John Cornyn’s defeat could be the end of the GOP establishment



As soon as polls closed in Texas on Tuesday, the Associated Press called a decisive victory for state Attorney General Ken Paxton, presumably ending Sen. John Cornyn’s 35-year political career. The 30-point margin was also another feather in Donald Trump’s cap.

“Last night was very powerful,” the president said at the start of Wednesday’s Cabinet meeting at the White House. In an earlier Truth Social post, he called Cornyn a friend and promised to headline “big, beautiful rallies” for Paxton in the upcoming months.

For the rest of the day, Trump posted screenshots of news outlets covering a 100% success rate in primary endorsements so far this year.

'It’s an all time total collapse and embarrassment for the GOP establishment.'

In addition to showcasing Trump’s endorsement weight, the runoff election results also exposed the weakness of the Senate Republican establishment. For months, National Republican Senatorial Committee Chairman Tim Scott took to the morning news shows extolling Cornyn’s virtues while insisting that he was the key to keeping Texas safely red. The NRSC posted lists of Paxton’s various personal and professional scandals, as Cornyn called his opponent an embarrassment.

In his concession speech Tuesday night, Cornyn committed to supporting Paxton as the party’s nominee, despite spending months calling him scandal-ridden and morally unqualified to hold office. Chastened Senate Republicans are likewise reversing course.

“A vote for Ken Paxton in November is a vote for a safer, stronger, and more prosperous America. He has my endorsement and support,” Senate Majority Whip John Barrasso (R-Wyo.) posted to X on Tuesday night. He had previously endorsed Cornyn. “[James] Talarico is too radical for Texas. Ken will be a key member of our Senate Republican majority fighting for America First.”

The same night, the NRSC deleted every critical post of Paxton it had made over the past year, even though its statement on the general election does not mention him by name. Some conservative activists now want the organization to clean house. Breitbart News Washington bureau chief Matthew Boyle personally tagged NRSC staffers in posts on X, needling them for backing the wrong horse.

“It’s an all time total collapse and embarrassment for the GOP establishment,” Boyle wrote.

The NRSC faced a dilemma that Paxton’s backers will now confront. One of the most senior Republicans in the Senate, Cornyn has been a GOP fundraising heavyweight — a potentially significant factor in what is shaping up to be a strong Democratic year. He was also a former NRSC chair in 2010 and 2012. He could have largely funded his own race.

Paxton, however, will need party money to keep pace with newly emboldened Democrats who are pouring money into Talarico’s campaign. Furthermore, Paxton’s impeachment, messy divorce, and fraud allegations provide plenty of fodder for Democrat attack ads.

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Akos Stiller/Bloomberg/Getty Images

Trump delivered his endorsement for Paxton on May 19 on Truth Social, after early voting had already begun in Texas. He did not notify the NRSC or Senate Republicans in advance of his post.

“He essentially let them know he didn’t care about their preferences at all,” Josh Blank, director of research for the Texas Politics Project, told RCP. “From a Republican elite perspective, not only does it look like you have to spend more money in Texas now, but you have to convince your donors that Ken Paxton is a good vehicle for that money — and Paxton has a challenging past to reconcile.”

As if on cue, the first Talarico ad dropped by Democrats detailed the many controversies that have dogged Paxton’s career. His wife filed for divorce in 2025, citing adultery. Former staffers have testified that he used his office to convince a friend to give his mistress a job.

In 2023, the Texas House of Representatives impeached Paxton on 20 articles for bribery, obstruction of justice, and abuse of power, but the state Senate voted to acquit and reinstate him. In 2024, he paid $300,000 and completed community service to settle an indictment for securities fraud.

Nevertheless, Cornyn’s re-election bid was already flailing even before Trump weighed in. Conservative voters were not enamored with his 2022 efforts to pass a bipartisan red-flag law. Last year, the National Association for Gun Rights PAC endorsed Paxton. In 2023, Cornyn suggested Trump might not be electable any more, a comment he walked back in 2024 and last year. But Trump remembered.

