How to make American education great again



Imagine these words as the first speech delivered by Donald Trump’s incoming secretary of education.

Today, I am here to deliver bitter medicine: American education has failed. Teachers and parents, administrators and government — and even students — all bear some responsibility.

Just as Sputnik spurred the urgency that sent Americans to the moon, we need a bold initiative to revolutionize education.

The most common explanations for our educational crisis are inadequate funding, overuse of standardized testing, and systemic prejudice. They are false.

Our schools do not lack funding. No country spends more on public education.

The poor results of standardized tests indicate our failures; they are not the cause.

Our schools are not prejudiced. The most aggressive education reforms since 1955 directly aimed to eliminate systemic discrimination.

The diagnosis

For decades, we ignored signs of trouble, but the COVID-19 pandemic revealed the depth of our challenges. The problems are so pervasive and complex that there is no quick fix. We cannot merely repair; we must rebuild.

Since 2020, American families have struggled mightily. The declining quality of education prompted affluent families to opt out of public schools, leaving middle- and working-class families with diminished resources and influence to push for reform. States' refusal to enact school choice reforms widened the wealth gap and limited generational mobility.

But lower- and middle-class families bear some responsibility, too. The rise of single-parent households, less common among affluent families, has been catastrophic. When the only adult in the home works up to 60 hours a week to make ends meet, there is little time for homework help, PTA meetings, or engaging with school officials. Even in households with two working parents, time and energy are often in short supply.

Teachers, for their part, have good reason to despair. Despite the monumental importance of their work, many are underpaid. They face administrators who value standardized test scores above all else.

Meanwhile, declining standards for decorum and discipline, often justified in the name of “social justice,” have made schools unsafe for both teachers and students.

Violence and insubordination create an environment unfit for serious learning. Some parents treat schools as day-care centers or demand good grades for minimal effort. Worse, parents of disruptive students often refuse to ensure that their children do not rob others of the opportunity to learn.

Yet teachers, too, have failed. They inflate grades to keep their jobs but do no favors for students unprepared for future challenges. This, in turn, lowers the quality of education for students ready for more advanced work, driving gifted students out of public schools.

Another harsh truth is that many teachers are unprepared for the job. The education system has failed for so long that many teachers have never mastered the material they are supposed to teach. Colleges steer future educators toward education majors, where coursework focuses more on leftist “social justice” ideology than on subject mastery. Some graduates believe their mission is to “dismantle” an “unjust” society by creating anti-American activists.

When these activist teachers enter classrooms, they often abandon their duty to transmit America’s culture, knowledge, and values. Instead, they teach students to disdain their nation, its people, its past, and its way of life. This undermines social cohesion and deprives disadvantaged students of the tools they need to succeed.

Outdated curricula exacerbate these issues. Most schools still use models from the late 20th century, failing to address how computing, the internet, and artificial intelligence have transformed how we read, write, and learn. Even in innovative schools, teachers often struggle to balance the needs of non-native, non-English speakers with those of native English speakers, diluting the educational experience for the latter.

Our colleges and universities are also broken. Admitting underprepared students has lowered academic standards nationwide. General education curricula often assume a need for remediation, leaving motivated students without the challenge or preparation they deserve.

Government-run financial aid has inflated tuition costs while diminishing the value of college degrees. Proposals to cancel student debt signal to universities that they can continue raising prices without consequence, encouraging predatory admission policies that saddle students with unmanageable debt.

The prescription

How do we revitalize American education? Nothing short of an academic Sputnik will suffice. Just as Sputnik spurred the urgency that sent Americans to the moon, we need a bold initiative to revolutionize education.

  • We will create K-12 curricula prioritizing history, civics, and an understanding of our government.
  • We will eliminate curricula that divide Americans by race, class, religion, sex, or sexual identity.
  • We will implement school choice nationwide.
  • We will end federal student loan programs, allowing private lenders to evaluate borrowers' ability to repay. Conditional lending will force colleges to lower tuition and revise admissions and program offerings.
  • We will expand vocational training and enhance opportunities for gifted students.
  • We will raise teacher credentialing standards to ensure advanced subject knowledge.
  • We will enforce decorum and discipline in schools. Uniforms will unify student bodies, and measures like suspension and expulsion will ensure that classrooms are conducive to learning.
  • We will revise college accreditation standards to reflect post-graduation success and employment metrics.
  • We will penalize public colleges and universities that engage in discriminatory admissions practices.

