Why Kid Rock and Hulk Hogan were perfect for Trump's RNC​



On the final night of the Republican National Convention last week, aging pro wrestler Hulk Hogan took to the podium and performed his signature move of ripping off his tank top.

As he revealed the Trump/Vance tank top beneath, he exhorted the crowd, "Let Trumpamania run wild, brother!"

Millennials are the last generation to remember the glories of pre-digital life, the paradoxical freedom of having fewer choices. It's no wonder they feel nostalgic for the emo bands they used to love.

As with anything in Trump's orbit, liberals and conservatives saw this moment very differently.

For "The Daily Show," the appearance of the "washed-up fake wrestler" at the RNC was yet another indication of the irredeemable tackiness of Trump world and its inability to land anyone with the slightest cultural cachet. "I think Trump just locked up the vote of every teenager in 1992," quipped host Jordan Klepper.

Conservatives, of course, were in on the joke. The goofy, tongue-in-cheek nostalgia of having the Hulkster prepare the way for Trump's big, post-assassination-attempt comeback was the point. In the meme-sphere, Hogan killed it.

Klepper also mocked the performance by Kid Rock, who performed a Trumpified version of his almost 25-year-old hit "American Badass," complete with a chant echoing Trump's call to "fight!" as the Secret Service hustled him off the Butler, Pennsylvania, rally stage.

Again, Klepper's jabs didn't really land. Rock certainly wasn't selected with the approval of an outlet like "The Daily Show" in mind.

Still it's worth asking: why all the oldies acts?

Consider that both WWE and rap-rock peaked at the end of the 20th century, which was also more or less the the peak of the pre-internet, American monoculture. While neither Rock nor Hogan commands the attention he did in his prime, in today's fractured entertainment landscape, hardly anyone does.

The wrestler and the redneck are living embodiments of a different, more unifying sort of pop culture, before everything got so politicized. Trump himself used to enjoy this kind of apolitical fame. Most notably with his reality show but also with his many movie and TV cameos before that.

Like Trump, both Hogan and Rock exude a kind of cheerful vulgarity, one far removed from today's ideologically driven displays of "LGBT awareness" and the like.

Hogan is an especially potent symbol in this regard. He engaged in vice (making a sex tape with his friend and her wife) the old-fashioned way — in private. It was the left-leaning website Gawker that took it public, no doubt emboldened by Hogan's low status among media tastemakers. But then billionaire Peter Thiel took up Hogan's case and used it to put the sneering hipsters out of business.

Democrats might laugh at RNC geriatrics rallying around such celebrity dinosaurs, but what would it look like for the GOP to court younger generations, especially at a legacy-media-type event like the party convention? Gen Z has no mass culture; it's broken up into specialized "scenes" that are all online.

Millennials are the last generation to remember the glories of pre-digital life, the paradoxical freedom of having fewer choices. It's no wonder they feel nostalgic for the emo bands they used to love.

"I'm not supposed to be here tonight," said Trump as he took the stage to accept the nomination. It was a nice bit of serendipity that his opening acts also weren't supposed to be there, in a sense. But like Trump, and the many Trump supporters the culture has done its best to leave behind, they're survivors — relics of a time when shared cultural and commercial incentives brought Americans together.

Lana Del Rey's easygoing Americana is what we need



Lana Del Rey is going country. September will bring her new album, titled “Lasso”; in the meantime, her new “country-trap” ballad with Atlanta rapper Quavo is steadily climbing the charts.

“Tough” pairs acoustic guitar and Del Rey’s breathy crooning with Quavo’s tight verses and thick trap beats. The lyrics are also a mash-up, expressing a resilience in the midst of everyday adversity through imagery from both the rural and urban underclass: “The blue-collar, red-dirt attitude” meets “808s beating in the trunk in Atlanta.”

Above all, Del Rey exhibits the playful humor and patriotic attitude at the core of conservatism’s resurgence. If this kind of thing has 'crossover appeal,' then all the better.

It’s no surprise that fans have responded to the tune. The boundaries between country, pop, and hip-hop are more permeable than ever; Del Rey has played with elements of all three ever since her 2012 major-label debut, “Born to Die.”

The fact that that album – released midway through the Obama era – is currently surging in the charts is a testament to Del Rey’s staying power, her ability to hold onto pop stardom during a particularly volatile time for the music business. Unlike her fellow survivors, Taylor Swift and Beyoncé, Del Rey has always remained aloof from the liberal cause du jour. Which, along with her throwback femininity, is enough to make her seem vaguely conservative. Contrast her with Swift, who alienated her early fans by trading her everywoman appeal for celebrity activism.

And yet musically, it is Swift who is more palatable to many conservatives, for whom hip-hop culture evokes DEI entitlement, sexual licentiousness, urban lawlessness, and probably twerking. For every fan on the right who applauds Del Rey’s self-consciously all-American aesthetic, there’s another who regards her penchant for genre-mixing as suspicious. Right-wing infighting? There’s nothing new under the sun.

Even the rural America Del Rey embraces — typically the last bastion of conservative identity in our pop culture — can’t escape scolding from the right. Witness the controversy surrounding 23-year-old Tennessean Hailey Welch, whose crude but innocuous comment made her a viral sensation.

Why? It's not as if there's a shortage of pretty young woman making vulgar jokes about sex online. Welch struck a chord because she (and her delightful twang) are recognizably from a real place.

At the time she was “discovered,” Welch was living — happily — in a place with a population about the size of Oberlin's 2024 graduating class. With her grandmother. She worked in a bedspring factory and had never driven on the interstate or been in an airplane.

Conservatives would normally applaud these markers of wholesome, small-town life — if they weren't too busy clutching their pearls at the temerity Welch had to monetize her fame and further degrade the culture.

Unlike the pundits, the people who made Welch go viral understand that it’s all in good fun. It’s doubtful that any of the passersby in the original video would’ve been scandalized by Welch’s off-color talk, either.

“Rich Men North of Richmond” singer-songwriter Oliver Anthony’s viral fame followed a similar trajectory. At first, conservatives loved his accent and the “Hillbilly Elegy” populism of his lyrics. Before long, however, he began failing the usual right-wing purity tests, mentioning “diversity” without a sneer and lamenting that his song was being “weaponized” by conservative-activist types.

Anthony may no longer be the partisan sensation he was last summer, but people still seem to enjoy his music, if the robust ticket sales for his current tour are any indication.

What the right might ponder is how to reach the kind of "barstool conservatives" who naturally identify with the likes of Welch and Anthony. These are people who are instinctively drawn to anti-wokeness without necessarily caring to engage in culture-war debates about "traditional values."

“Tough” may be something of a departure for Del Rey, but it conveys a theme that runs through all of her work: the freedom of embracing regional roots. Del Rey herself was born in Manhattan. And it is there she returned — after a childhood in upstate New York and a stint at boarding school in Connecticut — to launch her career. And yet in her music, she’s always gravitated to more remote American eras and locales.

Above all, Del Rey exhibits the playful humor and patriotic attitude at the core of conservatism’s resurgence. If this kind of thing has “crossover appeal,” then all the better. Worrying about whether any newcomers are “our people” betrays deep insecurity.

To search for signs of liberal creep in “Yellowstone” or Zach Bryan is to forget that their very prominence is a victory in itself. That alone should embolden conservatives. If the right really wants to claim a central place in the culture, it could start by emulating the graceful, confident cool of Ms. Del Rey and having a little fun.