“I worked well with him, but he was not supportive of me when times were tough,” Trump wrote in a congratulatory post for Paxton.

Despite outspending the Paxton campaign 17-1 in advertising alone, Cornyn remained in a statistical tie with his opponent for most of his campaign.

“I think Paxton probably still could have won without Trump’s endorsement, but not at that magnitude. It was a blowout,” Conservative Partnership Institute Vice President of programs Rachel Bovard told RCP. “The Senate Republican conference is the chummiest place in America. Their political loyalties are to each other. So I think the dynamic is going to shift a little bit. The conference is being remade, and I don’t know that it’s going to be much help to Trump for the rest of the year.”

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Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images

From the beginning of Paxton’s bid, it became clear that the race would become about who could relate better to Trump. Cornyn was never the thorn in the president’s side that Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) or Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) often were.

But things came to a head when some media reports indicated that Trump was about to endorse Cornyn, at the urging of Senate Republicans. Then Paxton delivered a public promise to drop his campaign if the Senate passed the SAVE America Act, a voting reform bill that would require proof of identity and citizenship to vote.

“That was a pivotal moment in this election cycle,” Blank said. “Paxton demonstrated to Trump the lengths he would go to support his agenda and a key distinction between himself and Cornyn.”

The SAVE America Act passed the House but has not yet moved through the Senate. Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) has said there is not enough support in the Senate to use a filibuster to pass the bill. Cornyn was one of several institutionalist members who said it is important to keep the 60-vote threshold, even if it means not passing the legislation. In March, Trump insisted that he would not sign any legislation until Congress passed the SAVE America Act, and he told the Senate to “kill the filibuster” to get it done.

“Cornyn long held that he did not think the filibuster should be changed because he held a certain amount of fealty to the institution of the U.S. Senate. Paxton demonstrated his fealty to the president, and that was ultimately much more persuasive,” Blank said.

Some analysts say this further cements Trump’s political kingmaker status, at least within the Republican Party, even while his popularity is sinking.

“There is zero doubt tonight that Donald Trump is in complete and total control of the Republican Party,” pollster and political consultant Frank Luntz posted on X on Tuesday night.

He can beat just about any Republican in just about any state in just about any primary. He is chief strategist, chief advocate, and chief voice of the GOP. His name may not be on the ballot in November, but make no mistake: Nothing and no one will have a bigger impact on voter behavior.

Trump’s involvement hardly guarantees Paxton’s win in November. The attorney general has advantages with name recognition and his record of winning statewide elections in the past. But Talarico is surging with his own fundraising, and Texas Republicans sometimes have a turnout problem in years when Trump is not on the ballot.

“We would expect most Cornyn-supporting Republican voters to support Ken Paxton come November, because they’ve voted for him in the past,” Blank said. “But if even a small share of Republicans decide that Ken Paxton is ethically unfit for office, as John Cornyn argued and spent nearly $100 million promoting, that makes a competitive election that much more competitive.”

In a Wednesday appearance on "The Hugh Hewitt Show," Thune described the GOP’s newfound advocacy for Paxton.

“Obviously, we are making the pivot,” Thune said.

“He’s all-in, ready to go for the fall election, and not taking any time off, already on the phone raising money and all the things you’re going to have to do to be successful.”

Editor's note: This article was originally published by RealClearPolitics and made available via RealClearWire.

Immigration is changing American neighborhoods — and most people won't say it



Immigration is a key issue affecting Americans, but not just in terms of border security.

While border crossings have been going down, one glaring issue with American immigration is whether or not these immigrants are assimilating into American civic life — which in many cases, they are not.

Kevin Roberts, president of the Heritage Foundation, tells BlazeTV host Allie Beth Stuckey that the president needs to “really double down on the importance of assimilation, the importance of wanting to be an American beyond getting the certificate that you’re an American citizen.”

“The best way to be a pro-immigration country is to have laws that require immigrants to assimilate,” he says.


“Americans want their country back. And I can think of no president, certainly in modern history, who better embodies the desire to do that than Donald Trump,” he adds.

And as a "suburban mom,” Stuckey wholeheartedly agrees.

