree with."

RELATED: Vance casts tiebreaking Senate vote after Republicans join Democrats to tank Trump's tariffs

  Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

Murkowski managed to evade directly addressing whether she would change her party affiliation to independent, but she expressed an "openness" to it.

"There is some openness to exploring something different than the status quo."

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  Photo by Jemal Countess/Getty Images for JDRF

Murkowski noted that she has been pressured to change her party affiliation to Libertarian in the past in order to secure a political advantage. Even though it might have played in her favor, Murkowski rejected the idea.

"I can't be somebody that I'm not," Murkowski said. "I can't now say, 'I want this job so much that I'm going to pretend to be somebody that I'm not.' That's not who I am."

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Thom Tillis Wants You To Forget His Role In Tanking Ed Martin’s D.C. Attorney Nomination

Like with any politician who holds public office, Tillis should have to answer for his record.

GOP saboteurs join Democrats to derail Trump’s justice agenda



One of the biggest political fights of Donald Trump’s early second term just ended — and not in his favor.

The country didn’t rally behind Ed Martin, the president’s nominee for U.S. attorney in Washington, D.C., because of his résumé. And the fight was never about Martin alone. It was about the first real clash between two irreconcilable political forces that had managed a brief post-election détente.

The Senate took its first scalp — and it was a big one.

After Trump’s big victory, most of his Cabinet picks cleared the Senate with some turbulence but no real roadblocks — except for Matt Gaetz at the Justice Department. That era just ended. The honeymoon is over.

After weeks of public drama, the Senate — with Republican help — forced Trump to pull Martin. Trump reassigned him to duties inside the Justice Department that don’t require Senate confirmation. He named Judge Jeanine Pirro in Martin’s place, a figure seemingly more palatable to senators who either opposed Martin outright or refused to defend him. The administration cast this as a “double down.” In reality, the Senate won.

The consequences go far beyond who runs the D.C. office. Martin’s defeat sends a clear message: The Senate will challenge Trump’s ability to govern. That includes the looming budget reconciliation battle, judicial confirmations, and the future of the America First movement.

Traitorous Thom Tillis

With no filibuster-proof majority, Trump’s window to act remains narrow — and shrinking.

Martin’s supporters and opponents split along familiar lines. On one side stood the Democrats: Sen. Chuck Schumer (N.Y.), Sen. Adam Schiff (Calif.), Sen. Dick Durbin (Ill.), and House attack dog Jamie Raskin (Md.). They had help from establishment Republicans and anti-Trump legal elites. Senator Thom Tillis led the GOP sabotage effort, backed quietly by the Wall Street Journal editorial board and the usual anonymous gang of Republican senators who prefer to knife the president in private.

On the other side stood Trump, his team, and a bloc of loyal senators including Mike Lee (Utah), Tommy Tuberville (Ala.), and Rand Paul (Ky.). Law enforcement organizations backed Martin, as did nearly every Republican state attorney general (except three) and Jewish leaders who stood up for him after a failed smear campaign falsely branding him anti-Semitic. Martin had prosecuted Hamas — unlike his Biden-era predecessor.

This was more than a nomination fight. It was a battle between the GOP’s old guard and its future. The result will shape whether Trump can deliver on his second-term agenda — or get strangled by the same Beltway forces that worked to undermine his first.

The calendar never favored Martin. His 120-day term would expire May 20. For a confirmation to happen, Senate Judiciary Chairman Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) needed to notice a hearing by Monday, move him out of committee by Thursday, and schedule a floor vote by May 19. Tillis waited until the last minute to air his “concerns” — and only met with Martin that Monday.

The meeting reportedly turned hostile, with Tillis mocking the death of Ashli Babbitt. Grassley then declined to notice Martin’s hearing. The swamp knew exactly what it was doing. With the clock running, Martin’s nomination began to wither.

Lukewarm Republicans had always hoped for this outcome: let Martin “time out” without casting a vote. But grassroots support surged, and the base refused to stay quiet. The plan collapsed. To avoid giving Judge James Boasberg the power to name a successor, Trump replaced Martin himself.

