Ain’t no scam: Bitcoin fixes the looming AI oversight fiasco

Welcome, America, to the Thunderdome of AI oversight.
President Trump has dropped his executive order, putting the onus on the federal government’s most secretive agencies to determine whether the products of private corporations are safe for public consumption. The National Security Agency is at the heart of the plan, with the intelligence community setting classified benchmarks, vetting, and gatekeeping new AI models within a 30-day window. Private-sector institutions and stakeholders, including AI companies themselves, must sit and wait, blind, for decisions to be handed down.
It can’t be said that this decision is strongly supported by conservatives, the “based community,” or even MAGA people more narrowly. The personal, private bid by former White House AI and crypto chief David Sacks to stop the Trump train on AI resulted only in a delay and a narrowing of the oversight window. On X, Sacks had to resort to emphasizing the things the order doesn’t do that he and the accelerationist wing of the right oppose.
Is there anything we can tell these machines to do that doesn’t tend to demote us as human beings?
That means even Trump’s inner circle will keep on duking it out among themselves.
Congress is wrestling with OpenAI’s approach, which relies on (deep breath) the National Institute of Standards and Technology’s Center for AI Standards and Innovation. In short, the idea is that oversight and testing should be carried out under the aegis of established and respected bodies that bridge government and industry through public-private partnerships. This approach allows AI companies themselves, plus other stakeholders and experts outside the intelligence community, to have a participatory role in testing and oversight of new models.
Yet Congress is sharply divided, and the upcoming midterm elections could alter the balance of power. Competing bills are already in the mix on Capitol Hill, with the leading piece of draft legislation, the bipartisan American Leadership in AI Act, hinging on outcomes in the rat’s nest of congressional politics — ranging from Louisiana Republican House Speaker Mike Johnson’s unwillingness to reauthorize the House AI Task Force to rank-and-file Democrats’ unfavorable disposition toward the draft bill.
Can both houses of Congress come to an agreement on AI model development as well as testing? One that Trump won’t veto? Probably not, but with anti-AI sentiment running hotter and hotter across the populist (and opportunist) wings of both parties, principled members and ambitious members alike are all but guaranteed to shoot their shot before November.
That means Americans won’t be looking to their elected representatives for clarity on AI.
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And Pope Leo XIV, of course, has his landmark encyclical out there, insisting — along with many other Christians — that no law or regulation or basket of rules is enough to enable anyone, even the United States government, to get the kind of grip on AI that will ensure our sacred human being is no worse for wear.
But there’s no indication that America’s Christians, much less the world’s, are poised to throw down their doctrinal and ecclesiological differences and line up shoulder to shoulder with the pope’s presentation of things — or with the pope as a singular planetary spiritual authority on all matters AI and tech.
That means neither our leading political power players nor our leading spiritual authority figures will give Americans the kind of overall guidance they increasingly seem to crave.
Perhaps, however, we should all recognize that’s actually for the best, because the essence of the problem concerning AI is its risk, not of wiping out the human race, but of emptying the human race of all power and authority except for a tiny cyborg elite, one hell-bent on remaking all God’s creation, every single one of us included, in their monomaniacal image.
Paradoxically, responding to this risk by maximizing tech hate and consolidating all tech hatred into as tiny and powerful an elite as possible dramatically increases the risk of both wiping out the human race and deepening the would-be cyborg elite’s conviction that if they don’t achieve a radical and irreversible break with all to ever come before them, then they’ll meet a fate worse than death.
Back on our feet and back in charge
Given the dangers of over-centralized AI oversight on one hand and a regulatory war of all against all on the other, now is a good time to ask whether Bitcoin can offer ordinary people a more balanced, distributed, and practical path forward.
For all the noise and blather in the fractured crypto world, the case for Bitcoin in the AI age is simple: If we are not going to dismantle these machines — and if people will keep building more powerful ones — can we direct them toward anything that preserves rather than diminishes our human dignity?
The answer is obviously yes, but the combination of massive fear over techno-dystopia and massive resistance to “organized religion” leads many to paint themselves into a paralyzing psychological corner where no answer seems plausible or effective.
That’s a shame. Bitcoin is sitting right there, an advanced, mature technology that allows people with a minimum of new information or expertise to start creating and growing markets and institutions that benefit and protect themselves and their friends, families, and parishes, without having to rely on superintelligent machines or government financial systems.
