How the WNBA’s hottest star became the left’s newest headache



Sophie Cunningham did not announce that she was joining the conservative movement. She did something more effective: She said what she believed, declined to apologize, and allowed the culture to decide what that meant.

The Indiana Fever guard has emerged over the past several months as one of the WNBA’s most recognizable personalities. She protects Caitlin Clark on the court. She points, taunts, jokes, and produces memes. She embraces glamour without softening the physical edge that earned her a reputation as Clark’s enforcer.

Cunningham’s rise does not prove that the culture has changed. It does suggest that refusing progressive scripts no longer guarantees exile from public life.

Then she said men do not belong in women’s locker rooms.

That statement, and Cunningham’s refusal to retreat from it, transformed a rising basketball personality into a broader cultural figure. Conservative commentators embraced her almost immediately, but her appeal extends beyond people who follow politics — or women’s basketball.

Cunningham is connecting because she projects something increasingly rare in public life: confidence without ideological explanation.

Athletes and celebrities routinely make bold declarations, encounter resistance, and issue an apology drafted in the language of corporate risk management. Cunningham followed a different script.

“I think I said what I said,” she told a reporter who asked how transgender people might receive her comments. Cunningham added that protecting children was important and said she would remain true to her beliefs and morals.

The answer was brief, but it established the central feature of her emerging public persona. Cunningham did not turn the interview into a political speech. She also did not allow the interviewer to make her qualification for continued public life contingent upon an apology.

That restraint made the statement more powerful.

Riley Gaines, the former NCAA swimmer who has become a leading advocate for women’s sports, praised Cunningham’s willingness to speak openly inside a league known for progressive politics.

“If you’re Sophie Cunningham playing in the WNBA, which is like the most woke league of all time in the history of ever, it takes immense courage to say exactly what she did,” Gaines said.

Clay Travis and Buck Sexton urged listeners to buy Cunningham’s jersey. Megyn Kelly called her “damn fearless” and emphasized that Cunningham had “a lot to lose.

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The support was predictable. The scale and speed of it were more revealing.

Cunningham had already built an audience through basketball. Her willingness to defend Clark during physical confrontations made her a fan favorite. The pointing meme reinforced her image as a player who enjoys conflict rather than merely endures it. Her locker-room comments gave that persona a cultural dimension.

She was no longer simply the Fever player willing to confront an opponent. She had become the athlete willing to confront a prevailing social expectation.

Cunningham expanded that profile in July when she appeared at a UFC event as a surprise guest Octagon girl.

The appearance was not framed as activism. By Cunningham’s account, it came together almost on a whim. She participated in a popular sporting spectacle, displayed her humor and femininity, and appeared comfortable with the attention.

That combination has helped distinguish her from the carefully managed public figures who appear determined to make attractiveness, glamour, or sex appeal politically inoffensive.

Cunningham does not seem embarrassed by any of it. She can be physically aggressive on the court, glamorous outside it, and direct when discussing biological sex. For many fans, those qualities complement rather than contradict one another.

The closest recent comparison may be Sydney Sweeney.

Neither woman appears to have set out to become a conservative symbol. Sweeney became a political flash point largely because activists and journalists insisted on treating conventional beauty, femininity, and mass appeal as ideological provocations.

Cunningham is undergoing a similar transformation. She describes herself as not especially political. Her growing conservative audience has not required her to deliver a partisan endorsement or recite a movement platform. Her refusal to adopt progressive language has been enough.

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Patrick T. Fallon/AFP/Getty Images

Jennifer Sey, a former national champion gymnast and founder of the women’s apparel company XX-XY Athletics, told Blaze News that Cunningham’s support is broader than the organized right.

“Sophie Cunningham’s surge in support isn’t just from conservatives,” Sey said. “It’s coming from people who still believe in reality — and in women’s right to privacy, safety, and a fair shot in sport.”

Sey acknowledged that Cunningham probably leans conservative but argued that the label is beside the point.

“She keeps her politics to herself,” Sey said. “We back her because she’s telling the truth and defending women and girls. Full stop.”

That distinction helps explain Cunningham’s appeal.

She has not become popular because she presents herself as a political activist. She has become politically significant because she refuses to treat ordinary observations as forbidden.

Her recent locker-room remarks also fit an established pattern.

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Oliver Contreras/AFP/Getty Images

Late last year, Cunningham responded to WNBA star Paige Bueckers’ claim that she could beat NBA guard Josh Hart in a one-on-one game. Cunningham said an elite male player should be able to beat a female player.

The underlying point was the same: Biological differences do not disappear because acknowledging them has become culturally uncomfortable.

Sey said Cunningham’s status as an active and popular professional athlete gives her comments greater force.

“All the other pro athletes are lacking,” Sey said. “And she is making a huge impact because she is a popular player, she’s got sass, and she’s not backing down.”