Protecting ‘norms’? Not exactly

Democrats played this masterfully. Schumer, Durbin, and Schiff funneled opposition research to legacy media and pliable Republicans. The smears didn’t stick — neither the false anti-Semitism claims nor the soft attacks on Martin’s legal ethics — but the damage was done. “Controversial” became the tag.

Democrats understood the moment. Post-Cabinet, pre-reconciliation, and perfectly timed to fracture the Senate GOP. They sent Martin 561 written questions — more than some Supreme Court nominees get — and then whined to the press when they didn’t like his answers. They told Republicans to protect Senate “norms.” And like clockwork, some did.

Many of these same Republicans voted without hesitation for Biden’s most extreme picks during the last evenly divided Senate. Back then, they claimed to defend “institutional norms.” Now, they enable Democrats to shred them.

Democrats knew the political impact of blocking a president’s U.S. attorney pick for D.C. It’s usually a voice vote. Martin’s predecessor, Matthew Graves, coasted through. So did Eric Holder under Bill Clinton. Blocking Martin wasn’t normal — it was a deliberate strike.

What happens next will determine whether the Senate helps or hinders Trump’s agenda. If Tillis emerges stronger from this, Republicans will reward a man openly working against the president. He’s up for re-election, most likely facing former North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper (D), and faces no GOP primary challenge. If he keeps swinging left, he could stall confirmations for judges and Justice officials and block efforts to fight the lawfare campaign against Trump.

That this situation is even possible shows how broken the Republican Senate remains. No one worries that a Democrat would do this. Remember: Even Joe Manchin, the so-called “independent,” voted to protect Biden Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas from impeachment — just to spare fellow Democrats from a tough vote.

Patriots who backed Martin must recognize the cost of this defeat. The Senate took its first scalp. The White House swapped staffers. But the message was unmistakable: Sabotage works.

If the America First movement fails to hold the saboteurs accountable — and simply moves on — the Senate will do this again. And again. Until nothing of the agenda remains.

We can’t let that happen.

GOP Sen. Lindsey Graham Won’t Say If He’ll Support Ed Martin’s Confirmation

Lindsey Graham's office did not respond to The Federalist's request for comment on whether he will support Ed Martin's confirmation.

Today In Republicans Being Useless: Thom Tillis Plans To Sink Ed Martin Nomination

It's not surprising Tillis would go out of his way to try and tank a Trump nominee who could deliver transformational change for Americans.

Republican senator turns against key Trump nominee, potentially empowering activist Judge Boasberg



Republican Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina said he will not be supporting Ed Martin, President Donald Trump's nominee for U.S. attorney for Washington, D.C., which could lead to some unintended consequences.

After meeting with Martin Monday night, Tillis told reporters that he opposed Martin's nomination due to "concerns related to January 6." Notably, Martin was a defense attorney for January 6 protesters and has long advocated for those who he says were wrongly prosecuted in the aftermath of the riot for political purposes.

With Tillis acting as a roadblock to Trump's agenda, it's possible that Boasberg will be able to tilt the scales in his favor.

"I met with Mr. Martin; he seems like a good man," Tillis said. "Most of my concerns related to January 6, and he built a compelling case on some of the 15 or 12 prosecutions that were probably 'heat of the moment' bad decisions. But where we probably have a difference is I think anybody that breached the perimeter should have been in prison for some period of time. Whether it's 30 days or three years is debatable, but I have no tolerance for anybody who entered the building on January 6."

"If Mr. Martin were being put forth as a U.S. attorney for any district except the district where January 6 happened, the protest happened, I'd probably support him," Tillis added. "But not in this district."

Martin has been serving as interim U.S. attorney for the district since Trump's inauguration, but his interim term is set to expire on May 19. If the Senate fails to confirm Martin before then, his replacement will be chosen by activist judge and MAGA combatant Judge James Boasberg.

Boasberg has been a thorn in Trump's side for several weeks now, primarily for issuing rulings that have halted and disrupted the administration's efforts to carry out mass deportations.

With Tillis acting as a roadblock to Trump's agenda, it's possible that Boasberg will be able to tilt the scales in his favor.

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Democrats smear, stall, and spin to stop Trump’s DC cleanup



Ed Martin’s nomination to serve as U.S. attorney for the District of Columbia marks the most consequential confirmation of President Trump’s second term so far. Predictably, it’s also Senate Democrats’ top target. Blocking Martin would be a massive blow to the administration, derailing momentum and setting a dangerous new precedent for future nominations and legislation.

