Dear incoming GOP governors, don’t listen to the moderates



The morning after you win, the National Governors Association will call. Its leaders will offer a seminar, a binder, and a roster of former governors prepared to explain why you should slow down. Take the meeting if you must — but do not buy their theory.

The midterms may cost Republicans the House and possibly even the Senate. But they will not lose the states. Thirty-six governorships are on the ballot, and the incoming class, with open seats in Ohio, Alabama, Iowa, Georgia, Tennessee, Oklahoma, South Carolina, and others, will likely yield the most conservative slate of new governors in a generation.

The bureaucracy has weathered these past governors because they failed to act swiftly.

The federal government will likely be deadlocked in 2027, but the states offer hope for advancing a bold and transformative national agenda.

To carry out such an agenda, incoming governors must reject the advice found in the NGA’s transition manual, which is an apologia for paralysis. On page 39, a former governor offers what the association presents as wisdom: “As a businessman, I spent 90% of my time on process and 10% on policy. As governor, I find I spend 90% of my time on policy and 10% on process.” This advice comes from a man who once controlled his own calendar but learned to let someone else control it.

Unsurprisingly, he did not transform his state during his term in office.

The NGA’s strategic advice is designed to slow you down. In the first six to nine months, “Veteran governors advise that a new governor generally should minimize downtime by not undertaking major reorganizations, large-scale personnel changes beyond normal top-level appointments or other major actions unless absolutely necessary.”

The text then warns against using the honeymoon period to “eliminate some entrenched bureaucrat who has run a particular bureau like a fiefdom for 30 years,” because “experienced governors advise caution at precisely the time when difficult decisions seem easiest.” Page 19 adds a quota: Veteran governors “recommend only tackling three to five large programmatic changes during a term.”

The NGA seeks to lock you into stagnation by “maintaining credibility with the legislature, state bureaucracy, press, and public.” Fail at that, and you become a “caretaker, largely beholden to a bureaucracy that has previously weathered poor governors.”

The bureaucracy has weathered these past governors because they failed to act swiftly. As a new governor, you have a choice: safeguard left-wing institutions or act boldly with the mandate voters gave you.

Gov. Ron DeSantis (R-Fla.) declined the seminar’s theory of the job. In his first term, he suspended Hillsborough State Attorney Andrew Warren and won passage of the parental-rights law the education establishment said would never be approved. And when Disney used its private government to punish the state, DeSantis moved to dissolve the Reedy Creek Improvement District.

His second term opened at the same speed. In January 2023, he replaced the board of trustees at New College of Florida, which fired the president at its first meeting and shut down the diversity office within weeks. That summer, DeSantis suspended Orange-Osceola State Attorney Monique Worrell. He filled the Central Florida Tourism Oversight District, the replacement for Reedy Creek, with his appointees. None of this waited for month 10, and none of it counted against a “three-to-five” quota.

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Ron DeSantis immediately targeted the offices that decide what the law means, and as a result, he is the most consequential governor of modern times.

President Trump’s second transition is the federal version of the same choice. The work of remaking the government began well before he took the oath of office. Inauguration Day produced a seismic list of executive orders that revoked the prior administration’s directives and froze pending rules.

President Trump moved policy-making career officials into positions where refusal to carry out the elected president’s program became grounds for removal. His speed and decisiveness made it impossible for the bureaucracy to stop him. He understood that since bureaucracy wins through inaction, such qualities are the best counter to its playbook.

The state version of the problem is worse than the NGA manual admits. Agencies are overstaffed relative to the work. A large share of the professional class inside them opposed your election and will oppose any order that threatens a program, a grant, or a headcount.

The NGA’s advice for staffing hundreds of boards and commissions — to staff them defensively, to “avoid embarrassment,” to keep them from consuming the governor’s time, and to wait until the crush of transition has passed — amounts to a 48-month holding pattern. Its goal is to outlast you.

Build the appointment list before election night. Know which boards can be abolished by statute and which must be filled by appointment in the first 60 days. Put your own counsel, budget director, and personnel leads in place before the inaugural balls are over. Carry out the reorganizations the NGA manual says to postpone. Publish the short list of agencies you intend to shrink — and shrink them while the people who run them are still writing memos about how hard that will be.

