Allie Beth Stuckey clashes with former conservative Christian over abortion, marriage, and faith in politics



BlazeTV host Allie Beth Stuckey went head-to-head with progressive political commentator Monte Mader in a wide-ranging Jubilee debate over abortion, feminism, same-sex marriage, and the role of Christianity in American public life.

Mader approached the debate as a critic of the conservative Christian worldview she once embraced, while Stuckey defended her positions from a biblical Christian perspective.

'Christians ... have the right and the responsibility to bring the fullness of our worldview into the public square, into the voting booth.'

The hour-long "Face Off" centered on four claims: whether Christians must oppose abortion, whether patriarchy or feminism is at odds with Christ's teachings, whether Christians can affirm same-sex marriage, and whether America can rightly be considered a Christian nation.

Across all four subjects, the debate repeatedly returned to a larger disagreement: What authority should Scripture have over Christian moral beliefs, and how much influence should those beliefs have in American public life?

Abortion and personhood

The debate opened with Stuckey's claim that "Christians must oppose abortion."

Mader challenged that position by pointing to disagreements over abortion throughout Christian history and arguing that bodily autonomy should allow a woman to decide whether to continue a pregnancy.

Stuckey rejected the idea that historical disagreement determines whether abortion is morally permissible.

"I'm really not interested in all of the people throughout church history who were wrong about a number of things," Stuckey said.

"My argument is that killing an innocent person is always wrong."

For Stuckey, the critical issue is personhood. She argued that drawing the line anywhere after conception creates an arbitrary standard for determining which human beings have rights.

"I think the morally safest, and of course the biblically safest too, position is to say, 'You know what? All human beings no matter how small, no matter how young, no matter their location, are people that have rights,'" Stuckey said.

Mader countered by repeatedly returning to bodily autonomy, arguing that the life developing in the womb does not supersede the rights of the woman carrying it.

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Courtesy Jubilee

Feminism, patriarchy, and the role of women

The second section centered on Mader's contention that "patriarchy, not feminism, is at odds with Christ's ministry and teaching."

The two agreed that Jesus elevated the dignity of women and that Christianity should not be used to excuse abuse. Their disagreement centered on whether biblical distinctions between men and women inherently create inequality.

Stuckey described herself as a traditional complementarian and affirmed the teaching in Ephesians that husbands and wives have distinct roles. Mader argued that complementarianism can create unequal power structures, particularly when churches reserve spiritual authority for men.

The disagreement eventually returned to abortion and why Stuckey believes many Christians reject modern feminism.

"We disagree on abortion being a civil right, and that is exactly why you see the demonization of feminism because your equality boils down to the right to kill your child inside the womb," Stuckey told Mader.

Can Christians affirm same-sex marriage?

The third portion produced perhaps the debate's clearest theological divide.

Stuckey argued that Christians cannot affirm same-sex marriage as morally good while remaining consistent with Scripture. She also distinguished that claim from questions about how government should regulate marriage.

"My claim is not even about the legislation of same-sex marriage," Stuckey said. She argued instead that it is not "biblically viable" for a Christian to support the idea that same-sex marriage is "moral and good and right and holy."

Mader challenged Stuckey's interpretation of Scripture, pointing to different forms of marriage found in the Old Testament and noting that Jesus' comments about a man and woman becoming one flesh came in response to a question about divorce.

Stuckey later clarified that she was not claiming Christians who affirm same-sex marriage cannot be saved.

"You can't be a Christian and affirm same-sex marriage and be correct," she said, adding that all Christians will ultimately discover they held incorrect beliefs about some theological questions.

Stuckey cited Genesis, Jesus' teachings, Romans 1, 1 Corinthians 6, and Ephesians 5 in defending marriage between a man and a woman as the consistent biblical model.

Should Christian beliefs influence American law?

The final section moved directly into the relationship between Christianity and America.

Mader argued that America is "not and will never be a Christian nation," defining Christian nationalism as the belief that the country is fundamentally Christian and that government should promote Christian identity and values through civil life and legislation.

Stuckey agreed that America has no established national religion and affirmed the principle of separation of church and state. She rejected, however, the idea that Christians should be expected to separate their worldview from their politics.

"It's impossible to create a law outside of a moral worldview," Stuckey said.

She argued that every voter brings moral assumptions into political decisions and that Christian beliefs should not be uniquely excluded from the public square.

"Christians also have the right and the responsibility to bring the fullness of our worldview into the public square, into the voting booth," Stuckey said.

Mader countered that religious freedom also requires protecting Americans from having another person's religious convictions imposed upon them through government.

The discussion eventually returned to abortion and gender, with Mader arguing that progressive positions can be grounded in science and data rather than religious doctrine. Stuckey disputed the idea that progressive politics involve a neutral, worldview-free position.

