How the WNBA’s biggest star became its biggest embarrassment



There are moments when an entire ideology reveals itself to the American public — not in a faculty seminar, not in a university land acknowledgment, not in a mandatory “inclusive excellence” module administered by a deputy assistant associate vice provost of DEI, but on a basketball court.

Caitlin Clark being struck in the throat by Alyssa Thomas was one of those moments.

DEI, whether it appears as decolonizing, social justice, critical race theory, BLM activism, or ‘inclusive excellence,’ is not a path to justice. It is a catechism of resentment.

The WNBA later decided the incident was a “non-basketball act,” a useful clarification for those of us who had not noticed that punching a player in the throat is not among the standard fundamentals of the game. Dribbling, passing, shooting, rebounding — yes. Throat strikes — apparently, no.

The referees, however, seemed to be conducting an advanced seminar in nonintervention. They saw nothing. Or more precisely, they saw what everyone else saw and did not think it required interruption.

The WNBA reviewed the play and assessed Thomas a Flagrant Foul 2 with a one-game suspension. Fever guard Sophie Cunningham has publicly said Clark is being targeted and that the league and refs are not protecting her. Meanwhile, Clark’s presence has coincided with major WNBA attendance and ratings growth.

This is where the Caitlin Clark story becomes larger than basketball.

For years, America’s universities have devoted themselves to replacing character formation with grievance formation. Students are taught, with all the solemnity of medieval theologians but none of the metaphysical seriousness, that the world is divided into oppressor and oppressed, privileged and marginalized, white and non-white.

Every inequality of outcome receives the same explanation: whiteness. Every frustration becomes resentment. Every failure gets assigned a villain.

This curriculum does not produce justice. It produces vice.

It teaches envy and calls it “equity.” It teaches resentment and calls it “consciousness.” It teaches contempt for one’s neighbor and calls it “liberation.” It tells young people that the chief moral fact about another person is skin color, then professes shock when people begin treating one another accordingly.

Enter Caitlin Clark.

The WNBA has long existed less as a product of overwhelming public demand than as an institutional cause. It was the league America was instructed to support. Like many progressive projects, it was sustained not by market interest but by moral instruction: Watch this. Celebrate this. Subsidize this. Affirm this.

Then, something embarrassing happened.

RELATED: The latest violent attack on Caitlin Clark exposes the WNBA’s real problem

Erica Denhoff/Icon Sportswire/Getty Images

A player arrived whom the public actually wanted to see.

Clark did not require an ideological sales pitch. She did not need a campus office to explain her importance. She did not need a seminar on representation and patriarchy. She could shoot from the logo. She could pass as if she had seen the play unfold three seconds before everyone else. She brought eyes to the league, filled arenas, moved merchandise, and made casual fans care.

That is precisely the problem.

The DEI imagination can handle excellence only when it can be absorbed into its preferred categories. If Clark’s success could be explained as “white privilege,” the story would be safe. But basketball is a cruelly empirical game. The ball either goes in or it does not. The pass either arrives or it does not. The defense either stops her or it does not. No diversity consultant can revise the box score.

Clark’s excellence is infuriating because it is visible. It is not a theory, a grant proposal, or a paragraph in a strategic plan. It is the fruit of natural ability disciplined by relentless work.

Even family support, private schooling, and access to good coaching do not manufacture Caitlin Clark. They may provide opportunity. They do not produce logo threes, court vision, and competitive fire. Many athletes have access to lessons. Few can do what Clark does.

That fact is intolerable to a culture that has taught itself to scoff at diligence, fortitude, self-control, patience, hope, faith, and love. The old virtues are too demanding because they require personal responsibility. DEI prefers a more comforting doctrine: Your failures are someone else’s fault, your anger is moral insight, and your neighbor’s success is evidence of systemic injustice.

We have seen this moral theater before.

After George Floyd died under the knee of Derek Chauvin, the image played endlessly across America. Universities made it the centerpiece of institutional repentance. Faculty meetings became revival services for Black Lives Matter. Professors who had never shown much interest in moral absolutes suddenly discovered original sin, provided it could be located in “whiteness” rather than in the human heart.