Given that superintelligent machines and government financial systems have a clear logical and practical tendency to converge, becoming one system very well suited to enforcing a single, uniform, and servile existence worldwide, it would seem fairly urgent for people to consider the benefits of taking a few steps outside their zone of comfort or self-disempowerment and start to use Bitcoin at least a little with those they care about most.
That’s why I continue to offer my book on our tech reckoning, "Human Forever," only in Bitcoin. Piling up the digital currency and waiting for Nirvana just isn’t going to cut it, whether we face a societal collapse scenario, an age of mandatory pleasure and plenty, or a mutant future that somehow combines both into one waking phantasmagoria. Using Bitcoin needs to happen well beyond the realm of books, obviously. But being a writer, well — I’m putting my money where my mouth is.
Is it enough to solve all our problems, with our machines and with one another? Obviously, again, no. But it just might fix our attention on how we can preserve human ways of life that open the way not just to solutions, but to salvation.
The next fight over freedom will run through AI models

When it comes to artificial intelligence, the Trump administration has made its position clear: America will not choke innovation with red tape.
That instinct is understandable and, in many ways, correct. AI is moving fast, and heavy-handed regulation could do real damage. If the United States cripples its own companies, China will gladly take the advantage. And no one on the right wants blue-state politicians using AI rules to smuggle “woke” ideology into the next generation of powerful models.
The goal should be straightforward: Build an American AI future in which freedom is embedded from the start, and constitutional guardrails shape the systems that will increasingly shape us.
As White House AI adviser David Sacks recently put it, “We don’t like seeing blue states trying to insert their woke ideology in AI models, and we really want to try and stop that.”
Fair enough.
But what happens when resistance to bad regulation hardens into resistance to any regulation at all?
That question is now surfacing in Utah, where the White House is reportedly opposing a Republican-sponsored AI transparency bill. The fight may sound parochial, but it raises a much larger question: Do conservatives have the discipline to protect constitutional liberty in the AI age?
Utah isn’t California
The Utah proposal is not a European-style crackdown. It would not impose speech codes, mandate ideological compliance, or try to centrally plan the AI economy.
At its core, the bill focuses on transparency and accountability. It would require frontier AI companies to disclose serious risks, plan for safety in advance, report major problems, and protect whistleblowers who raise alarms.
That’s far from radical.
If the administration’s AI strategy is to stop progressive states from embedding political orthodoxy into algorithms, Utah’s bill does not belong in that category. The measure is about making sure the companies building extraordinarily powerful systems acknowledge the risks up front and take responsibility when things go wrong.
Treating that effort as if it were blue-state social engineering confuses two very different problems. There is a real difference between using AI regulation to enforce ideology and asking powerful firms to level with the public about systems that could reshape society.
The myth of an ‘unregulated’ AI market
Another uncomfortable truth lurks beneath this debate: AI is not operating in anything like a free-market vacuum.
The European Union has already enacted its sweeping AI Act. That regulatory regime will not stop at Europe’s borders. American companies that operate globally will feel its force, and American users will feel the downstream effects.
If the United States adopts a posture of total federal non-engagement, it will not preserve a neutral market. It will hand the regulatory initiative to Brussels.
That would be a serious mistake. Europe does not regulate with American constitutional principles in mind. It regulates through a bureaucratic worldview that prizes centralized control over freedom. If Washington refuses to establish clear guardrails rooted in our own constitutional tradition, foreign regulators and multinational firms will fill the void.
Power without constitutional guardrails
AI is quickly becoming part of the infrastructure of modern life. These systems increasingly shape how information flows, how public opinion forms, and how daily choices get nudged.
That is power.
We have already watched major corporations use private power to shape public life. Social-media companies moderated, suppressed, and curated speech in ways that tilted public debate. Large firms adopted ESG frameworks that embedded political priorities into lending, hiring, and investment. In both cases, powerful institutions pushed ideological outcomes without a vote being cast or a law being passed.
Nothing suggests AI will escape those pressures.
