'All about the experience': Former Blockbuster and 7-Eleven CEO explains why we can't let go of the '90s

'All about the experience': Former Blockbuster and 7-Eleven CEO explains why we can't let go of the '90s



1990s nostalgia has quickly expanded from the pleasant memories inside a Gen Xer or Millennial's mind into a gigantic economy. No stone has been left unturned to squeeze every penny out of nostalgia addicts, collectors, or even gamers; and they couldn't be happier about it.

The world wide web is riddled with '90s nostalgia pages with millions of followers, offering glimpses into the past that remind us of a time that seemed like it was free of global conflict, political divide, or any emotional trauma. It's a world where footage of people shopping at a mall in 1996 is watched by 560,000 viewers in just eight months.

The nostalgia hits so hard that a video of nothing but 1990s commercials reached 1.5 million views in just three months.

Perhaps nothing stands out more in the mind, however, than a trip to Blockbuster Video. The smell of the popcorn, the wall-to-wall coverage of new releases, and the eye-burning pleasure of playing new video games before they come out.

Even Blockbuster pop-ups have become a thing, visiting Los Angeles, New York, and other locations. Netflix also saw fit to release a documentary on the last surviving Blockbuster franchisee, which has become a tourist destination in Bend, Oregon.

Why Blockbuster? "Blockbuster represented 'community,'" says James Keyes, chairman and CEO of Blockbuster, Inc. from 2007-2011.

"It provided an opportunity to gather and to explore. It also, to many, represented a childhood tradition … [of] making it a 'Blockbuster night,'" Keyes continued. "It was all about the experience of having access to entertainment that had previously been relegated to the theater experience.

"Blockbuster allowed you to see your favorite movies at home," he added.

The ‘90s were an incredible time to be a teenager.
You knew your friends’ phone numbers by heart, you walked to Walgreens to get your film processed from silly pics you took at summer camp. You could let your generalized teen angst out with some Smashing Pumpkins, but really, nothing in society warranted true concern.
— Jennifer Boardman, copy editor for Blaze News

The feeling of that experience has turned out to be quite lucrative, and plenty of new experiences are capitalizing on it. For example, an entire video game studio was developed for the genre.

Combining the love of retro with the sanctity of physical media, Limited Run has produced physical copies of over 1,000 games, the latest of which was a sold-out run of a game based on the "Rugrats" cartoon. The company released original Nintendo cartridges, along with VHS collector's editions for the '90s-inspired game.

In a much larger scope, we can see the nostalgia market at play in the experience genre. Along with the aforementioned Blockbuster pop-ups, the 2025 Universal Epic Universe theme park plans on capitalizing on that same market. The park will include a Super Nintendo World, one of many themed experiences already popular in Japan.

A friendly reminder that when you used to rent videos from us. We didn\u2019t care who you shared it with\u2026 As long as you returned it on time. @netflix
— (@)

What made the '90s so ... '90s?

"Why were the '90s great?" asks Blaze News senior editor Dave Urbanski. "Incredible music. Nirvana, Pearl Jam, Soundgarden, Alice in Chains, Stone Temple Pilots, Smashing Pumpkins. ...They don't write 'em like that anymore."

"Back when trans-fat was the only trans we knew, we would make crank calls on a public telephones then wander over to the arcade at the public swimming pool," added writer Joe MacKinnon. "After dinner, which was probably as delicious as it was unhealthy, we watched the 2-day rental due back yesterday, never once worrying about what was happening outside our fair city."

The obvious ingredient in the nostalgia genre is Americana. This is also apparent to Keyes, who served as the 7-Eleven CEO from 2000-2005. That iconic American brand stands out for many reasons, he explained.

"With its ability to keep pace with change ... the brand stands for the American Dream," the executive told Blaze News. He noted that franchisees have come from over 130 countries to participate in the American project and leverage entrepreneurial power with the scale of a global corporation.