And that is just the beginning.

The destiny of our nation depends on education. The effort to revitalize our schools must be as bold as our aspirations. Together, we will bring American education into the 21st century. Together, we will make American education great again.

Editor’s note: This article was originally published by RealClearEducation and made available via RealClearWire.

Schoolhouse limbo: How low will educators go to ‘better’ grades?



Maryland’s new education chief, Carey Wright, an old-school champion of rigorous standards, is pushing back against efforts in other states to boost test scores by essentially lowering their expectations of students.

States, including Oklahoma and Wisconsin, are making it easier for students to demonstrate on annual assessments that they are proficient in math and English after a decade of declining test scores nationwide. By redesigning the assessments and lowering the so-called “cut scores” that separate achievement levels such as basic, proficient, and advanced, several states have recently posted dramatic increases in proficiency, a key indicator of school quality.

'If you don’t set high expectations, you’re never going to achieve the kinds of goals that you want to achieve. And in our business, it’s called student learning.'

Wright warns that lowering the bar on proficiency can create the public impression that schools are improving and students are learning more when, in fact, that’s not the case.

“You can make yourself look better to the public by lowering your cut scores,” Wright, the Maryland state superintendent of schools, told RealClearInvestigations in an interview. “But then you are not really measuring proficiency. My position is no, no, no. Parents and teachers need to know if their children are proficient or not.”

As most public schools continue to deal with the related crises of learning loss and chronic absenteeism years after COVID-19, Wright says now is the worst time to lower expectations of students, which can stifle the impetus to improve. In other moves to accommodate struggling students, districts and states have reduced graduation requirements and inflated grades with policies that ban failing marks. The best evidence comes from studies in Washington and North Carolina showing that grades have held steady at their pre-pandemic levels even though students are learning much less.

“With grades and assessments, the education system seems to be sleepwalking into a policy of ratcheting expectations down to better reflect what today’s students can do, rather than doubling efforts to help get students to where they need to be,” said Michael Petrilli, president of the Thomas B. Fordham Institute, which argues for high academic standards.

Wright, who took over Maryland schools this summer, is refusing to backpedal on standards in a state that plunged from the top to the bottom in U.S. performance over the last decade. The superintendent says she aims to improve Maryland’s declining proficiency rates the hard way by making academic standards more rigorous in all content areas. As students learn more in class, the theory goes, they should become more proficient on state tests.

But a strategy that asks more of teachers and students is never an easy lift in districts that often resist top-down calls for change. Without direct control over school districts run by local boards, state superintendents like Wright must depend on the ability to inspire principals and teachers to follow their lead and meet inconvenient truths head-on.

Wright has done it before. As the state superintendent in Mississippi a decade ago, she collaborated closely with districts in lifting content standards and provided support to completely revamp literacy instruction in what was the worst-performing state in the union. Student proficiency soared without lowering cut scores. Educators called it the “Mississippi Miracle.”

“If you set the bar low, that’s all you are going to get,” Wright said. “But if you set the bar high for students, and support teachers and leaders, it’s doable.”

Lowering cut scores, boosting proficiency

Each state controls its own definition of proficiency and how students can achieve the all-important marker of academic success. The state sets its own content standards that detail what students need to know in each grade, writes its own tests to determine if they are proficient, and devises its own cut scores.

The undertaking is more art than science. There is no accepted single definition of what makes a student proficient. States mostly aim for grade-level proficiency, or what the average student can do, based on their own content standards. A handful of states shoot higher, approaching a more rigorous definition of proficiency spelled out by the National Assessment of Educational Progress, commonly known as the Nation’s Report Card.

By moving the bar on tests and cut scores, education officials have instantly raised or lowered proficiency rates. Over the years, some states have added enough rigor to allow only a third of students to show proficiency while others have reduced it to ensure that the vast majority perform well, Marianne Perie, who has helped more than a dozen states develop assessment methods, told the New York Board of Regents last year.

Today, states are lowering the bar and lifting proficiency rates. “Oklahoma just lowered their cut scores and Wisconsin is another one that ended up with less rigorous cut scores,” Perie told RCI. “If more kids are proficient this year compared with the previous years, it indicates that cut scores are less rigorous or that kids learned a lot more over the last year.”

High standards fall in Wisconsin

Wisconsin, like most states, has experienced a big drop in proficiency. In 2017, 44% of public school students were deemed proficient in English. That percentage fell in 2018 and 2019 and then plunged in the early years of the pandemic before recovering a bit to 39% in 2023.