RELATED: If AI isn’t built for freedom, it will be programmed for control

The companies building frontier systems carry their own assumptions, incentives, and cultural biases. If those assumptions get baked into foundational models — and those models then get integrated into education, finance, media, hiring, and governance — ideological influence will move from the margins to the infrastructure of society.
Yes, clumsy central planning would hurt innovation and weaken America’s position against China. But the answer cannot be blind faith that market incentives alone will protect liberty. That asks a great deal of institutions that have already shown a willingness to steer political and cultural outcomes in their preferred direction.
The real challenge is making sure extraordinary technological power develops inside a framework that respects constitutional rights, individual liberty, and personal autonomy.
A pro-liberty AI framework
The Trump administration is right to resist ideological manipulation in AI models and to oppose sweeping regimes that would handicap American innovation while China races ahead.
But someone will shape the boundaries of this technology. The only real question is whether those boundaries reflect American constitutional principles or the preferences of foreign regulators and corporate boards.
Red states such as Utah should be treated as allies in that effort, not obstacles. They can serve as proving ground for approaches that protect transparency, due process, free expression, and individual autonomy without strangling innovation.
Artificial intelligence will shape the next century more than any single statute. Total non-engagement may sound pro-growth, but in practice it leaves the foundational rules of the AI era to someone else.
The goal should be straightforward: Build an American AI future in which freedom is embedded from the start, and constitutional guardrails shape the systems that will increasingly shape us.
Tucker Carlson clashes with Mark Cuban over Ukraine stance: 'How much money have you sent?'

Former talk-show host Tucker Carlson and businessman Mark Cuban had an uncomfortable exchange over the topic of the Russia-Ukraine war earlier this week.
The two stars appeared at the All-In Summit on Monday, hosted by the "All-In" podcast, a business and technology show hosted by entrepreneurs Chamath Palihapitiya, Jason Calacanis, David Sacks, and David Friedberg.
'Forcing other people to help is not charity. It's vanity.'
Cuban appeared first, with the panel jumping into the topic of fixing America's health care. This led Cuban to bring up his latest venture, a pharmaceutical website that sells drugs at cost, with the URL getting at least eight mentions in about 15 minutes.
When Carlson appeared on stage, he immediately mocked the consistent plugs.
When asked how to identify the line between "democracy" and "pandering," Carlson offered a hilarious answer.
"Where is the line? I mean, I can identify it: It's at costplusdrugs.com," Carlson said, poking fun at Cuban's business.
Less than 10 minutes passed before Sacks, the White House AI and crypto czar under President Trump, asked Cuban about "whether we should be sending money to Ukraine or not."
"Were you in favor of that?" Sacks inquired.
"Honestly, I don't have a good answer," Cuban replied. "I can make an argument both ways, and half my family is Ukrainian, from my grandparents. Personally, I think we should help, but I don't have a studied answer for you."
This led to the most contentious part of the show, with Carlson cornering Cuban on his position.
"How much money have you sent to Ukraine?" the former Fox News host asked the billionaire.
"None," Cuban revealed.
This did not stop Carlson's questions.
"Oh, so what do you mean by 'we'?" Carlson continued. Cuban was silent, responding only with a shoulder shrug.
"You're the one whose family's from Ukraine. Like, why don't you send them a billion dollars?" Carlson piled on.
"Because I'm trying to fix health care," Cuban retorted.
Tucker, not standing down, then asked, "Why don't you fix their health care if you're, like, so deep? If you think we need to help, why don't you start? How about you first? I noticed that's never even an option for anybody."
The crowd erupted in applause in support of Carlson's rhetoric.
"It's like, 'We need to help!'" the podcaster added. "That's not what charity is. Forcing other people to help is not charity. It's vanity."
Calacanis then jumped in and saved Cuban with comments about the war and joked that President Trump was going to turn a profit from all the chaos in Eastern Europe.
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Much of Carlson's commentary on the panel was focused on population replacement in Western countries and the unaffordability of homes, which is stagnating population growth.
Other highlights included Carlson being asked if he is anti-Semitic, if Jeffrey Epstein was a spy, and if Russian President Vladimir Putin is a war criminal.
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Trump’s AI plan prioritizes innovation over regulation

The Biden-era obsession with “AI safety” is officially over.
Last week, the Trump administration unveiled its long-anticipated AI Action Plan — a sweeping strategy that replaces cautious bureaucratic oversight with a clear mandate: Win the global AI race.
