There Is Nothing ‘Populist’ About Graham Platner’s Rise To Democrat Party Prominence
The notion that Platner is a 'working-class populist' with humble beginnings rings as true as assertions that men can become women and vice versa.Every government form I sign contains some variation of the same warning: “I certify that the information provided is true and correct.” “False statements may result in civil penalties.” “Federal charges may apply.”
I have been signing forms like that since Ronald Reagan was president.
Americans do not need another report telling them what everyone already knows. They need accountability.
For 40 years, I have managed a medical catastrophe. My wife has endured nearly 100 surgeries, multiple amputations, years of hospitalization, and enough insurance claims and medical bills to wallpaper a house. Over those four decades, I learned something millions of family caregivers understand all too well: You don’t respect what you don’t inspect.
Long before smartphones, electronic records, and artificial intelligence, I sat at kitchen tables with a pencil, a calculator, and a telephone, combing through Explanation of Benefits forms, hospital bills, physician statements, pharmacy charges, and insurance claims. I have argued with surgeons, hospital administrators, insurance executives, case managers, billing departments, and just about everyone in between. I have won all but two of those arguments because if I did not, my wife paid the price. The consequences of their mistakes landed in my living room.
When your loved one’s health and financial survival hang in the balance, you learn to confront, challenge, and stay in the room long after everyone else wishes you would leave. That is what advocates do. That is what skin in the game looks like.
Imagine if our elected advocates approached their responsibilities with even a fraction of that urgency.
As America approaches its 250th birthday, we are preparing celebrations, restoring monuments, and planning fireworks displays. That’s fine. I enjoy fireworks as much as anyone. But the colonists did not risk everything over fireworks. The Stamp Act was never merely about stamps. It was about accountability. It was about whether government could impose burdens on citizens while remaining insulated from the consequences of those burdens.
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Two hundred and 50 years later, that question remains painfully relevant.
More than 65 million Americans serve as family caregivers. Together, they provide an estimated $1.2 trillion in unpaid care each year. They keep loved ones out of institutions, reduce burdens on taxpayers, and shoulder responsibilities that would overwhelm many public systems. We do not have lobbyists. We do not have communications directors. We have kitchen tables covered with bills. We have loved ones whose lives depend on us showing up again tomorrow.
Then, we turn on the news. We see stories of fraud. We see agencies unable to account for money. We see programs consuming billions with little to show for it but waste. We see officials preside over failure and retire comfortably while ordinary Americans are left holding the bill.
In “The Dark Knight,” the Joker tells Batman, “It’s all part of the plan.” After enough years of watching obvious failures produce little accountability, cynicism begins to sound less like paranoia and more like experience.
Finding fraud matters. But merely finding it is not enough.
If I discovered an error in a medical bill and nobody corrected it, the problem remained. If I identified the source of a problem and nobody addressed it, all I had really done was document my frustration. At some point, discovery without consequence becomes theater.
Americans have watched report after report, audit after audit, investigation after investigation. Fraud was found. Good. Now what?
Finding fraud is important. Arresting fraudsters is important. But accountability also requires asking who ignored it, who enabled it, who benefited from it, and who failed to stop it.
And if those people occupied positions of authority, what consequences do they face? Loss of office? Loss of contracts? Public accountability? Criminal prosecution where warranted? Or do they simply move on while the public absorbs the cost?
Otherwise, we’re not fixing a system. We’re simply rotating villains.
The average American lives under penalty of perjury. Every form I sign reminds me of it. If I knowingly misrepresent information, consequences follow. Why should the people entrusted with billions of taxpayer dollars operate under a lower standard than the citizens paying the bills?
If fraud occurred, prosecute the people responsible and name names. If someone knowingly violated the public trust, identify him and hold him accountable. Not for revenge. For stewardship.
I write this while undergoing cancer treatment. At the same time, I am still caring for a woman who has spent four decades battling catastrophic disability. If I sound impatient with waste, fraud, and excuses, it is because I have spent too much of my life paying for other people’s mistakes.

Millions of caregivers know exactly what I mean. We are tired in a way that is difficult to explain to people who have never lived this life. Staying outraged takes more energy than most caregivers can afford. But we are paying attention.
Scripture says, “When the righteous increase, the people rejoice, but when the wicked rule, the people groan” (Proverbs 29:2).
There is a lot of groaning in this country. I hear it in hospital waiting rooms. I hear it in caregiver support groups. I hear it from people staring at medical bills long after midnight.
Americans do not need another report telling them what everyone already knows. They need accountability. They need leaders willing to impose upon government the same standards government imposes upon them.
For too long, the consequences of government failure have been borne by the wrong people. It is time for accountability to land somewhere else.
Scotland has produced countless consequential men over the centuries. Having apparently run out of native-born talent — exhausting, perhaps, the ranks of the Bells, Flemings, MacDonalds, Stirlings, and Wallaces — the country has resorted to rule by a foreign squatter.