The radicals had their icon. They had their liturgy. They had their marches. They had their administrative decrees.

But what happens when the image does not serve the approved narrative? What happens when the visible act is not a white officer restraining a black man but a black WNBA player striking a white superstar in the throat?

Suddenly, the moral machinery becomes less efficient. The referees miss it. The league responds later. The commentators explain. The defenders contextualize. The public is asked not to notice too much.

But we do notice.

We notice that Clark is not merely guarded. She is battered. We notice that punishment often comes after public outrage rather than during the game. We notice that the league seems oddly embarrassed by the very player who has made it more relevant than ever. We notice that when excellence appears in the wrong demographic package, the apostles of equity become strangely tolerant of abuse.

RELATED: Caitlin Clark gets fist to the throat as WNBA primed to explode: ‘She’s a straight white basketball player’

Justin Casterline/Getty Images

This does not mean every foul against Clark is a racial incident. Basketball is physical. Stars get hit. Great players attract aggressive defense.

But the pattern surrounding Clark has become hard to ignore, and so has the ideological atmosphere in which it is interpreted. When a society is trained to see whiteness as a moral defect, it should not be surprised when white excellence is treated as something to be punished rather than admired.

DEI has trained institutions to cultivate suspicion, bitterness, and selective compassion based on skin color and sexuality. It has trained people to blame their problems on abstractions rather than repent of their vices. It has trained the public to redistribute honor and resentment according to race.

Its hope is not in virtue but in power, not in truth but in control, not in love of neighbor but in the forced rearrangement of social goods around resentment.

Caitlin Clark has become the face of DEI abuse because she exposes the lie. She shows that excellence is not reducible to privilege. She shows that work counts. She shows that talent must be disciplined. She shows that the public will still respond to greatness when it sees it.

And for that, she must be punished.

The throat strike was not merely a foul. It was a parable. It showed what resentment does when it cannot refute excellence. It tries to silence it, intimidate it, and make it pay for existing.

We should learn the lesson. DEI, whether it appears as decolonizing, social justice, critical race theory, BLM activism, or “inclusive excellence,” is not a path to justice. It is a catechism of resentment.

It does not teach us to love our neighbor. It teaches us to hate by skin color.

The answer is public rejection of DEI in all its forms.

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Black conservatives are the ‘tragic mulattos’ of American politics



Ben Shapiro’s recent video arguing President Trump should pardon Derek Chauvin elicited passionate responses on social media. Some conservative commentators thought it was a bad idea that would cost the president precious political capital. Others believed Trump should do it despite the guaranteed outrage it would incite on the left.

For black conservatism to survive, it must aspire to more than just policing the excesses of the progressive left or the fringe right.

The response from Xaviaer DuRousseau, in particular, caught my attention because the popular influencer and commentator jokingly raised an issue that a particular subset of conservatives rarely expresses openly.

Being a black conservative and maintaining your cookout credentials is getting soooo hard.

He ended his post with four crying emojis that made his point crystal clear: Issues that are racially coded and politically charged are hard for black conservatives to navigate.

A unique challenge

Many black conservatives experience this identity crisis — one characterized far more by the “tragic mulatto” trope from 19th- and 20th-century literature than the “Uncle Tom” epithet that is synonymous with racial self-hatred. The tragic mulatto stereotype arose in a culture governed by racial hierarchy. It was associated with mixed-race people who struggled with feelings of alienation in a world that did not accept them as either wholly black or white.

Black liberals are quick to label their conservative brethren “sellouts” for rejecting progressive politics. White liberals, likewise, have no problem questioning the racial bona fides of blacks who don’t vote for Democrats. A growing chorus of white conservatives also blame Martin Luther King Jr. and the civil rights movement for diversity, equity, and inclusion, as well as Black Lives Matter, critical race theory, and LGBT radicalism.