The plan aims to streamline permitting and spur domestic manufacturing, creating high-skilled jobs in fields like electrical engineering and advanced HVAC along the way.
Headlined by longtime Trump ally David Sacks, now serving as the White House’s AI and cryptocurrency czar, the plan prioritizes innovation, infrastructure, and American labor over hand-wringing about theoretical harms.
In fact, the administration recently rebranded the Department of Commerce's AI Safety Institute as the Center for AI Standards and Innovation. It’s a symbolic but telling move.
During a press call, Sacks and Michael Kratsios, director of the Office of Science and Technology Policy, outlined the three pillars of the plan, which stem from Executive Order 14179 and incorporate feedback from more than 10,000 public comments.
1. Accelerate AI innovation
The plan’s top priority is unleashing American innovation by slashing red tape and promoting widespread adoption of AI tools. According to Sacks, embracing AI’s full potential is critical to maintaining America’s competitive edge — and the only way to secure “unquestioned and unchallenged” global technological dominance.
Kratsios emphasized that deregulation will play a major role in achieving that goal, especially in sectors like health care, energy, and scientific research. “Truth and objectivity,” he said, will guide AI development — not politically motivated filters.
2. Build infrastructure — fast
America’s AI dominance depends on physical infrastructure: chip fabs, data centers, and a power grid capable of supporting them. The plan aims to streamline permitting and spur domestic manufacturing, creating high-skilled jobs in fields like electrical engineering and advanced HVAC along the way.
3. Lead globally
Trump’s team wants to position the U.S. as the world’s go-to AI partner — offering full-stack export packages that include hardware, software, and trained models to allies across the globe. The plan envisions a vast international ecosystem anchored in American-made platforms.
Crucially, that includes drawing a hard line against ideological gatekeeping by only contracting with LLM developers who avoid “ideological bias,” particularly “DEI,” a senior government official familiar with the plan said.
RELATED: 'There's nowhere to go': Will Elon Musk stop the AI Antichrist — or become it?

Heeding Orwell
Throughout the rollout, both Sacks and Kratsios made clear that the plan aims to protect free expression and resist “Orwellian” uses of AI. Systems that engage in social engineering or suppress politically disfavored speech will be excluded from federal contracts.
At the same time, the plan notably sidesteps the hot-button issue of AI’s use of copyrighted content. Officials said the matter falls under fair use doctrine and is currently being litigated, making it outside the executive branch’s current scope.
'National security imperative'
The AI Action Plan opens with a preamble from President Trump, who calls the initiative a matter of national security.
As our global competitors race to exploit these technologies, it is a national security imperative for the United States to achieve and maintain unquestioned and unchallenged global technological dominance. To secure our future, we must harness the full power of American innovation.
The plan is expected to be implemented over the next 6 to 12 months, led by the OSTP and in coordination with industry and international partners.
Is this how we beat China? Trump’s AI dream guts small-town USA

Imagine Arab sheik-funded AI supercenters dotting rural America, staffed by foreign labor, draining local water and power, and hollowing out small-town life — all so Big Tech can build its digital technocracy. Sounds like the globalist Agenda 2030 schemes we’ve warned about for years. But shockingly, it’s now become the Trump administration’s top priority.
President Trump’s team is pushing to override red-state zoning laws and fast-track thousands of these massive data centers. The losers? Small-town Americans. The winners? The “rich men north of Richmond.”
Who is looking out for the people when Trump and the globalists are on the same side? “We have to beat China” is the rallying cry — a lazy excuse to silence questions and crush local regulations. But we need AI that serves productivity, not a technocracy that rules over us.
Noise levels hit 96 decibels. Imagine a leaf blower that never turns off. Would you want that in your backyard? It may be coming sooner than you think.
Trump’s “Stargate” plan would spend a staggering half-trillion dollars — public and private — to build thousands of AI data centers. It’s like rushing to amputate a limb. Sometimes it’s necessary, but any sane person would demand second and third opinions first.