This year, Wisconsin rolled out its new test and cut scores. State Superintendent Jill Underly was transparent about the changes, explaining in October that the redesign was meant to fix a problem created a decade ago when Wisconsin and other states aligned their cut scores to an “extremely high” level used by NAEP, reducing Wisconsin’s proficiency rate in the years that followed. Underly wrote that Wisconsin’s new grade-level cut scores better reflect the actual proficiency of students, making results easier for families to understand.

What families saw was a dramatic boost in English proficiency to 48% this year — a nine percentage-point gain over 2023 — due to assessment changes that had nothing to do with classroom learning.

To be sure, the Wisconsin Department of Public Instruction didn’t tout the 2024 results. It announced that they shouldn’t be compared to prior years since testing methods changed. Still, families who don’t follow the fine print of assessments may be left with the impression that Wisconsin schools are performing much better this year.

Paul Peterson, a prominent Harvard professor of education policy who has tracked changes to state proficiency levels, says politics seems to be a driver in the lowering of testing rigor.

“Student performance is falling so I would imagine the pressure on states to rethink standards must be considerable,” Peterson said. “Officials want to show that they are spending the public's dollar well, and that students are learning.”

No notice in Oklahoma

In Oklahoma, a similar assessment revamp unfolded this summer but with a controversial twist: State leaders in Oklahoma didn’t inform school districts or families that they had lowered the bar before releasing the test results in August, according to reports in the local media.

When school districts saw the results, principals and teachers were in disbelief over the huge increase in performance. In fourth grade English, for instance, 47% of students reached proficiency — an extraordinary 23% jump compared to 2023.

Later in August, State Superintendent Ryan Walters, a conservative who has been under fire for insisting that public schools teach the Bible, admitted that the state changed its assessment regime without publicly announcing it. Republican state lawmakers issued a statement criticizing Walters for “putting a false narrative out there” about a jump in test scores. Oklahoma’s Department of Education didn’t respond to a request from RCI for comment.

“I believe in transparency and communication,” said Perie, the testing expert. “Oklahoma was the only state where it seemed like they were hiding the changes.”

New York denies lower standards

As in Wisconsin and Oklahoma, New York’s retooled content standards, assessments, and scoring also produced higher proficiency rates.

A New York education official told RCI that the goal was to determine what should be expected of today’s students and how to evaluate their proficiency in various subjects using the new content standards. New York saw a dramatic 13% increase in math proficiency and a small boost in English in 2023, the year the changes were implemented.

Officials in New York and Wisconsin are adamant that the updated assessments don’t amount to a lowering of academic standards even though proficiency rates jumped. The New York official added that while several factors impact student achievement from year to year, instruction is one of the most highly related attributes.

“It is incorrect and irresponsible to derive from this that the standards have been lowered,” the official said in an email.

Petrilli of the Fordham Institute calls such explanations from state officials doublespeak. “By definition these states are lowering standards for proficiency because it’s easier for students to meet the standard than it was before,” he said.

Wright’s ‘Mississippi Miracle’

Education experts say Wright’s tenure as the state superintendent in Mississippi offers a lesson to states struggling with low proficiency rates today: Even in the worst of times, Wright showed, states can raise their expectations of students and get results.

When Wright took over Mississippi schools in 2013, they were at the very bottom in performance nationally. A mere 21% of fourth graders were proficient in reading, according to NAEP. Educators in the South would say, “At least we are not as bad as Mississippi.”

The decade before the pandemic was a time of rising expectations in public education. With Wright in charge, Mississippi joined half of the states in raising the bar for fourth grade reading proficiency between 2013 and 2019.

The lifting of expectations was relatively easy. It’s policymaking. The tough part for state superintendents was implementing changes in schools to reach those higher goals. For the most part, the higher bars didn’t translate into higher levels of proficiency by 2017, according to research by Daniel Hamlin at the University of Oklahoma and Harvard’s Peterson.

There are only theories as to why: After the Great Recession of 2009, school funding declined. The Obama administration relaxed federal accountability measures put in place by President George W. Bush’s No Child Left Behind reform of 2002. The advent of smartphones became a major distraction for students.

Mississippi was a notable exception. Its fourth grade reading proficiency jumped by 11 percentage points from 2013 to 2019, rising to a top-20 performer in the United States, according to NAEP. In math, the increase was equally impressive.