Black conservatism, in many ways, faces a unique challenge. It exists as a racial subgenre within a broader political movement that has traditionally emphasized color blindness and minimized the impact of racism on the current outcomes of black Americans. The only notable exceptions occur when accusations of bias and discrimination are directed at white liberals or at failed progressive policies.

Anyone paying attention to conservative public discourse in the age of social media, however, can see that the right’s approach to race is rapidly evolving. Conservative commentators are increasingly vocal about what they view as anti-white bias in criminal prosecutions, professional sports, media representation, and the job market. This emerging race consciousness is evident in heated online debates about American identity and culture. It also serves as an underlying theme in policy fights over immigration.

A new generation of ‘reconstructionists’

Race is the most visible source of the black conservative identity crisis, but the movement’s mission is equally important to its long-term survival. Today, the most visible black conservatives in America seem focused on increasing Republican representation in politics and growing their brands as right-wing commentators.

The conservative ecosystem certainly makes room for political operatives and culture warriors. But when black conservatism focuses primarily on boosting voter turnout and participation in elections, it fails to fulfill its core mission.

Donald Trump maintained roughly the same support from black voters as in 2020 — about 13% overall and 20% of men. In fact, he lost black conservatives to Kamala Harris by an 11-point margin. Investing financial, political, and social capital to attract black voters has yielded poor returns. But this does not spell the death of black conservatism.

The movement needs a new generation of “reconstructionists” focused on strengthening local institutions and individuals rather than politicos and media personalities fixated on national elections. The most crucial task ahead is restoring the traditional family structure that prevailed from the end of the Civil War through the Civil Rights movement.

From 1890 to 1950, black men and women were more likely than their white counterparts to be married by age 35. In the 1930s, 65% of black women were married before having their first child. The 1960 Census showed that two-thirds of black children lived in two-parent households. Today, only 33% of black adults are married, 70% of black children are born to unmarried parents, and 45% live with a single mother. These outcomes are worse for blacks than for any other group.

The most valuable contribution

Although the family is the most important institution, it is not the only one. The poor educational outcomes in many urban districts should motivate a new generation of black conservative scholars, educators, and activists to take action.

Many have already risen to the occasion.

Ian Rowe, an educator who has spent his career teaching children in the Bronx, opened Vertex Partnership Academies in 2022. This high school’s mission is guided by the four cardinal virtues: courage, justice, temperance, and wisdom. Denisha Allen founded Black Minds Matter, an organization that promotes school choice and empowers black educators working to improve outcomes in their communities.

These leaders demonstrate that black conservatives need not feel conflicted between their ethnic identity and political ideology, especially when both are grounded in a Christian worldview of human dignity.

For black conservatism to survive, it must aspire to more than just policing the excesses of the progressive left or the fringe right.

The movement should also avoid the trap of believing that electoral politics alone can drive social progress. The most valuable contribution black conservatives can make today is to leverage their cultural competency, experience, relationships, and expertise to build institutions that can radically improve social and economic outcomes in the cities and communities they care about most.

Former officer convicted in George Floyd's death released from prison



One of the four former Minneapolis police officers who were convicted in connection with the death of George Floyd has been released from prison.

On Wednesday, J. Alexander Kueng, 31, walked out of FCI Elkton a free man. FCI Elkton is a low-security federal prison in Lisbon, Ohio.

In October 2022, Kueng pled guilty to aiding and abetting second-degree manslaughter for his alleged role in the death of Floyd. Kueng was then sentenced to three and a half years in prison, a term that he has now officially served.

Like the other former officers imprisoned for the Floyd incident — Derek Chauvin, Thomas Lane, and Tou Thao — Kueng was also convicted in federal court of depriving Floyd of his civil rights. Kueng was sentenced to three years in the federal case.

Kueng was allowed to serve his state and federal sentences concurrently.

'There were no medical findings that showed any injury to the vital structures of Mr. Floyd's neck. There were no medical indications of asphyxia or strangulation.'

On May 25, 2020, the officers arrested Floyd after he was accused of using a counterfeit bill. Bodycam and other footage showed that Floyd was behaving erratically, and the officers attempted to restrain him during the arrest.