The bureaucracy is not your partner, and it is not waiting to be persuaded. It is overstaffed, and a meaningful share of its career employees do not want you to succeed. Treat it the way Donald Trump and Ron DeSantis are treating it, or spend four years learning why the conservative governor before you left office with a binder full of process and a state that is merely treading water.

Editor’s note: This article was published in the American Mind.

Trump takes another BIG swing at birthright citizenship and birth tourism



President Donald Trump issued two executive orders on Thursday intended to end birth tourism to the U.S. and narrow birthright citizenship.

The president signed the orders with his top aide, Stephen Miller, at his side at the White House in front of reporters.

'What that means is that no one in the world is anymore allowed to obtain a visa for this fraudulent purpose.'

Miller explained that the first order would "expand the definitions of people who were ineligible for birthright citizenship" in response to the U.S. Supreme Court ruling that kept the policy active.

Those who are newly excluded from birthright citizenship include "alien enemies of the United States, members of foreign terrorist organizations, and large categories of people who lobby and act on behalf of foreign governments."

He went on to explain the second order.

"The second action that he's taking, which is especially historic, is for the first time ever in American history to ban birth tourism," Miller said.

"The idea that people come here pretending to be a tourist, pretending to be a visitor, saying they want to go to Disneyland, they want to go visit a monument or go to a national park," he added.

"But the real reason they're here is to have a child, to make that child an automatic citizen," Miller said, "to leave our country, and then have a U.S. citizen child that gives them access under this broken system to welfare benefits, ultimately to the voting booth, and all the other rights and privileges that belong solely to Americans."

Miller touted all of the president's actions to safeguard American citizenship and listed this order as one of the top three decisions.

"So that practice of birth tourism is, as of the signing of this order, hereby banned," he continued. "And what that means is that no one in the world is anymore allowed to obtain a visa for this fraudulent purpose."

Trump also criticized the Supreme Court ruling on birthright citizenship.

"I thought we were going to win it at the Supreme Court," he said. "Unfortunately we had a bad decision, very unfair decision. Our country suffers because of it. And we’re ending it a different way."

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Aaron Reichlin-Melnick of the American Immigration Council immediately criticized the orders.

"This new order is far less sweeping than the original, but like the first order, seemingly violates the Constitution," he said on social media.

"As an initial matter, the new EO aims to deny citizenship to children born to two noncitizen parents where ONE parent (not both) falls within one of the EO's new categories," he added. "This alone may well be a violation of the 14th Amendment, which cares about the status of both parents."

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From Butler to the 250th: Trump's art of the comeback



The bullet is said to have missed his head by "less than a quarter of an inch." That is the whole of it, really — history, for a moment, decided by margin rather than by meaning.

On July 13, 2024, in Butler, Pennsylvania: a rally, a rifle, eight shots. Trump came up off the stage with blood on his ear, fist in the air, shouting, "Fight, fight, fight." The photograph — flag flying behind him, crowd frozen mid-scream — held the one second death didn't win, long enough to mean something before anyone decided what.

'We have thrived and flourished because our founders were great, our cause was just, our people are brave, our culture is exceptional, and our destiny is written by God.'

Trump ducked first, then Secret Service agents covered him. Some feared he had been killed until he rose, fist raised, and was moved toward the waiting SUV. He was treated at the scene, then at Butler Memorial Hospital, before flying home to New Jersey that night.

The rally grounds sat empty for hours, the gunman's body still on the rooftop, where snipers had killed 20-year-old Thomas Matthew Crooks within 15 seconds.

Corey Comperatore, 50, a former volunteer fire chief, dove on top of his family when the shooting started. He did not get a photograph — just a flag-draped casket. Two others were wounded but survived: David Dutch, 57, and James Copenhaver, 74.

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Just shy of two years after Butler, Trump stood on the National Mall as the 47th president, watching fireworks over a country marking its 250th year.