“Those are the things I really see affecting my community. And it’s not only illegal immigration. And this is where I think the conversation has shifted on the right in a good way. I just don’t know the solution for it,” she says.

“People are saying yes, illegal immigration number one, but also it doesn’t seem like our legal immigration is really prioritizing American interests,” she continues.

“And when people see their communities, the neighborhoods that they grew up in completely shift, and when people see churches turning into mosques, I think most Americans are uncomfortable saying it, but there’s something unsettling about it,” she adds.

“I’m not uncomfortable saying it,” Roberts responds.

“We have to understand that this country was based on principles that came from Jerusalem, Athens, Rome, London, and Philadelphia,” he explains. “We are both Judeo and Christian in our founding. That doesn’t mean that there isn't room for other people, but it does mean that it’s possible in a country that is so generous toward immigrants that we might have too many people from the wrong places.”

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Under pressure from competitors and from government officials—including President Trump—who say that Harvard is too uniformly left-wing and too hostile to Jews and Israel, Harvard used this week’s graduation ceremonies to recognize some of its critics.

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Trump’s endorsement power keeps saving the wrong Republicans



For a decade, not one lukewarm Republican incumbent senator or governor has lost a primary and been replaced by a more conservative challenger under Donald Trump’s leadership of the GOP. That changed Tuesday night.

Four-term U.S. Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) did not merely lose to state Attorney General Ken Paxton. He got routed by 28 points.

The Paxton endorsement and Cornyn’s defeat should have marked a turning point in Trump’s political strategy. Instead, they look like the high point of the cycle.

The decisive factor was obvious: Trump finally endorsed the challenger instead of the RINO incumbent. Now, imagine what the party might look like if he had done that over the past five election cycles.

The point is not to dwell on missed opportunities. Upcoming primaries in red states will determine whether conservatives retain any real statewide fighters.

Paxton’s victory proves Trump could finish his term by draining the swamp. Sadly, he more often sides with the swamp or stays silent long enough for moneyed interests to crush more principled candidates.

Most insurgent challengers lack Paxton’s name recognition. But if Trump’s endorsement could move Paxton from a close race to a 240-county rout, it could make lesser-known challengers competitive against weak incumbents. In open seats, a grassroots conservative with Trump’s backing would be nearly unbeatable.

Several upcoming races offer conservatives a chance to make red states actually govern like red states. Too often, Trump is absent or on the wrong side.

Start with Iowa.

Gov. Kim Reynolds is retiring, and Democrats have fielded a credible challenger pretending to be a moderate while running against land grabs. Republicans need a non-corporatist nominee who does not carry the baggage of the status quo Republicans in Congress.

Betting markets have RINO Rep. Randy Feenstra as the heavy favorite for the GOP nomination because he has the most money and name identification. Conservatives have fielded multiple candidates, but with only days until the election, Zach Lahn has the most traction and the clearest message against data centers and land grabs.

Thankfully, Trump has not endorsed Feenstra. But if he endorsed Lahn, Lahn could win outright without a runoff.

The Iowa Senate race shows the opposite problem. Former state Sen. Jim Carlin challenged Sen. Joni Ernst after she obstructed Pete Hegseth’s nomination. Trump should have endorsed Carlin. Instead, he encouraged Ernst to run again. Then, when Ernst retired thanks to Carlin’s hard work, Trump endorsed RINO Rep. Ashley Hinson, ensuring no improvement over Ernst.

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Luke Sharrett/Getty Images

Trump made a similar move in Louisiana. Sen. Bill Cassidy was already politically wounded, with conservative challengers in the race. Trump could have helped finish him. Instead, he helped clear the field for Rep. Julia Letlow, a carbon capture supporter backed by major AI money who declined to run when the race looked difficult.

South Dakota presents the next major red-state test.

Sen. Mike Rounds represents everything MAGA claims to hate on social, fiscal, and national security policy. Yet Trump endorsed him last year, clearing the field and guaranteeing no serious opposition. This has become a familiar pattern. A Trump endorsement effectively cancels the primary.