Wright got results the old-fashioned way, with a tenacious focus on improving proficiency for all students, including those living in poverty, says Washington Cole, then her chief of staff and now a district superintendent in Mississippi. To get there, Wright rolled out a literacy program that was backed by decades of research and, crucially, provided teachers and administrators with extensive training in the model and sent coaches into the lowest-performing schools. “The professional development was a huge part of it,” Wright said.

Wright also toughened the district grading system that provided public accountability. When districts earned an “A” for performance, they were publicly celebrated by community members and lawmakers, adding to the incentives for other districts to improve. Over a decade, Wright’s team transformed Mississippi into an unlikely national K-12 success story.

“Dr. Wright set high expectations and her hard work and determination were very infectious with everyone. She was amazing,” Cole said. “I have no doubt that she will do the same thing in Maryland.”

Maryland tries a turnaround

Wright has her work cut out for her. After a decade of decline in Maryland, 48% of students are proficient in English and 24% in math.

In Baltimore, where almost all students are black or Latino, the numbers are tragically low. Only 6% of middle and high schoolers are proficient in math. More than 40% of Baltimore students were chronically absent last year, according to a district estimate, well above the national average. Students can’t learn if they don’t show up.

None of this seems to faze Wright, who assumed permanent leadership of Maryland’s schools in July. In returning to her native state, where she earned her doctorate in education and began her career as a teacher and administrator, Wright has wasted no time in setting a very ambitious goal.

“In the next three years we are expecting a five-percentage point increase in proficiency each year in English and math,” she said.

To achieve that goal, Wright appointed a task force of teachers, leaders, experts, and parents to quickly recommend changes to the state’s accountability system, which she discovered painted a very rosy picture for the public. It was giving high marks to three-quarters of all schools despite their low proficiency scores. Wright wants the new system to provide school leaders with clearer measurements on a range of topics, such as the pace of student growth and graduation rates, so they can target their weak areas for improvement.

“Superintendents take a lot of pride in their ratings,” Wright said. “They want to be that district that gets recognized.”

Major changes are also coming to classrooms. Wright’s new early literacy policy, which won state board approval in October, details expectations for instruction based on the science of reading and teacher training in an attempt to lift test scores that have fallen to 41st in the country.

The biggest change in policy puts an end to social promotion. Districts with parental consent will be able to hold back third graders who don’t meet literacy standards rather than promote them to fourth grade, where they will continue to struggle to read, hampering their future performance. It’s the kind of bold change that Wright wasn’t hesitant to push despite opposition from some board members and families concerned about the impact on disadvantaged students.

It worked for Wright in Mississippi, producing a very large increase in reading performance by sixth grade, according to researchers.

“Putting a stake in the ground and saying we are not just going to move kids along if they haven’t learned to read by grade 3 is very powerful and much needed for our education system,” said Joan Dabrowski, the chief academic officer of Baltimore City Public Schools. “Dr. Wright is very clearly telling the districts they need to prioritize this policy and the state will be monitoring districts so there is a lot of accountability.”

Will the policy work? Dabrowski says it depends on the support teachers and principals receive from Wright to make the difficult changes over several years. “I like everything in the policy, but there are lots of points where implementation could go well or not go well,” she said.

Illinois next to lower cut scores

In June, Illinois made clear that it plans to boost proficiency, too, by following the approach of Wisconsin. Illinois Superintendent Tony Sanders said in a report that his state has one of the toughest definitions of proficiency in the nation. He said students who are on track for college could be mislabeled as not proficient, sending a wrong message to their families.

To fix this, Illinois is planning to adjust its assessment methods by 2025, which will likely boost the state’s proficiency rates.

If Wright fails in Maryland, would she consider following Illinois and other states in easing the rigor of assessments?

She scoffed at the idea.

“When you look over the last decade of dropping test scores, now is not the time to be lowering the bar,” she said. “If you don't set high expectations, you're never going to achieve the kinds of goals that you want to achieve. And in our business, it's called student learning.”

Editor’s note: This article was originally published by RealClearInvestigations and made available via RealClearWire.

Trump’s plan to nuke the Department of Education: Can he pull it off?



Donald Trump is wasting no time in laying out an ambitious agenda for his next term. We are seeing a flurry of policy announcements, cabinet appointments, and strategic moves that show he’s not just making campaign promises — he’s setting the stage for significant change.