He spoke past midnight into the wet dark, working through two and a half centuries of American history before declaring, "At 250 years old, we may be the oldest constitutional republic on earth, but our country is just getting started because the best is yet to come. This is only the dawn of the golden age of America."

Not everyone reads the ledger the same way. By June, Trump's approval rating had fallen to 36% in the Marist poll, the lowest of his second term, with just a third of Americans approving of his handling of the economy. Despite the low poll ratings, the second Trump term has featured promise after promise kept.

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Over the same stretch, southwest border apprehensions hit their lowest level since 1970 — a central pledge kept. "No tax on tips" and "no tax on overtime" became law. A raid under 30 minutes hauled Venezuelan leader Nicolas Maduro, blindfolded in a grey tracksuit, onto a plane bound for the U.S. to face narco-terrorism charges. Pricing deals with drugmakers cut the list price of several medications, and tariffs pushed companies to pledge new American factories, even after the Supreme Court struck down the authority he used to impose them.

Trump won that November on exactly that defiance and has governed since like a man still living out the title of his own book, "The Art of the Comeback" — written almost 30 years before anyone could have imagined what the ultimate comeback would actually look like.

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The administrative state just took a major hit



The Supreme Court’s decision in Trump v. Slaughter is a major victory for constitutional government.

By restoring the president’s authority over the executive branch and overruling what remained of the mistaken Humphrey’s Executor precedent, the justices took an important step toward democratic accountability. The decision also opens a path for President Trump and future administrations to rein in the administrative state.

Americans should celebrate this ruling as a victory for self-government.

At the heart of the ruling is a simple constitutional principle: The president, as the elected head of the executive branch, must have authority to direct executive policy and hold executive officers accountable.

That authority is not merely an administrative convenience. It is the mechanism through which the American people exercise control over executive government.

Article II vests “the executive Power” in a single president and charges him with ensuring that “the Laws be faithfully executed.” Officers exercising executive power derive that authority from the president and must remain accountable to him.

Without meaningful removal authority, the presidency risks becoming little more than a figurehead while unelected officials pursue agendas beyond democratic control.

For decades, Congress has increasingly insulated parts of the federal bureaucracy from presidential supervision. The founders envisioned no such arrangement.

The expansive appeals processes and employment protections shielding many federal employees are well known. Less appreciated is how much of the current system emerged during the 1960s and expanded over the following decades, producing a bureaucracy increasingly insulated from elected leadership.

Whatever the intentions behind those reforms, the result has been to weaken the president’s authority to manage the executive branch and the people’s ability to govern themselves through elections.

The consequences have become increasingly visible.

A Merit Systems Protection Board survey found that only about two in five federal supervisors believed they could successfully remove an employee for serious misconduct. That finding shows how procedural barriers have eroded managerial accountability.

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The same culture was evident during President Trump’s first term, when career officials embedded policies contrary to administration priorities in guidance documents, subregulatory materials, and even formal regulations.

When executive officials deliberately frustrate lawful presidential policy, the president must possess adequate authority to remove them.

Predictably, critics warn that Slaughter will politicize the civil service and revive the spoils system. Those concerns miss the point.

President Trump has repeatedly said federal hiring should be based on merit, qualifications, and competence. His administration’s executive orders, rules, and regulations reject political loyalty tests in career hiring.

Merit-based hiring and presidential accountability are not competing principles. They are complementary.

A professional civil service should be selected because its members are qualified to perform their duties. But once entrusted with executive authority, those officials must faithfully execute the lawful policies of the elected president.

That’s far from “patronage.” It’s how representative government should function.

The administration’s Schedule Policy/Career executive order reflects that distinction. It applies to career employees in confidential, policy-determining, policymaking, or policy-advocating positions. Those employees remain merit-based career officials, not political appointees.

But senior career officials exercising substantial policy influence should not be able to use endless procedural protections to delay, frustrate, or undermine an elected administration’s agenda.

The Civil Service Reform Act was never intended to create permanent insulation for officials exercising broad executive discretion.

