Roy Cooper Is The Latest Dem To Campaign Like A Moderate And Govern Like A Socialist
Roy Cooper’s Senate campaign is trying to convince North Carolinians that he is conservative. His first ad begins with his father and mother — “a teacher” and “small-town lawyer and farmer” — then moves through images of church and high school football. The message echoes the “faith, family, and community” language he used as governor. […]Braindead Senate Democrats Make Impotent Noises About RFK Jr While The World Yawns
They're like a horn on a clown's bicycle: When you squeeze it, it goes honk. It won't ever make a new noise, because it's a horn on a clown's bicycle.Mockery abounds after 'Wolf Clan' Democrat tomahawks Warren's origin story after receiving her endorsement for Senate
Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) endorsed Minnesota Lt. Gov. Peggy Flanagan in Minnesota's Democratic Senate primary in May, claiming that the anti-Immigration and Customs Enforcement defender of child sex-rejection surgeries "fights from the heart and knows how to win."
Warren appears to have gifted Flanagan with something even better than her endorsement: not being a real Indian.
'Elizabeth Warren is doing a land acknowledgment on Flanagan's head.'
The Massachusetts senator spent decades masquerading as an American Indian for apparent personal gain. Warren:
- claimed "American Indian" status on her State Bar of Texas registration card while working at the University of Texas School of Law;
- compelled University of Pennsylvania Law School to list her ethnicity as "Native American" rather than "white";
- was identified as an American Indian at Harvard Law School; and
- contributed recipes to the 1984 cookbook "Pow Wow Chow," described as a compilation of "recipes passed down through the Five Tribes families."
When first running for the U.S. Senate in 2012, Warren told reporters, "Being Native American has been part of my story, I guess, since the day I was born."
The sham was exposed, however, thanks in part to President Donald Trump, who famously challenged Warren, whom he called "Pocahontas," to get a DNA test to prove she is Native American. The results revealed that she is only 1/1,024th Native American, if at all.
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Warren's identity crisis has presented Flanagan with an opportunity to characterize her potential win in November as historic.
Although she was raised by her white mother, Flanagan appears to have embraced the cause of her late father, Marvin Manypenny — an American Indian sovereignty activist who grew up on the White Earth Reservation in Minnesota.
While Flanagan has certainly played up her Indian heritage throughout her political career, she is leaning especially hard into it ahead of the midterms.
The Senate candidate — who in 2020 joined Warren at the Democratic National Convention's Native American Caucus meeting — recently donned her bead earrings and told the transvestite Minnesota state representative formerly known as Christopher Finke (DFL) that she is a member of White Earth and her "family is the Wolf Clan."
Flanagan's campaign site similarly emphasizes her identity, stating, "Born into an Indigenous and Irish family, Peggy is Ojibwe and a member of the White Earth Nation. Her Anishinaabe name means 'speaks in a loud and clear voice woman.'"
In a July 15 post, Flanagan wrote, "In almost 250 years, there’s never been a Native woman serving in the U.S. Senate. I’m thinking of my daughter — who just got her first jingle dress — and whether or not she will see Indigenous women in all parts of our government."
After Flanagan won her party's nomination on Tuesday, her campaign fundraising operation sent out a variation of this message, stating, "Friend, in almost 250 years, there’s never been a Native woman serving in the U.S. Senate. It’s time to change that," reported the New York Post.
Flanagan's quest to take Warren's unofficial former title prompted some mockery online.
"Has anybody checked on Elizabeth Warren?" the Republican Party wrote on X.
Michigan College Republicans shared an AI illustration of Warren weeping in traditional Native American attire.
"Elizabeth Warren is doing a land acknowledgment on Flanagan's head," joked New York Post columnist Kirsten Fleming.
Warren's office did not respond to Blaze News' request for comment.
The Republican set to face off with Flanagan in the general election is Michele Tafoya, an award-winning sports journalist who wants tax cuts, the deportation of foreign fraudsters and illegal aliens, stronger elections, and men out of women's sports.
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America’s two-tier economy is working exactly as planned
The left suddenly fears that artificial intelligence will replace American workers. It showed far less concern when illegal immigration undercut wages and jobs.
The double standard reveals a larger economic vision: protection for the credentialed class, cheap labor at the bottom, and little concern for the working Americans caught between them.