For the first time in decades, we may have a president-elect who is dead serious about taking on the entrenched powers of Washington, D.C., priming the next four years to be one of the most transformative periods in modern American history.

This is about restoring the Constitution, reversing the damage done by years of progressive policies, and returning America to its founding principles.

One of Trump’s most radical promises since winning the election is to shut down the Department of Education. For years, we’ve watched our schools become hijacked by progressive ideologues pushing leftist agendas while driving up tuition costs to astronomical levels. Trump’s promise to overhaul the education system isn’t just about budget cuts; it’s about returning the power to parents and local communities to educate their children — where it belongs.

What I find most striking about Trump's education policy is his pledge to go after the accreditation systems that have let left-wing universities run unchecked for decades. He’s not just targeting bloated administrative costs or ideological indoctrination — he’s going for the root.

By firing radical accreditors and setting new standards for higher education, Trump is aiming to reclaim our colleges from the grip of Marxist ideologues, who are churning out leftist political activists rather than free-thinking, educated young adults. This change will have ripple effects generationally.

Trump made it clear that these aren’t just campaign promises. These policies are what he plans to implement right out of the gate. He’s preparing America and the swamp for a fundamental reset: to reduce government overreach and let states, local school boards, and most importantly, parents, have the most say over how children should be educated.

Think back to the early days of Barack Obama’s presidency, when he passed the massive stimulus plan that was over 2,000 pages long. At the time, it was clear to me that the stimulus package was more about a fundamental transformation of America than about economic recovery. Obama’s team members knew exactly what they wanted to do, and they did it without telling us.

What we’re seeing now with Trump is the same level of planning — except in the opposite direction. This is about restoring the Constitution, reversing the damage done by years of progressive policies, and returning America to its founding principles.

Such strong action against the deep state has a lot of conservatives wondering: “Is this really going to happen?” Reagan talked about shutting down the Department of Education, but it never came to fruition. I get the skepticism. But this time, it feels different. This isn’t the Trump of 2016, who made big promises but had to navigate a swamp full of hostile forces in Washington.

This is Trump 2.0 — perhaps even Trump 3.0. He’s learned from his first term, has appointed the right people to his cabinet, and moreover, he understands the urgency of his agenda. He has made a clear plan for his first 100 days to get things done, and unlike in 2016, he has a Republican-controlled Congress to help push his policies over the finish line.

Trump is ushering forth a return to the Constitution, a reassertion of state rights, and a reaffirmation of what it means to be American. He has made it clear that he’s serious about this, and now he has the cabinet and Congress to make it happen. Let’s hold him to it and watch closely as the first 100 days unfold.

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Harris and Walz shouldn’t get a free pass on their anti-parent agenda



With three weeks until the presidential election, voters deserve a critical debate on education, yet it remains absent from the discussion. Last month’s debate between Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz and Sen. JD Vance (R-Ohio) touched on various issues, including immigration, abortion, and the economy, while Donald Trump criticized both Joe Biden and Kamala Harris. However, not one of the candidates has faced substantive questions on education, a crucial area of public policy.

The only education-related moment in the debate came when Tim Walz made an awkward remark about being friends with school “shooters” instead of “victims.” Just like in the earlier presidential debate, the moderators missed an opportunity to spark a meaningful discussion on a policy that directly impacts millions of Americans and their families.

Voters should renounce the anti-parent stance of Harris and Walz, support parents and students, and reject the education cartel dismantling our public schools.

Education affects voters daily when their children attend school. It also has long-term consequences for the entire nation. The strength of the education system shapes the next generation’s ability to drive economic growth and uphold the values that define our way of life.

The lack of discussion around education policy doesn’t just leave voters uninformed; it also allows Harris and Walz to sidestep scrutiny on positions that would likely alarm and outrage most parents.

Walz often emphasizes his background as a teacher and assistant coach, but his record on education reveals a history of anti-parent policies.

As I’ve detailed elsewhere, Walz supports removing children from parents who oppose gender transitions, as shown by his signature on Minnesota’s “sanctuary” law for such procedures. During the George Floyd riots in 2020, as Minneapolis faced chaos without National Guard intervention, Walz kept Minnesota schools in lockdown, leaving students behind due to pressure from national teachers’ unions. And he is a steadfast opponent of school choice, ensuring taxpayer money remains tied to government-run schools.

