China’s new AI master plan is a glimpse at total technological control



A national five-year plan tells you what a regime believes about the unfolding of society over time: that the future is an engineering problem, history has a rhythm, and the state holds the baton. China is now in its 15th such plan. Its language has evolved over the decades. Whereas early plans stressed Soviet-assisted heavy industry, the current one elevates “AI Plus,” swarm intelligence, embodied AI, and intelligent agents. The word “rejuvenation” appears with the frequency of a liturgical response. But the plan remains a metronome for national development, as an official commentary put it in 2026.

China spent 3.93 trillion yuan on research and development in 2025, or 2.8% of GDP. The country holds 6.3 million valid invention patents and installed 295,000 industrial robots in a single year, 54% of all the industrial robots installed on Earth. Nature Index ranks the Chinese Academy of Sciences as the world’s leading research institution.

China’s supercomputers now hold the top global ranking.

For the first time, the World Intellectual Property Organization placed China in the global innovation top 10 and says the country leads the world in knowledge and technology outputs. Stanford’s AI Index reports that the performance gap between American and Chinese AI models has mostly closed. These indicators report a condition that already exists.

However, the interesting question about China’s technological future has never been whether its numbers are big, but what kind of civilization produces them and, in return, what kind of civilization they produce.

Engineering everything

Writer Dan Wang calls China an “engineering state,” which he contrasts with America’s “lawyerly society.” In a lawyerly society, problems are disputes to be adjudicated, interests to be balanced, rights to be negotiated in the shadow of precedent. In an engineering state, problems are systems to be optimized. You do not argue about the bridge; you build the bridge. You build it faster than anyone expected, and then you build the rail line to the bridge and then the city around the station, and soon the question of whether the city was a good idea becomes moot because the city is already there and full of people buying things on their phones.

By December 2024, China had 1.1 billion internet users, more than a billion online payment users, and 974 million online shoppers. Seventy percent of citizens over 60 were shopping online. Short-video platforms had become major retail channels, with 71% of viewers reporting purchases after watching. What is happening is a compression of social acts: Entertainment, advertising, recommendation, checkout, and social proof collapse into a single continuous interface. Commerce is atmosphere, the feed a way of life.

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The philosopher Yuk Hui has argued that technology is never culturally neutral, that different civilizations articulate different relationships between nature and technical practice, and that the assumption of a single universal technics, Greek in origin and Western in development, has blocked serious thought about what Chinese technology might mean on its own terms. For example, China has built a governance architecture around AI that looks little like America’s approach of permissionless innovation followed by belated regulation. China’s algorithmic recommendation rules already require platforms to promote “mainstream values” and “positive energy.” Its measures on generative AI require legal data sources, accuracy improvements, and safeguards against harmful outputs. Its 2025 labeling rules mandate disclosure of AI-generated content. China is engineering the moral atmosphere in which its AI systems operate.

A civilization at stake

The question this raises is the oldest one in the modern history of Chinese technology, first posed during the Self-Strengthening Movement of the 1860s, when Qing reformers tried to borrow Western military and industrial methods without disturbing the civilizational order that received them. The May Fourth intellectuals of 1919 radicalized the problem by turning science into a slogan for national salvation. The People’s Republic added the Soviet planning apparatus. Each generation has found a new way to ask the question: How much of modern power can be adopted technically without rewriting the civilization that adopts it?

The answer apparent in the current data is that China has become extraordinarily good at a specific kind of technological work but has not yet settled the deeper question. China leads the world in deployment, turning research into factories, interfaces, supply chains, and mass habits with a speed no other country can seem to match. Its Shenzhen industrial parks run AI models that optimize manufacturing parameters 30 times an hour. Its robot installations outnumber those of every other nation combined. Its open-weight AI models such as DeepSeek V4 have pushed cost-efficient, deployable intelligence to the center of the national ecosystem.

Our future?

The United States still produces more frontier AI models, holds higher-impact patents, and dominates AI data-center infrastructure. China’s basic-research share of R&D spending, while rising, remains low among top performers: 7.08% in 2025, up from 6% in 2019, which represents real movement as well as a persistent tilt toward application over inquiry. China’s supercomputers now hold the top global ranking, but on benchmarks more relevant to AI workloads they rank fourth, running on domestic chips not yet at the leading edge. The semiconductor constraint and export controls are real. The gap between “registered users” and “actual users” of generative AI, between 600 million and 249 million, tells its own story about the distance between infrastructure and habit.

The most plausible future is that China becomes the place where 21st-century technologies are most completely socialized — embedded into schools, factories, transport, shopping, and the daily texture of regulation and moral instruction. China will be the civilization that most thoroughly absorbs technology into ordinary life, and in so doing, reshapes what ordinary life can mean. The question is whether absorption at that scale and speed leaves room for the things that cannot be optimized. That question, too, is very old, and the five-year plan cannot answer it.