Also key to an American franchise, Keyes added, is the ability to implement technology to keep up with consumer needs. "7-Eleven is highly nimble and uses technology to respond – in real time – to changes in everything from weather to consumer trends," he said.

The reason I can tell the 90s were so great is that during every decade of my life, some portion of it has been devoted to returning to the 90s and appreciating more about it.
If I could time travel, the 90s would be the decade I'd be returning back to the most.
Today, the great artists of the world are just nomads roaming around a post-apocalyptic wasteland.
— Cody Clarke, filmmaker

While the new marketplace for the '90s may be in full swing, Keyes doesn't believe that certain verticals can return, particularly DVDs and CDs. When asked specifically about Taylor Swift's recent monster sales of vinyl records, the CEO pointed to a key difference in the medium.

"Vinyl represents an actual improvement in quality versus most digital experiences; hence, the popularity with music aficionados. DVDs do not represent an incremental improvement in quality versus most streaming; therefore, the return of DVD popularity is unlikely."

In response to a possible comeback for physical copies of games or movies, Keyes simply said, "Not a chance."

James Keys, former Blockbuster & 7-Eleven CEO

Gen Z & the future

The possibility of replicating, in any sense, the feeling of the past seems nearly impossible. Many attribute this to social media's ability to reach every corner, allowing for very little exclusivity or mystery.

"Before social media, you went weeks or months over the summer not seeing your friends, and then finally saw them at school. Now, you're constantly stalking each other. I think it was the last time I truly missed someone," said "Shallow End" podcast host Katherine Krozonouski.

She and cohost Natasha Biase pointed to a time free of political correctness and overstimulation. "Growing up in the '90s was a real blessing, there was an overall sense of unity that’s lacking in our culture today. Gen-Z kids are on their phones all day," Biase added.

Social media, lockdowns, and a lack of connection have caused a void in work ethic among the latest generation, UFC President Dana White has said.

Or, to quote him directly: "This next generation is just such a f***ing group of p***ies, man. For the small group of savages out there, run these f***ing kids over man, run them all over."

Entertainment writer Christian Toto added that "cultural rot" at the collegiate level has sunk in, and "outraged citizens" are too focused whipping up cyber-mobs with just a few clicks.

Keyes does not see it that way.

"I disagree with those who are disparaging of the next generation. Are Gen-Z workers different from Baby Boomers? Of course! Just as the Boomers were different from the generation before. Change equals opportunity and 'different' isn’t necessarily 'worse.'"

Without dating myself too radically, the 90s were a simpler time. I think we peaked with snake on the Nokia. Seinfeld was amazing, pre-Lebron basketball was worth watching, and the 90s models cars were a sight to behold.\n\nAlso Wu-tang.
— (@)

The "Education Is Freedom" author said that the generation armed with the "power of technology" has the opportunity to transform the future of humanity.

"I have confidence in them!" he said.

Keyes' advice for new entrepreneurs? Don't focus on public policy or ideas, "focus on satisfying the customer."

"America is obsessed with policy and too often paralyzed by fear of change. We worry about tax increases and tax decreases. We worry about tiny minimum wage increases AND minimum wage insufficiency. The reality is that commerce is about adaptation. Those who are able to adapt will succeed. Those who complain about policy often wallow in blame and victimhood while those who adapt will win."

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Limbaugh: Mark Levin's 'Unfreedom of the Press'

With his latest blockbuster, "Unfreedom of the Press," Mark Levin presents a unique indictment of the liberal media today -- something I doubted could be done, given the plethora of material already written on this subject.

It is sweepingly comprehensive, covering the history of the American press from before the nation's founding through modern times, yet accessibly succinct -- 226 pages, excluding the acknowledgments and notes.

It is tough on the mainstream media but is anything but a ranting screed. A passionate patriot, Levin says this book's purpose "is to jump-start a long-overdue and hopefully productive dialogue among the American citizenry on how best to deal with the complicated and complex issue of the media's collapsing role as a bulwark of liberty, the civil society, and republicanism ..."