As the result of woke Scottish National Party ministers loosening the rules last year over who could qualify to become a candidate, a male Indian national who holds neither British citizenship nor permanent residency was elected last week to serve as a member of the Scottish Parliament for the Edinburgh and Lothians East region.
'British elections for British people.'
Q Manivannan, who has boasted of a strong connection to the Tamil Nadu region of India he hails from and whose alleged tweets suggest an intense animus toward white people, was fielded as a candidate by the Scottish Green Party.
Scotland's supposed "first non-binary MSP" promised on the campaign trail not just to fight "for the radical change our working-class and marginalized communities need" but to stand "unwaveringly" for his ilk, namely "immigrants or asylum-seekers."
While evidently keen to help that class of supposedly "marginalized" people now proven capable of shaping the island's destiny without ever setting anchor, Manivannan appears especially eager to bring his war against biological reality to Holyrood.
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Manivannan identifies as a "queer Tamil immigrant"; uses "they/them" pronouns; campaigned on advancing a "more caring politics rooted in the working class, the queer, and the solidary," and is apparently an expert on "transness."
"Transness is blackness. Transness is womanhood," he told fellow travelers at a rally. "Transness is disability. Transness is everything the world wants you to believe that is unlovable."
"Our liberation is bound up with every person who's ever been told their body, their land, their life does not matter," added the Indian.
There is some uncertainty over whether Manivannan can lawfully serve his five-year parliamentary term, given both that he is in the country on a claimed three-year temporary student visa, and his student visa does not permit him to work more than 20 hours a week. If, however, he is afforded additional wiggle room — which may happen since India remains a British commonwealth country — the Indian national is set to enjoy a six-figure annual salary at Scottish natives' expense.
Numerous heritage Britons appear to be less than enthused over the election of a foreign squatter.
Robert Jenrick, a British member of parliament, wrote, "I don’t want to live in a country where people on student visas can become elected representatives to national parliaments. He’s crowdfunding from Green Party members for his graduate visa for pete’s sake."
In an op-ed on Monday titled, "The 'election' of a foreign student is a travesty of democracy," Tom Tugendhat — a member of the U.K.'s Conservative Party who served as security minister until 2024 — said that the Indian's election was the result of a dysfunctional system.
"You have to ask: Why did the people of Edinburgh and Lothians East choose them? Well, they didn’t. Or rather they didn’t directly," wrote Tugendhat. "The Scottish Green MSP was the third name on a party list, chosen by a small collection of party apparatchiks and hoisted into Holyrood by an electoral mechanism that puts the party in charge."
"An Indian was elected to the Scottish Parliament, even without a permanent visa to stay in the UK," wrote British politician Rupert Lowe, the leader of Restore Britain. "This is wrong."
Lowe emphasized that this "should not be allowed to stand" and demanded "British elections for British people."
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Last week, Arizona State University’s provost sent faculty another familiar message ahead of the spring semester: Ensure all digital course materials meet accessibility standards. After 25 years teaching philosophy at ASU, I’m well aware of the institution’s growth and its long-standing commitment to accessibility. That commitment, in itself, is not controversial.
But recent data should give universities serious pause.
A society can medicalize despair, bureaucratize despair, and accommodate despair. None of that answers the question despair is asking.
Two reports — one from the Harvard Crimson and another from the Atlantic — put numbers to what many faculty have observed for years. At Harvard, 21% of undergraduates received disability accommodations in 2024, up from roughly 3% a decade earlier. The Crimson notes that Harvard is now aligned with a national average hovering around 20%.
The Atlantic goes further, describing what it calls an “age of accommodation” at elite schools. At Brown and Harvard, more than 20% of students are registered as disabled. At Amherst, the figure reaches 34%. The most common accommodation, professors report, is extra time on exams.
To be clear, accommodations for genuine physical disabilities are not in dispute. A wheelchair ramp is not a moral scandal. A student with a real impairment should not be excluded from education. That principle remains sound.
What has changed is the nature of disability itself.
Both articles describe a shift away from visible, physical impairments toward diagnoses that are invisible, elastic, and difficult to distinguish from ordinary hardship in a competitive academic environment. ADHD, anxiety, and depression now dominate accommodation requests, treated as qualifying disabilities under the Americans with Disabilities Act framework. The Crimson ties much of this surge to the COVID era, quoting one professor who described the pandemic as a “mass disabling event.”
That explanation may be partly true. Many students are not gaming the system; they are shaped by it. But even granting that, the trend raises three problems universities can no longer dodge.
First is fairness. When extra time becomes widespread — especially among high-performing, well-resourced students — faculty are right to wonder whether accommodations are providing access or advantage.
The Crimson acknowledges faculty suspicion that accommodations are used to “eke out advantages.” The Atlantic warns that a system designed to level the playing field can begin to distort the very meaning of fairness.