Chauvin infamously knelt on what appeared to be Floyd's neck for more than nine minutes. Kueng knelt on Floyd's back, while Lane restrained his legs. Floyd later died.

Lane was the first of the former officers to be released following the completion of his sentence. He left prison in August.

Thao, who was also convicted of aiding and abetting second-degree manslaughter for keeping bystanders at bay, will be released in November.

Chauvin was convicted of second-degree murder, third-degree murder, and second-degree manslaughter. He has been sentenced to spend more than two decades behind bars.

In November 2023, Chauvin was violently stabbed nearly two dozen times by a fellow inmate and required "lifesaving measures." He was released from the hospital a few days later. The suspect in the stabbing, John Turscak, is reportedly a former FBI informant.

Despite those convictions, questions remain about whether Floyd was actually murdered. A little over a year ago, Tucker Carlson called the narrative about Floyd's death a "lie."

Carlson quoted a deposition from former Hennepin County prosecutor Amy Sweasy, who claimed the medical examiner told her "that there were no medical findings that showed any injury to the vital structures of Mr. Floyd's neck. There were no medical indications of asphyxia or strangulation."

Citing toxicology reports she had seen, Sweasy also testified that at the time of his death, Floyd had COVID, severe heart disease, and a "fatal level of fentanyl" as well as methamphetamine in his bloodstream.

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Bet you can't guess what detail the mainstream media keeps omitting in the Laken Riley case



A 22-year-old student was murdered on her University of Georgia campus by a 26-year-old illegal immigrant, and the mainstream media is showing its true colors.

The student, Laken Riley, was going for a morning jog when Jose Antonio Ibarra allegedly kidnapped and killed her.

However, in stories published on the tragedy from publications like the Associated Press, the reporters neglect to add in a very important detail: the alleged murderer is an illegal immigrant, and he already had a criminal history here in the United States.

According to ICE, Ibarra was caught crossing illegally into El Paso in September 2022 and was released into the United States via parole.

Nearly a year later, New York police arrested him for acting in a manner to injure a child less than age 17, and, yet again, he was released.

“I’m sure that it was just, you know, an oversight,” Sara Gonzales mocks, “just a little oopsy. Surely, they wrote a follow-up that highlighted the glaring omission that this man should not have even been in this country in the first place.”

“You have to imagine — surely, it’s incompetence rather than a deliberate act of deception,” she adds sarcastically.

The Associated Press did write a follow-up on the story in which it blamed toxic masculinity for her death rather than the allowance of a criminal into the United States.

The author then used the death of Mollie Tibbetts as another example of toxic masculinity but neglected to mention Tibbetts was also brutally murdered by an illegal immigrant.

“Both women were murdered by illegal immigrants, but that doesn’t fit the narrative. That’s not good for optics,” Gonzales says.


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Tim Pool breaks Democratic activist's brain with question about Derek Chauvin trial



Failed Democratic presidential candidate Marianne Williamson recently found herself stopped by her own reasoning concerning the right to a fair trial after podcast host Tim Pool applied it to the case of former Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin.

On the Dec. 21 episode of the "Timcast IRL" podcast, Pool and Williamson discussed various sensitive topics, including the surge of illegal immigration under President Joe Biden's watch, critical race theory, late-term abortions, and Democratic efforts to prevent the electorate from casting votes for former President Donald Trump.

Late in the conversation, they broached the subject of fair trials and judicial bias, particularly as it concerns those Jan. 6 protesters given relatively extreme sentences.

Pool, who noted both a dearth of "far-left extremists" similarly rotting in jail and concerted efforts by the "corporate media" to pre-emptively convict rightists in the court of public opinion, focused in particular on the treatment of Proud Boys leader Enrique Tarrio, who was not at the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, but was nevertheless sentenced to 22 years in prison. The host suggested the lengthy sentence was not the result necessarily of something Tarrio had done but rather due to who he is.

"I think they are sending him to jail because he's a prominent Trump supporter and the chair of the Proud Boys," said Pool.