"Either everyone can bring the fullness of their worldview into legislation and we duke it out and see what wins, or no one can," Stuckey said.

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Courtesy Jubliee

A deeper disagreement over biblical authority

The biggest divide of the debate was not any single political issue. It was the authority each side believes Scripture should have over those issues.

Mader challenged conservative Christian interpretations of the Bible from outside the faith tradition she once embraced, often appealing to historical context, bodily autonomy, civil liberties, and modern understandings of science and sexuality.

Stuckey repeatedly returned to Scripture as authoritative for Christians, even when its teachings conflict with prevailing cultural beliefs.

That disagreement carried directly into politics. Mader argued that separation of church and state should prevent religious convictions from being imposed through law. Stuckey countered that no political movement legislates from a worldview-free position and that Christians have the same right as anyone else to bring their convictions into the public square.

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The right has a blind spot about young women



Massachusetts Democratic Gov. Maura Healey, a lesbian who claims to be Catholic, signed legislation this week liberalizing abortion while surrounded by progressive women celebrating the right to murder their healthy babies up till birth. To conservatives who rightly regard late-term abortion as the killing of a viable child, the scene was grotesque.

It also illustrated a political asymmetry conservatives rarely discuss.

A civilization where men and women are constantly at odds with each other is doomed.

Endless ink has been spilled and countless podcasts recorded about the radicalization of young men on the right. Almost nobody in conservative media wants to address the equally serious radicalization of young women toward the progressive left.

There has been plenty of controversy in conservative circles about young men embracing nihilistic or extremist politics online. Rod Dreher, among others, has warned about young conservative men drifting toward figures such as Nick Fuentes and adopting a politics of resentment and despair.

That’s fine as far as it goes, but it does not answer the larger question. Even if Dreher is right about one cohort of men, it does not follow that young men are uniquely radicalized, or even that they represent the larger political problem. Conservatives should be capable of noticing more than one trend at a time. And the trend among women is impossible to ignore.

Kamala Harris received 53% of the female vote in 2024, while Joe Biden received 54% in 2020. Women are substantially more supportive than men of legal abortion. They are also more likely to regard changing one’s gender as morally acceptable and more likely to say society has not done enough to accommodate transgender people.

The same divide appears on immigration. Women are more likely to support amnesty, oppose ICE deportations, and favor extending legal protections to illegal immigrants.

The divide extends beyond electoral politics. Young women are less likely than young men to say they want children and less likely to prioritize family over professional goals. They are also less likely to express a positive view of capitalism.

None of this means women are a political monolith. Marriage changes voting behavior dramatically. Married women are far more likely to vote Republican and hold traditional views on family and gender.

Race also plays a part.

Ripping on liberal white women is practically a conservative pastime, partly because “white” makes them culturally safe targets. But the voting data complicate the caricature. A majority of white women voted for Trump in 2024, while much smaller shares of Hispanic, Asian, Jewish, and black women did so.

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Blaze Media Illustration

White women are hardly a uniformly conservative bloc. But they are not the most progressive female constituency either.

Despite the mountain of evidence that females are far more left wing, there will be no books about the dangerous trend of radicalization among young women. There will be plenty of cable-news segments about how social media is poisoning young men. There will be endless concern about podcasts, gaming culture, online masculinity, and the political temptations facing disaffected boys.

Much less energy will be spent asking what TikTok, universities, activist institutions, and elite media have done to the minds of young women.

The reason is simple: Young men are a safe target.

Anyone can denounce them with little institutional risk. A broad criticism of female political behavior, by contrast, can quickly become a career problem. That taboo exists on the right almost as surely as it does on a college campus.

It must be said that this is not an exercise in blanket condemnation of women. The conservative movement is filled with passionate, caring, godly mothers, wives, daughters, and single women who genuinely support the fight for the future of the United States.

A civilization where men and women are constantly at odds with each other is doomed. Breaking men and women out of loving families and turning them into political blocs to be catered to is disastrous for the health of the nation.

South Korea provides a warning about where gender war can lead. Its political divide between young men and women has grown exceptionally wide, with the sexes increasingly supporting very different parties and organizing around competing political identities.

South Korea also has one of the lowest fertility rates in the world. That does not prove the political gender divide caused the fertility collapse; housing costs, work culture, marriage patterns, and other factors have played a role. But a society in which men and women increasingly regard one another as political adversaries will have a harder time persuading them to marry, form families, and raise children together.

North Korea, despite being totalitarian and impoverished, has a higher fertility rate than the South. No sane person would therefore prefer living under a communist mad man. The comparison simply shows that prosperity alone cannot guarantee family formation. A wealthy society can still undermine itself if men and women cease to see one another as partners in a common project.