Second is standards. If a significant share of students receive individualized modifications — extra time, deadline extensions, alternate testing environments — then faculty must ask an uncomfortable question administrators prefer to avoid: Is the course still the same course?
Exams exist to measure knowledge and skill under shared constraints. Remove those constraints for many students, and results no longer mean the same thing. At best, the system becomes two-track. At worst, rigor is quietly redefined as cruelty and education collapses into credentialing.
Third — and most important — is meaning.
If vast numbers of young adults now pass through education labeled as anxious and depressed, and if that diagnosis becomes the gateway to academic survival, we should ask what kind of culture we have built. What account of life, purpose, and human flourishing are students receiving in K-12 and college?
For years, students have been immersed in a worldview that frames them primarily as victims — of structures, systems, identities, and histories beyond their control. They are told meaning is socially constructed, morality is relative, and human beings are little more than biological accidents shaped by power. Hardship, in this framework, becomes pathology. Suffering becomes injustice. Endurance becomes oppression.
At that point, anxiety and depression cease to be merely medical categories. They become rational responses to a life stripped of purpose.
Here the philosopher cannot remain silent. A society can medicalize despair, bureaucratize despair, and accommodate despair. None of that answers the question despair is asking.
Have we taught students how to face difficulty? To endure frustration? To pursue excellence despite pain? Or have we trained them to interpret hardship as harm — and then rewarded that interpretation with institutional permission slips?
The philosopher Westley (disguised as the Dread Pirate Roberts) said, “Life is pain, highness. Anyone who says differently is selling something.” But there is suffering, and there is suffering well to attain what is good. We stopped teaching this, and the young adults are experiencing the consequences.
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Universities love to talk about “student success.” But education is not merely success. It is formation. And formation requires truth: truth about what a human being is, what suffering is for, what excellence demands, and what life ultimately aims at.
When universities exile God, moral realism, and any shared account of human purpose, they should not be surprised when students seek refuge in medicalized identities that turn pain into paperwork.
This crisis is not simply about abuse of accommodations or even about mental health statistics. It is about whether higher education can still tell students the truth: that limits are not always oppression, that hardship is not always injustice, that discipline precedes freedom, and that meaning is discovered, not administered.
If universities cannot say why education aims at the highest good, then they should not be shocked when students conclude it means nothing — and despair follows.
It is time to return education to what it was meant to be: the formation of souls ordered toward wisdom and virtue.
Police in Albuquerque, New Mexico, told Blaze News that a male was suspected of having committed a string of crimes Monday morning.
Police said Michael Salas broke into a home, led police on a car chase, and then fled on foot before arriving at an apartment on the southeast side of the city, KRQE-TV reported.
'Please don't touch me. Please get out of my house.'
Suddenly, Salas barged into the unit — and encountered wheelchair-bound Anthony Nichogi, who was in the residence with his young son, the station said.
Nichogi's wife had left the front door unlocked when she departed, KRQE said, adding that Salas burst inside only a minute later.
"I was in fear for my life and my son," Nichogi told the station, adding that Salas "reached for me, and I told him, 'Please don't touch me. Please get out of my house.'"
KRQE said Salas has a long rap sheet full of burglary arrests and convictions.

Burglaries are nothing new for Nichogi, who told the station his neighborhood has suffered many of them — and he was prepared: "You know, I have video footage of all the five years' worth of incidents, and I'm expecting it."
Nichogi repeatedly told Salas to get out, KRQE said, adding that he soon motored on his electric wheelchair to the bedroom to get mace.
But it wouldn't be so easy.
"I turned my chair around, and as I went into the bedroom to go unlock it and retrieve it, he followed me into the bedroom," Nichogi explained to the station.
With that, Nichogi opted for a more powerful means of self-defense. He instead grabbed his gun, KRQE said.
And that wasn't all.
Describing what happened next as a rush of adrenaline, Nichogi told the station he performed a rare physical feat: He got up from his wheelchair and commanded Salas to leave.
Indeed, video shows a clearly unnerved Salas putting up his hands and retreating to the front door as Nichogi points a gun at him and walks after him, even following Salas out of the apartment.
"I never expected to have to defend my home like that," Nichogi added to KRQE. "This is a first for me."
The medical condition that necessitates his wheelchair use is not clear.
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Police told the station that officers had been following Salas after deploying a GPS dart on his car and then pursued him on foot.
Police added to KRQE that Salas was found on a roof next door and arrested.
According to jail information police provided to Blaze News, Salas on Wednesday remained incarcerated in Bernalillo County's Metropolitan Detention Center on no bail. Salas, 40, was charged with aggravated burglary with a deadly weapon, burglary, reckless driving, and resisting, evading, or obstructing an officer. He also has a warrant for burglary from an automobile.
Police told KRQE that Salas had an accomplice with him — Christina Herrera — who is facing a residential burglary charge.
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