With his formidable background in constitutional law and history, Levin provides a fascinating tour of the American free press, from its indispensable role in the establishment of this republic, to its evolution through various phases that culminate in an ideologically possessed institution that is firmly aligned with one political party and is mostly hostile to America's founding principles.

The media's alliance with a political party (the Democratic Party) is not the first time we've seen this phenomenon in our history. Levin notes that from the 1780s to the 1860s (the party-press era), most newspapers aligned themselves with a politician, a campaign or a political party. But there were at least two critically important differences.

During the party-press era, "newspapers lined up fairly evenly behind one party or the other or one candidate or the other," so balanced competition alone served as a safeguard against manipulation of the citizenry by a monolithic media. Also, and perhaps more important, newspapers "transparently proclaimed their partisanship."

Today's liberal media are wholly in the tank for the Democratic Party, but they steadfastly deny it, which facilitates their ability to deceive and indoctrinate the public. They are not on the party's payroll or subsidized by it, as some of yesterday's newspapers and journalists were, but today there is no denying "the revolving door of journalists and/or their family members serving primarily in Democratic administrations, Democratic congressional offices, and Democratic campaigns -- and vice versa."

Levin traces the notion of objectivity in reporting to the Progressive Era in the early 1920s when the "scientific approach to journalism" spread through newsrooms. Journalists were urged to adopt objectivity by developing a consistent method of testing information so that personal and cultural biases would not undermine the accuracy of their reporting.

Whether there was ever an era when journalists pursued objective truth, by the 1950s, the media began to abandon that goal in favor of "interpretive reporting" through their progressive lenses. They don't even try to separate fact from opinion anymore; rather, they infuse every aspect of the profession with their liberal biases, including the selection, gathering and reporting of the news. There is no ideological or intellectual diversity in their newsrooms. They're all in disgraceful lockstep.

The media are so ensconced in the progressive worldview that it's sometimes difficult to tell whether they are intentionally deluding the public or deluding themselves -- as they are convinced that their biased reporting meets their warped standard of objectivity. If you believe that only one political viewpoint is worthy of airing (because all other viewpoints are objectively sinister and dangerous), then you might, in a twisted way, think you are being objective by reporting only one side.

Besides, today's self-righteous liberal media elites have graduated from such trifling concerns as pursuing objective standards, while pretending to adhere to them. They have fully embraced the philosophy of progressive intellectual John Dewey, that the Progressive Movement must not squander "the most important tool of mass communication for advancing its ideological program -- a radical break from America's heritage, culture, and founding, particularly the principle of individual freedom and market capitalism." In other words, progressives must commandeer the media and enlist their key players and soldiers to harness the incomparable power their positions afford them, engage in full-throated activism and fundamentally transform America.

Today's media would make Dewey proud. The purpose of a free press "is to nurture the mind, communicate ideas, challenge ideologies, share notions, inspire creativity, and advocate and reinforce America's founding principles -- that is, to contribute to a vigorous, productive, healthy, and happy individual and to a well-functioning civil society and republic," writes Levin. But today's newsrooms "do not promote free speech and press freedom, despite their self-serving and self-righteous claims. Indeed, they serve as societal filters attempting to enforce uniformity of thought and social and political activism centered on the progressive ideology and agenda."

Instead of pursuing these lofty goals, the media are doing the exact opposite: functioning as a propaganda tool for the Democratic Party and its ideology, thereby destroying their reason for existence and "threatening the existence of a free republic."

While the media and their Democratic Party colleagues breathlessly warn that President Trump is a threat to the free press, they are just projecting. Trump is simply defending himself and issuing a clarion call to Americans, warning us that the partisan media are the real threat -- both to the institution of a free press and to the republic.

Levin isn't calling for government action against the press, but he is calling on us to inform ourselves of the threat they pose to our liberties and exhorting us to "demand a media worthy of our great republic."

Unlike the liberal media elite, I proudly admit my bias in favor of my friend Mark Levin. But trust me: You'll learn tons and be greatly enriched by this book.

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