Cunningham’s rise also exposes an opportunity for the WNBA.

The league has attracted unprecedented attention through Clark, but it has often struggled to welcome audiences that do not share the politics of its most vocal players. Cunningham offers a different model. She can attract fans without turning every disagreement into a lecture or every interview into an ideological test.

Whether she wants the larger role remains unclear.

Cunningham may prefer to remain an athlete with opinions rather than become a movement representative. She could decide that the commercial and professional costs are too high. One controversy, one interview, or one carefully worded clarification could alter the trajectory.

But the conditions for a larger cultural profile are already evident. She is visible, attractive, funny, physically fearless, and willing to withstand pressure. She possesses the instincts of a public personality without yet sounding like one manufactured by publicists.

Cunningham’s rise does not prove that the culture has changed. It does suggest that refusing progressive scripts no longer guarantees exile from public life.

For a player in the WNBA, that is already a big deal.

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It is a bad time to fly. Willie Walsh, head of the International Air Transport Association, drove home the point this week when he warned that “war-related disruptions in the Middle East and rising fuel costs have shifted the outlook for airlines to the worse.”

Walsh pointed to the recent closure of Spirit Airlines, America’s most iconic budget carrier, and warned that more airlines could suffer the same fate if current trends continue. That means fewer choices for fliers and higher prices at the airport.

Before Democrats demand that courts second-guess another antitrust settlement, they should reckon with the consequences of the last one they cheered.

But blaming the state of air travel solely on the Iran war is far too convenient. Airlines are also struggling because overzealous regulators and left-wing antitrust activists decided they knew better than the market.

Three years ago, Spirit had a plan to survive. It struck a merger agreement with JetBlue, another economy carrier, to create a new, globally scaled affordable airline. The Justice Department joined six states and the District of Columbia to file an antitrust lawsuit blocking the deal.

In early 2024, a federal judge sided with the Biden administration and blocked the merger. Biden officials and congressional Democrats cheered. Without JetBlue’s capital, Spirit’s struggles mounted. The airline filed for bankruptcy and earlier this year shut its doors.

Now many of the same officials who applauded the court order that killed Spirit are trying to shift blame to President Trump. The American people should not buy it, especially given what those same Biden officials said at the time.

Then-Attorney General Merrick Garland called the judge’s ruling “a victory for tens of millions of travelers who would have faced higher fares and fewer choices had the proposed merger between JetBlue and Spirit been allowed to move forward.”

Senator Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) took to X to declare, “I’ve warned for months that a @JetBlue-@SpiritAirlines merger would have led to fewer flights and higher fares. @JusticeATR and @USDOT were right to stand up for consumers and fight against runaway airline consolidation. This is a Biden win for flyers!”

Pete Buttigieg, Biden’s transportation secretary, openly bragged about siding with the Justice Department and helping prevent the merger in the name of protecting “low fares” and “competition.”

The reality looks very different now.

Spirit’s shutdown was the first complete closure of a major U.S. carrier in 25 years. It was caused directly by the same actions the Biden administration once boasted about.

Travelers lost a low-cost option. Spirit’s more than 11,000 employees saw their lives upended. And Spirit’s disappearance will deepen the coming travel recession. The airline placed downward pressure on fares for years. Without it, prices are rising.

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Travelers now face fewer choices at the airport. The remaining choices tend to be pricier, more consolidated carriers that no doubt welcomed Spirit’s demise.

One might hope antitrust enforcers would learn the obvious lesson: Bigger does not always mean worse. Sometimes mergers preserve competition. Sometimes they lower out-of-pocket costs for consumers. Sometimes blocking a merger kills the very competitor regulators claim to protect.

Unfortunately, many Democrats refuse to accept that reality.

Some of the same members of Congress and state attorneys general who supported blocking the Spirit-JetBlue merger now want courts to use the Tunney Act to second-guess other Trump administration antitrust decisions. The Tunney Act gives courts a limited role in reviewing antitrust settlements negotiated by the Justice Department. Democrats now want judges to stretch that role and challenge straightforward Trump settlements, including one merger backed by the intelligence community on national security grounds.

Historically, courts have deferred to the executive branch’s enforcement decisions. Democrats now want judges to intervene because they do not like the Trump administration’s policy choices.

Perhaps they should look in the mirror first.

Competition policy should protect consumers. It should not exist to punish private commerce, indulge ideological hostility to business, or let socialist antitrust activists pretend they can manage markets better than the people actually operating in them.

Spirit Airlines offers a painful lesson. The Biden administration, Elizabeth Warren, and other antitrust crusaders celebrated the decision that prevented Spirit from joining forces with JetBlue. Today, Spirit is gone, more than 11,000 workers have paid the price, and travelers have fewer choices at the airport.

Before Democrats demand that courts second-guess another antitrust settlement, they should reckon with the consequences of the last one they cheered.

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