Democrats know it — and they’re all in.

In a matter of months, Martin has reoriented the US attorney’s office from a political weapon into a proper law enforcement agency.

If they succeed in stopping Martin, they’ll be emboldened. Future nominees will face the same obstruction.

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) may understand Trump’s 20-point campaign platform better than most. He knows Trump’s political identity rests on a rare quality: keeping promises. Undermining Trump’s ability to deliver on those promises — especially while Democrats remain fractured on nearly everything else — would hand Schumer a major win.

That’s why Democrats have zeroed in on Martin.

He holds primary responsibility for delivering on Trump’s pledge to clean up Washington, D.C., and restore order ahead of America’s 250th anniversary in 2026. With the world watching, the nation’s capital cannot remain a showcase of chaos. Martin also oversees implementation of the president’s executive order titled “Making the District of Columbia Safe and Beautiful.”

He’s already delivering.

Unlike his predecessor, who obsessed over 1,600 low-level January 6 misdemeanor defendants, Martin has gone after serious crimes. He’s charged violent offenders targeting police, schools, and children. In March, he set a record with 18 federal gun crime charges — a mark he’s on pace to surpass. He’s seized over $200,000 from Hamas-linked actors, rescued 25 children from predators, and secured a 10-year sentence for a carjacker.

In a matter of months, Martin has reoriented the U.S. attorney’s office from a political weapon into a proper law enforcement agency.

Historically, D.C. U.S. attorney nominations were routine. Confirmations often happened by voice vote. Martin’s immediate predecessor, Matthew Graves — who prioritized nonviolent J6 prosecutions over spiraling violent crime — sailed through. So did Eric Holder, Bill Clinton’s pick, later Barack Obama’s self-described “wingman” in the Justice Department. Even in the face of an assassination attempt, one might expect President Trump to receive basic deference in selecting his top federal prosecutor.

So why the fight?

Democrats view blocking Martin as their best shot to stall the entire Trump agenda. If they win this round — especially before action begins on the tax and border reconciliation bill — they will exploit GOP hesitation and slow the administration’s rollout. It’s a savvy play, especially at a moment when Democrats and the left have few options.

No Senate Republican has publicly opposed Martin. But Democrats wouldn’t push this hard without sensing weakness. They’re dusting off their Kavanaugh-era playbook: smear campaigns, media pressure, and manufactured “process” complaints.

They’ve falsely painted Martin as anti-Semitic — based on an award he once gave to a person he didn’t know held anti-Semitic views. Martin later denounced the individual in no uncertain terms. He handed out dozens of awards that day, including to Jewish honorees. That hasn’t mattered to the same party that won’t denounce Hamas apologists in its own ranks.

Next came U.S. Senator Adam Schiff (D-Calif.), who claimed Martin’s assistance in helping Jan. 6 defendants secure local counsel created a “conflict of interest.” The D.C. Bar cleared Martin of any wrongdoing.

Now Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) has buried Martin in written questions and, via the Washington Post, accused him of noncompliance. The strategy is clear: overwhelm, confuse, smear, repeat.

Democrats also enjoy a tactical advantage. Martin’s interim appointment expires after 120 days — in other words, mid-May. Senate procedures reward delay, and some Republicans may prefer letting the clock run out to avoid a high-profile vote. But that strategy depends on silence.

And silence won’t last.

Public support for Martin continues to build. GOP inaction that produces the same outcome as a Democratic rejection won’t go unnoticed. There is no backdoor exit. Only forward movement will do.

Senate Republicans now face a clear choice: Hold the line or hand Democrats a tactical win with long-term consequences. Failing to confirm Martin risks turning every legislative priority — including future judicial and Supreme Court nominations — into an internal conference war.

The next few weeks will reveal what kind of Senate this is — and whether it will carry out the mandate voters gave to Donald Trump. Schumer, Durbin, Schiff, and their House allies like Jamie Raskin (D-Md.) are betting on Republican hesitation.

Let’s hope that they lose and that President Trump gets his prosecutor in D.C. so he can make the city safe and beautiful. America has a big birthday party coming up. Let’s not mess it up.