The administration has also appropriately tested constitutional errors by removing officials whose statutory protections conflict with Article II. Those cases have allowed courts to reconsider precedents that steadily weakened presidential control over the executive branch.

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In its 2026 Jackler and Jaroch decision, the Merit Systems Protection Board recognized that statutory employment protections cannot override Article II when applied to inferior officers exercising significant executive authority.

The Supreme Court’s Slaughter decision builds on that reasoning and on other precedent. It rejects the fiction that agencies exercising executive power can remain meaningfully “independent” of the executive.

Those who execute federal law must ultimately answer to the president.

Opponents will characterize the decision as a dangerous expansion of presidential power. In reality, it restores the constitutional structure the founders designed.

Americans elect a president to implement policies on immigration, the economy, national security, and countless other questions. If unelected officials can frustrate those policies through institutional resistance or procedural barriers, elections become less meaningful.

Accountability disappears because voters cannot determine who is responsible for the success or failure of executive policy.

The Slaughter decision restores that chain of accountability. It strengthens the president’s ability to direct officers exercising executive power while preserving a federal workforce hired on merit and expected to execute the law faithfully. That is neither radical nor unprecedented. It is the constitution's design.

The federal government exists to serve the American people, not to function as an independent center of political power.

By reaffirming presidential authority under Article II, the Supreme Court strengthened democratic accountability and helped ensure that executive power remains where the Constitution places it: with the president elected by the American people.

Americans should celebrate this ruling as a victory for self-government.

Elections cannot provide meaningful accountability when officials exercising executive power are insulated from the president voters chose.

Slaughter helps restore that constitutional chain: Executive officers answer to the president, and the president answers to the people.

Nuclear is so back. America's birthday gift to itself just went critical.



For the first time in more than 40 years, privately developed nuclear reactors are switching on in America.

On June 4, Antares Nuclear's Mark-0 reactor went critical at the Department of Energy's Idaho National Laboratory. Valar Atomics followed on June 18, producing heat from a reactor core inside a tentlike structure in the Utah desert. The Department of Energy called it "the rebirth of America's nuclear industry."

'Nuclear in America has been defined for too long by delays, by companies that said they would and then didn't. ... Today is the first of those commitments delivered.'

President Trump has long been skeptical of large traditional reactors, saying they tend to get "too big and too complex and too expensive." But he bet big on small modular reactors, pledging to "approve new reactors" and "slash the red tape."

In May 2025, Trump signed four executive orders and set a deadline: at least three new small reactors online by July 4, 2026 — the nation's 250th birthday.

The Department of Energy's Reactor Pilot Program followed, fast-tracking 11 new designs and sidestepping the Nuclear Regulatory Commission's traditional licensing process, which previously took more than 20,000 hours to complete. Oversight was placed with the Energy Department instead.

Antares CEO Jordan Bramble put the stakes plainly: "Nuclear in America has been defined for too long by delays, by companies that said they would and then didn't. We said criticality in 2026, electricity production in 2027, and power to the warfighter in 2028. Today is the first of those commitments delivered on the schedule we set."

Chief nuclear officer at Ocean Atomics Nick Touran summed up the pace: "We haven't done anything this fast, basically ever."

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The reactors look nothing like today's massive plants, which average 44 years old. Radiant's design uses small nuclear fuel balls — its chief nuclear officer compared them to gobstoppers — built to be mass-produced and deployed anywhere from military bases to disaster zones. A third reactor still needs to go critical before July 4 to fulfill the president's pledge.

This month, the Trump administration also announced $17.5 billion in loans to build 10 large-scale conventional nuclear plants using Westinghouse technology. Construction is targeted to begin by 2030.

Idaho National Laboratory Director John Wagner made the bigger ambition clear: "The goal was never just criticality. The goal is 400 gigawatts of nuclear capacity by 2050."

Critics aren't sold. Edwin Lyman of the Union of Concerned Scientists called the race "essentially an exercise in public relations," warning that slashing regulations undoes decades of safety lessons. "This is taking us back to the 1950s, and that is not progress."

The program skipped public comment periods and environmental reviews — which the DOE said were unnecessary.

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