Yet, instead of debate, we got betrayal. Tucked quietly into the One Big Beautiful Bill Act was a provision from AI czar David Sacks banning all state regulation of AI systems for 10 years. House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) gaslit us, claiming this would stop California’s tech tyranny. In truth, it targets Trump’s own base: farmers, ranchers, and rural voters. Just like eminent domain carve-outs for green energy, it strips local power to benefit Big Tech.
— (@)
Even before Stargate breaks ground, rural Trump country is already grappling with AI data centers draining water, electricity, and property values. Telling locals to shut up because “we must beat China” is pure demagoguery.
Copying China’s playbook
Meanwhile, the same administration opening the floodgates for these projects is also welcoming hundreds of thousands of Chinese tech students. This is déjà vu from the post-9/11 security state. Back then, we cracked down on Americans while doubling immigration from the very regions funding terror. It was never about safety — it was always about the grift.
Across Trump country, protests are swelling against these land and energy grabs. You can almost hear Oliver Anthony’s lyrics echoing over the farmland: “These rich men north of Richmond ... wanna know what you think, wanna know what you do.”
The point of AI should be to improve our lives — not force us to sacrifice local resources and freedoms so it can exist as a modern Baal.
Troubling open-ended questions about what this “data god” will be used for lay heavily on these conversations, and it’s quite hard not to envision it being used for control. We’re told we must become like China to beat China, yet what we’re building is arguably worse. And the more immediate consequence will be irreparable damage to our rural landscapes and national power grid.
Rural communities bear the cost
Is it any wonder rural communities want to use local zoning laws to at least slow this stampede? These areas have land, fewer regulations, and desperate politicians eager for new investment. Big Tech knows exactly who to target.
Virginia’s Loudoun and Prince William Counties were early victims. Now, the industry is setting sights on Northwest Georgia, rural Oklahoma, Texas, and Arizona. What these projects promise is anything but rural tranquility.
RELATED: Trump bets big on AI to make America dominant again

A single proposed project in American Township, Ohio, for example, was slated to cover nearly 170 acres. Consider that 4,750 of these leviathans were expected to break ground just this year. What’s going to happen to America’s countryside once the thousands of data centers scheduled for this year alone are built, in addition to the subsequent thousands we can expect in the coming years?
According to the Institute for Energy Research, by 2030, data centers’ electricity consumption is on track to surpass the entire electricity consumption of Japan today. In the United States, that number will account for almost half of the growth in electricity demand between now and 2030. In short, in just a few years, data centers will consume more energy than what is currently required for manufacturing all energy-intensive goods — such as aluminum, steel, and cement — combined.
The strain on water is even more concerning. A single large data center can consume upwards of five million gallons of water per day to cool the vast arrays of servers — the equivalent of a small city. Much of the water use is consumptive, meaning it evaporates and is not returned to the local watershed.
In water-scarce regions, such as Arizona — one of the primary locations targeted for these water centers — this can put a tremendous strain on already limited resources, creating a new and powerful competitor for a resource that is essential for farming, ranching, and residential life.
The daily toll of these data centers in rural America is already steep. Backup generators and cooling fans roar day and night. Locals near Virginia sites compare it to “a lawnmower in your living room 24/7.” Noise levels hit 96 decibels. Imagine a leaf blower that never turns off. Would you want that in your backyard?
It may be coming sooner than you think.
Moreover, thousands of AI data centers would destroy much of America’s rural landscapes — rolling hills replaced by giant, windowless warehouses. Yes, ugly infrastructure like power plants is sometimes essential — but at least they provide energy to the community. These data centers take energy away. A handful would be one thing. Thousands amount to a dystopia.
A better AI future
The United States could secure its lead in the AI era not by copying foreign actors’ brute-force, centralized strategy — which imposes staggering burdens on local communities — but by fostering an agile, resilient, and open ecosystem. Instead of merely stockpiling raw processing power, we should prioritize building AI systems that are accurate, reliable, globally accessible, and seamlessly integrate with existing technology.
Decentralized AI infrastructure, often pairing AI with blockchain, offers a smarter path. It keeps data under local control, bolsters privacy, complies with local laws, and dramatically cuts the risk of catastrophic breaches tied to massive single points of failure. It also encourages flexibility, allowing open-source models to flourish and adapt more quickly than bureaucratic mega-projects ever could.