Williamson questioned whether there was indeed a "massive conspiracy" among the jury members in Tarrio's trial and in others like his, prompting the host to question whether Washington, D.C., where 93% of the electorate voted Democrat in the last presidential election, could ever produce a jury free of substantial partisan bias.

"I think we are, in essence, a purple nation in our hearts," replied Williamson. "And I think people are interrogated before they are allowed to sit on a jury, and if they say things that are clearly prejudicial, then they are not allowed to sit on that jury."

The Democratic activist added, "We can agree that people should be ... held fairly accountable and that the legal system should be fair to everyone."

Drawing upon an audience question, Pool asked Williamson, "Would you agree with black people people being sentenced to long prison sentences if the jury determines that's what should happen?"

Despite her stated faith in the jury system, Williamson acknowledged that it's not always perfect, as some jury decisions "are fair, some of them are obviously unfair, but it's the best that we have."

Pool pressed the issue further, asking, "Do you think like a jury of white people from a wealthy suburb are going to be fair ... to like a black man accused of selling drugs?"

"That's why often it is, you know, there's a movement for a case to be tried elsewhere for that reason," responded Williamson. "I mean, that's part of the system that one can argue that this person could not get a fair trial in this area."

Pool then asked whether it would be acceptable if a judge indicated that "a fair trial would not be possible, so we're going to do it here anyway."

"I don't think that would be right. And somebody would be petitioning somebody," said Williamson. "I mean, even in those cases, there is such a thing as judicial prejudice. Someone would be arguing for judicial prejudice. ... I would be the first to say, 'This is wrong.'"

The host then put it to Williamson: "So will you stand up in defense of Derek Chauvin?"

Williamson was visibly stunned by the question, muttering, "Uh, wow."

After repeating Chauvin's name, Williamson fell silent, held her head, and looked off blankly to the side with mouth agape.

Chauvin's defense attorney attempted to change the location of his murder trial in March 2021, arguing that a jury pool would be greatly influenced by the then-recent news of Minneapolis' settlement with George Floyd's family, reported NPR.

"You have elected officials — the governor, the mayor — making incredibly prejudicial statements about my client, this case," said defense attorney Eric Nelson, reported the MinnPost. "You have the city settling a civil lawsuit for a record amount of money. And the pretrial publicity is just so concerning."

"I do not think that that would give the defendant any kind of a fair trial beyond what we are doing here today," responded Hennepin County Judge Peter Cahill. "I don't think there's any place in the state of Minnesota that has not been subjected to extreme amounts of publicity on this case."

Cahill previously admitted he was "a little shocked" when two jurors admitted the Floyd-Minneapolis settlement "did move them off being fair and impartial."

"I was surprised that it had such an effect," said the judge.

One of the jurors was seen in photos taken before the trial wearing a BLM baseball cap and a T-shirt that said, "Get your knee off our necks."

According to the U.S. and Minnesota constitutions, individuals facing criminal prosecution have right to trial by an impartial jury.

After puzzling over Pool's question for a moment, Williamson attempted to defend Judge Cahill's decision, suggesting it was an "overriding circumstance."

"Wasn't there some legitimacy to that given the fact that everybody saw the video?" said the Democrat. "So how could there be a lack of prejudice anywhere?"

"So the question is about the Constitution and what is fair in the court of law, not what we want to have happen because of our feelings," said Pool. "So if the issue is the issue is a judge says, 'There will be no fair trial for you,' my argument is that there's no trial at all and the man should be released because that's a limitation of our democratic system."

Williamson, who tried her hand at becoming the president of the U.S. in 2020, ultimately disagreed with the host's suggestion that a fair trial is necessary for a court to imprison an American citizen.

Chauvin was found guilty of second-degree unintentional murder, third-degree murder, and second-degree manslaughter in spring 2021 and sentenced to 22.5 years in prison.

He was stabbed 22 times last month at the Federal Correctional Institution in Tucson, Arizona, by a former FBI informant.

— (@)

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