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Blaze Media Illustration

The basic building block of society is not the individual but the family. In a democracy, when you separate men and women into different constituencies, you fundamentally undermine family formation and create a dangerous antagonism between the sexes.

This is not a call for further politicization. It is a call to recognize the dynamics already playing out in the conservative sphere.

Young men are easy targets, and they should be corrected when they embrace nihilism or extremism. But young women have also shifted sharply left with virtually no comparable attention from the conservative commentariat.

The asymmetry is especially strange because conservatives insist that adults are moral agents responsible for their choices. That principle cannot suddenly disappear when the subject is young women. If progressive politics encourages destructive beliefs about abortion, sex, marriage, family, borders, or economics, conservatives should be willing to say so plainly rather than treating female voters as a protected class.

If conservatives want to be honest about the cultural problems facing the country, they cannot provide moral correction and guidance only to their sons. Their daughters need it too.

We must end the gender wars and encourage unity and family formation in the United States. But doing that will require conservatives to tell some women a phrase they very rarely hear: No.

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The FBI arrested this pro-life father of 11. Now he’s getting paid.



Anti-abortion activist Paul Vaughn was convicted in 2024 on a felony charge of conspiring to prevent access to a Mt. Juliet, Tennessee, reproductive clinic, then pardoned alongside 23 other pro-life activists the following year by President Donald Trump.

Now, Vaughn’s attorneys have announced they have reached a seven-figure settlement with the federal government.

“Paul Vaughn is a father of 11. Bless his heart ... and he’s a Christian pro-life activist,” guest host Ron Simmons says on "Relatable."

“Federal prosecutors charged him under the Freedom of Access to Clinics Entrance Act called the FACE Act, a 1994 law that makes it a crime to use force, threats, or physical obstruction to interfere with access to abortion clinics or other reproductive health facilities,” he explains.


“You can be there. You can be there and witness. You can be singing songs. You can be praying. You can be actually even handing out literature. You just can’t use force or physical obstruction or threats,” he adds.

Prosecutors even added a felony conspiracy charge, which meant he faced a potential sentence of more than 10 years in prison if convicted.

“And what happened is he was there at this facility and that somebody must have complained. And two days later ... the feds, the FBI came in, guns pulled,” Simmons explains.

“They arrived with guns drawn and arrested him in front of his wife and several of his children, which is just incredible,” he continues, noting that, however, this is a “good news story.”

“First of all, Vaughn was able to win against the government,” he says, adding, “and secondly, that President Trump pardoned those people.”

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Paxton intervenes to help save surrogate baby from abortion



Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton intervened in the controversial case where a couple of California parents called for their hired surrogate to abort their intended baby after the child was found to have a heart defect.

The "Baby Gabriel" case has divided many along the pro-life and pro-abortion divide after the surrogate mother traveled to Texas in search of life-prolonging care for the baby.

'Baby Gabriel deserves a chance at life, and I will not allow anyone to unlawfully deny him medically necessary care.'

The unborn child has a serious but treatable heart condition, and the California couple have threatened to transport the child out of Texas to avoid the extensive surgeries necessary to save the baby's life.

On Tuesday Paxton released a statement announcing that he had officially notified UT Southwestern Medical Center and Children’s Medical Center of Dallas of their legal obligation to provide the baby with "medically necessary, lifesaving care upon birth."

Paxton said he also asked a district court to issue an order preventing the removal of the baby from Texas.

"Baby Gabriel deserves a chance at life, and I will not allow anyone to unlawfully deny him medically necessary care," said Paxton in the press release. "My office will use every tool available to protect innocent lives and ensure that every child receives the care required under Texas law."

The surrogate mother is a nurse and single mom of two from Alaska named McKenna West. Court documents said the biological parents triggered the "abortion on demand" clause of their agreement after learning about the heart defect diagnosis.

"Every life matters. No woman should be forced to end the life of the baby she is carrying — including me," West told the New York Post.

"Baby Gabriel should receive a chance at life."

The biological parents had demanded that West travel to Seattle, Washington, for the abortion procedure after Alaskan doctors refused.

West refused and tried to relieve the parents of financial responsibility for the child, but they refused and sued her for $250,000. She faces bankruptcy if they are successful, West says.

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The couple, however, have accused West in court documents of refusing to undergo an amniocentesis test to identify genetic disorders in order to seek money from them.

Paxton is in the middle of a bruising campaign for the U.S. Senate, which may determine whether Democrats are able to seize control in Congress.

The Baby Gabriel case helps highlight the Republican's pro-life beliefs in contrast to his far-left competitor, James Talarico. The Texas Democrat enthusiastically supports a woke church that has referred to abortion as a "blessing."

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