The left has built a bifurcated economy because it has bifurcated loyalties. Neither side of that arrangement puts America’s working class first.
Progressive warnings about AI often begin with the claim that employers will use new technology to replace costly labor or avoid training new employees. One progressive platform warns that AI could cause massive labor-market disruption. Senator Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) proposes taxing AI so that its gains do not flow only to the wealthy.
The concern isn’t inherently foolish. New technology can displace workers, at least temporarily, and policymakers should consider how people adapt. But the left’s labor solidarity becomes strangely selective when the competing worker entered the country illegally.
The Migration Policy Institute recently estimated that the illegal immigrant population may have reached 15.8 million. The Biden years also produced more than 10 million border encounters, although that figure includes repeat attempts and excludes people who evaded detection.
Meanwhile, the July Bureau of Labor Statistics report counted 7.1 million unemployed Americans. Those numbers do not prove that every illegal worker displaced a citizen. They do make it absurd to pretend that millions of additional workers have no effect on wages, bargaining power, or employment.
The standard answer is that illegal immigrants perform jobs Americans refuse to do. Rep. Jasmine Crockett (D-Texas) put the argument plainly: In a capitalist economy, someone will always do the work others do not want.
But jobs are not fixed objects with permanently assigned wages. When employers cannot attract workers, they must raise pay, improve conditions, invest in equipment, or change the way the work is performed. Labor scarcity gives workers leverage.
Progressives claim to understand that principle when they campaign for higher legal wage floors. The five states with the highest minimum wages are deep blue. Democratic lawmakers routinely demand “living wages” and stronger benefits.
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Yet the same politicians short-circuit the market mechanism that might raise wages naturally. They permit a large supply of unauthorized labor, including an estimated 8.5 million people working off the books, to fill jobs at wages and under conditions many would never accept.
That arrangement is not compassionate to workers. It allows employers to avoid the higher pay, benefits, and taxes that legal labor would require. It also leaves illegal immigrants vulnerable to exploitation because their status limits their ability to challenge abuse.
The result is a two-tiered labor market.
At the top sit credentialed professionals whose jobs may be threatened by AI. Their anxieties receive white papers, Senate hearings, tax proposals, and sympathetic coverage. At the bottom sit unauthorized workers whom progressive politicians describe as indispensable because they perform society’s least desirable tasks.
Crockett’s own words and similar comments from other Democrats expose the hierarchy. The jobs at the top must be protected from technological competition. The jobs at the bottom must remain cheap enough that Americans supposedly will not take them.
The people excluded from both priorities are working-class citizens.
They are told that automation may eliminate their better-paying opportunities but that low-wage jobs cannot pay more because imported labor must fill them. They face high legal wage mandates and benefit requirements on one side, then competition from off-the-books labor on the other.
Government benefits without strong work requirements can compound the problem by creating a steep penalty for returning to employment. Sanctuary policies then protect the unauthorized labor supply that keeps wages down.
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This is not a coherent defense of workers. It is a coalition strategy.
The modern left protects the professional class that staffs its institutions and the immigrant constituencies it hopes to mobilize. The blue-collar Americans who once formed the Democratic base receive speeches about dignity while policy steadily erodes their bargaining power.
Long gone are the days when the left at least pretended to organize politics around the American worker.
AI may indeed disrupt employment. Illegal immigration can also depress wages and displace workers. A party genuinely committed to labor would confront both pressures honestly instead of treating one as a crisis and the other as a moral obligation.
The left has built a bifurcated economy because it has bifurcated loyalties. Neither side of that arrangement puts America’s working class first.
The GOP strikes out on inflation and immigration — again
Inflation and invasion. Those were the two issues that propelled Donald Trump to victory in 2024. Now Congress is facing what is essentially its last chance to fulfill those election mandates after squandering its best political capital during the first year and a half of this term.
Yet as Republicans push their third and final party-line budget reconciliation bill, the priorities are once again random and disconnected from the two central campaign promises.
Republicans appear poised to end this Trump trifecta the same way they ended the last one: without enduring victories.
Just like the first two bills.
Truth is, neither reconciliation bill cut the deficit on net. Neither defunded sanctuary cities, birthright citizenship, amnesty programs, or the judicial review now hampering every facet of immigration enforcement.