If we truly want an AI future that serves American families — not Big Tech oligarchs or foreign monarchs — we must champion technology that empowers people, protects communities, and respects the land. Anything less isn’t just bad policy. It’s a betrayal of the very America these rural voters fight to preserve.
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The One Big Beautiful Bill Act hides a big, ugly AI betrayal

Picture your local leaders — the ones you elect to defend your rights and reflect your values — stripped of the power to regulate the most powerful technology ever invented. Not in some dystopian future. In Congress. Right now.
Buried in the House version of Donald Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act is a provision that would block every state in the country from passing any AI regulations for the next 10 years.
The idea that Washington can prevent states from acting to protect their citizens from a rapidly advancing and poorly understood technology is as unconstitutional as it is unwise.
An earlier Senate draft took a different route, using federal funding as a weapon: States that tried to pass their own AI laws would lose access to key resources. But the version the Senate passed on July 1 dropped that language entirely.
Now House and Senate Republicans face a choice — negotiate a compromise or let the "big, beautiful bill" die.
The Trump administration has supported efforts to bar states from imposing their own AI regulations. But with the One Big Beautiful Bill Act already facing a rocky path through Congress, President Trump is likely to sign it regardless of how lawmakers resolve the question.
Supporters of a federal ban on state-level AI laws have made thoughtful and at times persuasive arguments. But handing Washington that much control would be a serious error.
A ban would concentrate power in the hands of unelected federal bureaucrats and weaken the constitutional framework that protects individual liberty. It would ignore the clear limits the Constitution places on federal authority.
Federalism isn’t a suggestion
The 10th Amendment reserves all powers not explicitly granted to the federal government to the states or the people. That includes the power to regulate emerging technologies, such as artificial intelligence.
For more than 200 years, federalism has safeguarded American freedom by allowing states to address the specific needs and values of their citizens. It lets states experiment — whether that means California mandating electric vehicles or Texas fostering energy freedom.
If states can regulate oil rigs and wind farms, surely they can regulate server farms and machine learning models.
A federal case for caution
David Sacks — tech entrepreneur and now the White House’s AI and crypto czar — has made a thoughtful case on X for a centralized federal approach to AI regulation. He warns that letting 50 states write their own rules could create a chaotic patchwork, stifle innovation, and weaken America’s position in the global AI race.
— (@)
Those concerns aren’t without merit. Sacks underscores the speed and scale of AI development and the need for a strategic, national response.
But the answer isn’t to strip states of their constitutional authority.
America’s founders built a system designed to resist such centralization. They understood that when power moves farther from the people, government becomes less accountable. The American answer to complexity isn’t uniformity imposed from above — it’s responsive governance closest to the people.
Besides, complexity isn’t new. States already handle it without descending into chaos. The Uniform Commercial Code offers a clear example: It governs business law across all 50 states with remarkable consistency — without federal coercion.
States also have interstate compacts (official agreements between states) on several issues, including driver’s licenses and emergency aid.
AI regulation can follow a similar path. Uniformity doesn’t require surrendering state sovereignty.
State regulation is necessary
The threats posed by artificial intelligence aren’t theoretical. Mass surveillance, cultural manipulation, and weaponized censorship are already at the doorstep.
In the wrong hands, AI becomes a tool of digital tyranny. And if federal leaders won’t act — or worse, block oversight entirely — then states have a duty to defend liberty while they still can.
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From banning AI systems that impersonate government officials to regulating the collection and use of personal data, local governments are often better positioned to protect their communities. They’re closer to the people. They hear the concerns firsthand.
These decisions shouldn’t be handed over to unelected federal agencies, no matter how well intentioned the bureaucracy claims to be.
The real danger: Doing nothing
This is not a question of partisanship. It’s a question of sovereignty. The idea that Washington, D.C., can or should prevent states from acting to protect their citizens from a rapidly advancing and poorly understood technology is as unconstitutional as it is unwise.
If Republicans in Congress are serious about defending liberty, they should reject any proposal that strips states of their constitutional right to govern themselves. Let California be California. Let Texas be Texas. That’s how America was designed to work.
Artificial intelligence may change the world, but it should never be allowed to change who we are as a people. We are free citizens in a self-governing republic, not subjects of a central authority.
It’s time for states to reclaim their rightful role and for Congress to remember what the Constitution actually says.