The biggest prize in South Dakota is the governor’s race. After MAGA Inc. promoted Kristi Noem as a conservative champion, many of us warned she was a capricious establishment Republican. Her lieutenant governor, Larry Rhoden, took over the term and now seeks a full one. Rep. Dusty Johnson, former leader of the RINO Main Street Partnership, is also running. So is wealthy businessman Toby Doeden, who claims the MAGA label while pushing data centers.

Speaker Jon Hansen is the only conservative in the race. He led the fight against carbon capture land grabs, helped build a conservative majority in the state House, and fought the abortion amendment, marijuana amendment, and COVID tyranny in South Dakota. Now, he is fighting data centers.

A Trump endorsement would likely win the race for Hansen. Instead, conservatives have to worry that Trump might intervene on the wrong side if the race heads to a runoff.

Anyone who thought Trump’s late endorsement against Cornyn signaled a strategic turning point should look at South Carolina. Trump recently reaffirmed his endorsement of Sen. Lindsey Graham ahead of the June 9 primary against Matt Lynch and several other candidates.

Trump’s endorsements of Graham in 2020 and again now have driven off stronger challengers. That is clearly why, barring a miracle, one of the most obnoxious Republicans in the Senate will probably remain there until he dies.

Even when conservatives cannot defeat incumbent RINOs, they should at least ensure that open seats produce better Republicans. Montana shows how hard the establishment works to prevent that.

Trump and the RINO establishment that runs the Montana GOP helped execute a sleazy scheme around Sen. Steve Daines’ retirement. Daines announced his retirement on the filing deadline while the establishment had U.S. Attorney Kurt Alme lined up to walk into the seat without a primary. The goal was obvious: avoid a competitive race from a member of the Montana Freedom Caucus.

Meanwhile, Gov. Greg Gianforte, another RINO Trump ally, is at war with the state Freedom Caucus and is spending heavily to defeat conservative incumbents in the legislature next Tuesday.

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Matt Rourke/Pool/Getty Images

This pattern keeps repeating. Trump elevates, preserves, and empowers statewide GOP leaders who hate conservatives. Those leaders then turn their guns on freedom caucus members in their own legislatures.

Idaho proved the point last week. Trump’s endorsement of Gov. Brad Little for a third term helped keep him in power. Little then spent hundreds of thousands of dollars helping defeat five conservatives in the legislature.

North Dakota shows the same dynamic. Trump cleared the field for governor two years ago and helped install Rep. Kelly Armstrong, one of the most liberal Republicans in Congress. Armstrong is not up for re-election this year, so he is using his money and clout to target the few conservatives in a legislature with almost no official Democrats but plenty of undocumented ones.

Trump has generally stayed out of state legislative races. But his long shadow of RINO endorsements now creates a greater headwind against conservative candidates than ever before.

And don’t even get me started on Trump’s endorsement of Byron Donalds in Florida to replace the greatest governor of this generation.

The Paxton endorsement and Cornyn’s defeat should have marked a turning point in Trump’s political strategy. Instead, they look like the high point of the cycle.

From here, conservatives have every reason to worry that Trump will return to his old habit: rewarding the swamp, clearing the field for weak Republicans, and leaving the movement’s best fighters to fend for themselves.

Albertans are ready to vote on Canadian secession — so why is their premier stalling?



To many Americans, Alberta may seem like a distant Canadian province. But the oil-rich western region increasingly resembles a northern version of America’s populist red states — deeply distrustful of liberal federal power, economically tied to energy production, and increasingly willing to challenge the legitimacy of national institutions.

The difference is that Alberta’s growing independence movement is no longer content merely to complain about Ottawa — it wants out.

'Who amongst us thought when we were growing up that one day we'd have the opportunity to create a new country?' Rath said. 'How much fun is this?'

Now, Alberta independence advocates are accusing Conservative Alberta Premier Danielle Smith of blocking a referendum on separation in order to maintain relations with Prime Minister Mark Carney’s government in Ottawa.