The first bill — the one fueled by the greatest political capital Republicans had enjoyed in years — focused on a random assortment of tax provisions that failed to excite the country and likely added significantly to the deficit. It also contained more defense spending.
The second bill simply threw more money at the Department of Homeland Security, which, under current failed policies, will not change the dynamic of litigating every last illegal alien removal to death.
So what is in Reconciliation 3.0?
The bulk of it is $73 billion for the military, mainly for the Iran war, though it will likely include funding to rebuild Arab Gulf states.
So despite complaints that the GOP cannot move beyond its myopic focus on taxes and defense spending, 11 years into the MAGA movement, that is still all Trump and Republicans seem capable of producing: more tax cuts, more spending, and more money thrown at a wasteful Pentagon.
In fact, while this bill earmarks $73 billion for defense, Trump originally asked for $350 billion.
Let’s start with the military component.
If our military cannot keep the Strait of Hormuz open on a $1 trillion annual budget, then something is wrong with the weapons we are buying, the strategy we are pursuing, or the will to use the tools we already possess.
Republicans cannot continue mindlessly increasing the defense budget without auditing our strategic interests and determining whether the current procurement regime satisfies our needs.
Throwing another $100 billion or $200 billion at Boeing and General Dynamics will not change the dynamic.
RELATED: The GOP’s 2028 ticket math is already brutal
Last June, the House Oversight Committee’s Delivering on Government Efficiency Subcommittee held a roundtable highlighting a GAO report on procurement waste.
“DOD now plans to invest over $2.4 trillion in its costliest weapon programs,” the report found. “However, because the department remains alarmingly slow in delivering capabilities, these investments are at high risk of becoming obsolete before they even reach the field.”
So long as the defense industry knows congressional appropriations are effectively unlimited, it will continue gouging taxpayers for these weapons systems.
Meanwhile, Congress should be asking a basic question, regardless of one’s view of the decision to go to war with Iran: How do we still lack the leverage to keep shipping lanes open against an adversary that essentially lacks an air force and a functional navy?
And if we lack the weapons and strategy to protect shipping lanes against Iran, how do we plan to deter China from doing the same in the South China Sea after it has already built extensive military infrastructure on artificial islands?
It will not happen by throwing another $100 billion at the same system.
This bill will therefore accomplish what Republicans usually accomplish when in power: It will add to the debt.
We all lamented Bidenflation. But since the debt ceiling was lifted during last year’s budget reconciliation bill, the debt has increased by $3.2 trillion. The monthly tab for interest on the debt in June was greater than the cost of the military and roughly on par with Medicare spending.
Meanwhile, despite the Federal Reserve lowering the federal funds rate over the past two years, the 10-year Treasury remains near a 19-year high. That means debt maturing this year will roll over at much higher interest rates.
So we print more money to service more debt, which is why the M2 money supply just hit another record.
In the wake of that debt service, we will not see a long-term easing of inflation.
As for immigration, this bill does nothing about anchor babies, sanctuary judges, or sanctuary cities. It does nothing to defund foreign-worker programs fleecing American workers and college graduates.
Instead, it includes $10 billion to bribe states to deal with voter fraud, including the threat of noncitizens voting. But the only states likely to use the money properly are the states already combatting voter fraud.
RELATED: Trump’s mass-deportation promise needs receipts
There is no point passing this provision without the legal enforcement of the SAVE Act. Frankly, there is little point passing the SAVE Act without fixing the antecedent problem: our immigration policies.
Then, of course, the bill contains a $12 billion bailout for farmers hurt by Trump’s other failed signature economic policy: tariffs.
But if this same Congress and White House continue pushing a farm bill that perpetuates the subsidy regime harming small farmers — and if they continue supporting endless rezoning of farmland for data centers — what is the point of throwing more good money after bad?
The lesson is obvious.
Republicans appear poised to end this Trump trifecta the same way they ended the last one: without enduring victories.
Sure, they passed Elizabeth Warren’s Section 8 bill. But they have not passed a single major provision that seriously addresses immigration or inflation.
They had three chances to do something transformational.
They struck out.
But fear not. In congressional baseball, there is always a fourth chance for voters they treat as suckers.
“We’re right now looking at a reconciliation 4.0 to do the things that are left out of this one,” a House Republican told Politico on Wednesday. Oh, joy!
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