Kamala Harris is unlikely to do more than endorse Walz’s anti-parent stance. During her time in the U.S. Senate, she held one of the most radically progressive voting records, consistently aligning with the interests of major teacher unions. Her fealty earned their swift endorsement after Joe Biden withdrew from the race in July.

But Harris and Walz would rather you ignore these details. This has always been the tactic of the education establishment that dominates public schools and, by extension, influences American students. Harris and Walz aim to highlight the politically advantageous aspects, relying on talking points about expanding government services.

They don’t want you to notice that American test scores have plummeted to historic lows in recent years. They hope you won’t question what your child is being taught — whether it’s topics on sex and gender, critical race theory, or a revised history of America’s founding. They definitely don’t want you examining the presence of pornographic books in school libraries.

Rather, they want you to think about subsidized cafeteria lunches and preschool programs, all the while expecting you to hand over more of your tax dollars and the keys to your children’s hearts and minds in exchange.

America’s students have a brighter future as Harris and Walz face a changing political landscape less favorable to the education establishment. I’ve spent my career in education and witnessed a big shift in recent years. Education freedom programs are expanding across the country, and activists like my friend Chaya Raichik are exposing the truth about indoctrination in many public schools. As a result, parents nationwide are demanding better education for their children — and they’re right to do so.

Elections give us options. Donald Trump and JD Vance have proven themselves to be champions of parental rights in the White House and the Senate. They support diverse, innovative approaches to public education, offering what students truly deserve. That’s why voters should renounce the anti-parent stance of Harris and Walz, support parents and students, and reject the education cartel dismantling our public schools.

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Moms for Liberty's Tiffany Justice challenges Joy Reid on 'All Boys Aren't Blue'



“All Boys Aren’t Blue” is a series of personal essays written by LGBTQIA+ activist George M. Johnson that has made its way into school curriculums.

The book is marketed as a young adult nonfiction “memoir-manifesto” and focuses on Johnson’s experience growing up queer and black. Some of the essays included are incredibly sexual and graphic.

Mom’s for Liberty’s Tiffany Justice is appalled that the book is in the school curriculum and even went on Joy Reid’s show to discuss the book.

“What a tragic story of a young man’s who’s anally raped by his adult family members. So, you have incest, rape, pedophilia,” Justice explained to Reid, adding, “in what context is a strap-on dildo acceptable for public school?”

When Reid tweeted out the segment to her followers, she quoted Justice’s question, but replaced “strap-on dildo” with “xxxxx xx xxxxx.”

Stu Burguiere finds this fascinating.

“She won’t even tweet these words to her adult followers. Yet somehow, this is supposed to be appropriate for school children,” Burguiere says to Justice.

Justice is grateful that Reid actually had her on the show and believes “this is such an important conversation to have with America and Americans.”

“The truth is, most people have no idea what’s in these books,” she adds.


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Patrick Bet-David explains how COVID exposed America's education failures



The COVID pandemic woke millions of Americans up to the failed state of our health care system, and it didn’t stop there.

While some Americans — depending on their state — were locked in their homes and forced to homeschool, they discovered that the public school system isn’t all it’s cracked up to be either.

Now, homeschooling and enrollment in private schools are both skyrocketing.

“The waiting list to get into Christian private schools right now is insane. They’re turning down 4.5 GPA kids because they have so much inventory,” Patrick Bet-David tells Glenn Beck.

Parents across the nation have also been protesting what’s happening in public schools, which ranges from boys using the girls' bathrooms to books full of inappropriate sexual content being pushed on children.

“The big opportunity lies with us right now,” Bet-David says, adding that parents are standing up and saying “we’re not going to take this from you.”

And this is a great start — but there’s more work to be done.

“It starts off with us making the investments into education with some creative disruptive ideas coming out,” Bet-David tells Glenn. “It’s got to be duplicatable, easy, streamlined, effective, high content, pre-recorded from teachers that are winners,” he adds.

Bet-David has a challenge for those who have realized the truth about the public school system and what it’s doing to America’s children.

“I challenge some of the parents in Glendale to go on a strike and take their kids out for one month,” he says.

“Newsom will feel it very quickly.”


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If You Think All Teachers Are ‘Heroes,’ You’re Part Of The Problem

When we regard teachers as heroes, we shouldn't be surprised when they believe their duties include having discussions normally reserved for parents.
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Jake Tapper doesn’t want to play the ‘blame game’ on COVID school closures, but midterm voters do

Despite the willful ignorance of Jake Tapper, the public knows who’s to blame for the appalling state of America’s education system.