Pipe dream

Jeff Rath, legal counsel for the Alberta Prosperity Project and one of the leading voices advocating Alberta independence, claims Smith is quietly delaying a provincial referendum on separation in hopes of securing federal support for a pipeline route through neighboring British Columbia.

Rath does not oppose pipelines themselves. In fact, many Alberta separatists increasingly argue that the province’s economic future lies in deeper integration with American energy markets rather than continued dependence on Ottawa and Eastern Canada.

Rath also questioned whether the proposed pipeline is even necessary, arguing that Alberta will soon have substantial additional export capacity through existing and expanding infrastructure connected to U.S. markets.

In his view, Smith is trading away referendum momentum for a politically compromised deal that still leaves Alberta subject to Ottawa’s climate and energy policies.

“She’s literally sold out everybody in Alberta for a completely unnecessary pipeline,” Rath said. Rath told Align that a source close to Smith informed him of what he described as a behind-the-scenes arrangement between the premier and Carney.

Slowing momentum

The dispute highlights growing tensions inside Alberta’s separatist movement, which has increasingly clashed with Smith despite her frequent criticism of Ottawa and the Liberal government. While Smith has positioned herself as a defender of Alberta’s autonomy within Canada, many independence advocates now accuse her of slowing momentum at a moment when they believe public support is surging.

The conflict intensified after Alberta Court of King’s Bench Justice Shaina Leonard questioned the legitimacy of an independence petition signed by more than 300,000 Albertans. Leonard ruled that Elections Alberta may have improperly assessed the petition because some indigenous bands oppose Alberta separation.

Leonard, who was appointed by former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, has since become a target of separatist frustration over what many in the movement view as judicial interference in a democratic process.

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Win McNamee/Getty Images

Referendum on a referendum

But Rath insists that neither the courts nor Smith can prevent Albertans from voting on independence.

The lawyer — who has met several times with members of President Donald Trump’s administration — said he was astonished that Smith is now proposing what critics have described as a referendum on whether to hold a referendum.

Rath argues that Smith already possesses the legal authority to move forward immediately.

When asked by Align whether an independence referendum can proceed despite Leonard’s ruling, Rath replied: “One hundred percent."

Rath pointed to paragraph 76 of Leonard’s decision, which he says explicitly affirms the Alberta government’s authority under the province’s Referendum Act to place the question on the ballot without relying on the Citizen Initiative Act petition process.

“What’s going up to the Court of Appeal is whether or not ... there's a requirement for First Nations consultation or whether it's unconstitutional — not whether the question goes on the ballot at all,” Rath said.

Rath sharply criticized Leonard’s ruling, calling it political rather than legal.

“This is fundamentally a political decision and not a legal decision,” he told Align.

Gathering steam

He also argued that the ruling has backfired by energizing the independence movement rather than slowing it.

“People in Alberta are furious,” Rath said. “Even people that are sitting on the fence are telling me, ‘I was sitting on the fence until I see that all it takes is one liberal justice to tell me that I don't have a right to do something, and I'm done with this.’”

Rath said frustration with Canada’s judiciary is now fueling broader constitutional discussions inside the province, including calls for an elected judiciary similar to the American system.

The controversy, he argued, has transformed Alberta independence from a fringe political idea into a serious constitutional debate.

“This is probably good for another 5%,” Rath said, referring to support for separation.

Once in a generation

Despite the legal battle and political uncertainty, Rath described the movement in optimistic terms, framing Alberta independence as a once-in-a-generation opportunity.

“Who amongst us thought when we were growing up that one day we'd have the opportunity to create a new country?” Rath said. “How much fun is this?”

Smith, meanwhile, remains in a politically precarious position. Although she has repeatedly said she opposes Alberta separation and would campaign against it in any referendum, many members of her governing United Conservative Party support giving voters the opportunity to decide the issue directly.

Even many Albertans who oppose separation still support holding a referendum, Rath said.

“100% of those people believe that Albertans are adults and should have the right to be able to answer this question."

Whether Smith can continue balancing Alberta nationalism with her federalist instincts may determine not only the future of her government but also the trajectory of a separatist movement that no longer appears willing to wait patiently for Ottawa to change course.