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Birth tourism, surrogacy, and the ‘Chinese communist plot to subvert our elections’



The Supreme Court ruled last week to uphold birthright citizenship — and BlazeTV host Liz Wheeler is horrified, calling it not only “one of the most devastating Supreme Court rulings of our lifetime,” but a “Chinese communist plot to subvert our elections.”

“One million Chinese communists will soon be eligible U.S. voters. You heard me. One million Chinese citizens — and if you’re a Chinese citizen, you’ve been indoctrinated in communism,” she explains.

“One million Chinese citizens who are communists, who’ve been indoctrinated to hate the United States and live in China, will soon be able to cast their ballot for your elected officials. Because the Chinese ... they pay surrogates in the United States to birth their babies on U.S. soil,” she continues.


“So, they send their sperm to the United States. They buy an egg from an American, or they send an egg with them. They have a surrogate carry the baby, give birth on U.S. soil. That baby is now a U.S. citizen because he or she was born on U.S. soil,” she adds.

Or, she points out, wealthy Chinese will get pregnant and come to the United States to “visit to vacation.”

“They give birth to their child on U.S. soil, which makes the child a U.S. citizen. They then take the babies, whether born of surrogates or born of birth tourism, back to China, indoctrinate them into communists because that’s what happens in China,” she says.

Those children then turn 18 and are “deployed to vote in our elections.”

“And when I say deployed to vote in our elections, they don’t even have to come here. They can vote mail-in ballots. They can vote absentee. Their ballot can quite literally be mailed to them in China,” Wheeler explains.

“They can fill it out to vote for your president, send it back, and it can sway the outcome of our elections. This is not hypothetical,” she continues, pointing out that the first round of these Chinese communist U.S. citizens are about to turn 18.

“The first of these will be voting in our elections as early as 2028,” she says. “That’s right, the next presidential election.”

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Exclusive: Sen. Rick Scott wants answers on the secret slavery that may be behind generic drugs



Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.) is demanding that the Trump administration hit Chinese generic drugmakers with new tariffs over their alleged use of Uyghur forced labor, according to a letter exclusively obtained by Blaze News.

Scott, chairman of the Senate Special Committee on Aging, sent the letter Monday to Ambassador Jamieson Greer of the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative — and he's naming names.

‘Forced labor practices are categorically unacceptable and create a dynamic in which American workers and manufacturers are undercut.’

He singled out Sinopharm, China's largest state-owned pharmaceutical conglomerate, as an entity under scrutiny for forced-labor ties in Xinjiang, where China has detained more than 1 million Uyghurs since 2017. The company retains an active pharmaceutical import license in the United States despite the scrutiny.

"Recent reports raise concerns about whether upstream suppliers serving the U.S. generic drug market may abuse Uyghur forced labor," Scott wrote.

Sinopharm and other Chinese firms, Scott claimed, feed key ingredients into Indian generic drug manufacturers — some of which supply a large share of America's Medicaid-reimbursed prescriptions.

Scott wrote, "Forced labor practices are categorically unacceptable and create a dynamic in which American workers and manufacturers are undercut by non-viable competitive pricing reliant on the systemic exploitation of human beings."

Sinopharm and Greer did not respond to a request for comment from Blaze News.

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The senator is calling on USTR to apply its already-proposed Section 301 tariffs to generic drugs and ingredients wherever forced labor or Chinese state subsidies are propping up the market. The rates are currently set at 10% and 12.5%.

But he's not stopping there. Scott wants an entirely new, higher tariff tier created specifically to punish "the most egregious participants in forced labor use." He's also demanding that the drug tariffs hit at the same time as tariffs on every other Chinese good — no carve-outs, no delays.

He says current enforcement doesn't come close to matching the scale of the problem. Despite the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act's presumption that anything made in Xinjiang involves "forced labor," only one of 43 licensed pharmaceutical companies in the region has actually landed on the UFLPA Entity List.

Meanwhile, Customs and Border Protection data shows pharmaceuticals and chemicals are the second-largest category of goods blocked under forced-labor import laws, Scott claimed. More than $19 million in shipments have been denied entry since 2022.

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The tariff push is one of several efforts under way to confront the issue. Separately, other proposals are seeking to restrict taxpayer-funded Medicaid reimbursement for medications whose upstream production relies on forced labor, alongside a push to add significantly more Xinjiang-linked entities to the UFLPA Entity List.

Scott framed the tariff request as part of a much larger pattern of Chinese trade abuse. He pointed to currency manipulation, China's spot on the USTR's Priority Watch List for intellectual property theft, its blown commitments under the 2020 Phase One trade deal, and a Chinese mining company's alleged role covering up a pollution disaster in Zambia.

"China's reputation as both a trade cheat and a human rights violator remains unparalleled in the global economy," Scott wrote.

The letter builds on Scott's broader campaign against America's reliance on Chinese-linked generic drugs. It follows an October 2025 investigative report he released with Ranking Member Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.) and the bipartisan Clear Labels Act, which the two introduced in January to force country-of-origin labeling on prescription drugs.

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