What The Trump Administration Can Do Right Now To Lower Gas Prices
High prices are caused by a bottleneck at the refinery level and is not due to supply. Here are a few short-term solutions.The president cast himself as a peacemaker while threatening that Iran faces annihilation during a speech to world leaders at the United Nations General Assembly on Tuesday.
President Donald Trump also predicted that the Iranian regime is waiting until the midterm elections before agreeing with a peace deal to end the conflict.
He called on all nations to join the US endeavor to economically isolate Iran so that a deal can be reached and gas prices can drop worldwide.
"But I have a big decision to make," said Trump.
"Will a deal be made with Iran that lets them rebuild and create a far greater country than it ever was before, maybe one of the greatest in the Middle East or even the world? Or do I annihilate the Islamic Republic and do it quickly, never giving them a chance to kill and destroy people and countries again?" he asked rhetorically.
"Do I drive them into hell with no chance of survival and no hope of future greatness or generations?" he added.
During his speech, one lone representative of the Iranian regime looked on in the audience.
Trump said that he would not accept any deal that allows the Iranian regime to obtain nuclear weapons, and he predicted the regime would agree to a deal after the midterm elections.
"They’re waiting to see how I do in the midterm election. What they don’t realize is that I’m not running. I did that already and won in a landslide," Trump added.
He called on all nations to join the U.S. endeavor to economically isolate Iran so that a deal can be reached and gas prices can drop worldwide.
The president went on to say that the U.S. is doing "better than ever before."
"The entire world is being lifted by the wealth, strength, spirit, and momentum of a newly energized and a very powerful United States of America," he continued.
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"Our economy is the envy of the world," Trump added. "Our military is the most powerful on earth. Our technology is second to none, and we are leading in virtually everything."
Iran has sought to maintain some control over the Strait of Hormuz in the form of fees on oil tankers that would bring them billions of dollars in revenue every year.
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If you drive an EV, you have probably heard one argument over and over: Whatever you pay for the car, you'll save money charging it.
That can certainly be true if you charge at home, particularly if you have access to inexpensive off-peak electricity. But once you depend on public fast chargers, the math can look very different.
Put $40 or $50 worth of gasoline into an efficient RAV4, and you're buying hundreds of miles of driving range
On a recent episode of “The Drive,” my co-host Karl Brauer told me about charging a Hyundai Ioniq 5 N at a Level 3 charger. It cost him about $50.
Within 24 hours, Karl filled up his 2023 Dodge Demon 170 with E85. The bill was $47.
Yes, you read that correctly. It cost him more to charge the Hyundai than to fill a 1,025-horsepower Dodge Demon.
That's just one experience, and charging prices vary enormously. But it illustrates something EV buyers need to understand: Electricity isn't free, and public fast charging can be surprisingly expensive.
One Chevrolet Bolt owner recently learned that lesson in spectacular fashion.
He plugged into a public charger at a Hyundai dealership and ended up with a bill for $414. The explanation, according to the report Karl and I discussed, was an extraordinary pricing structure for drivers outside the dealership's charging program: $5 per minute and $5 per kilowatt-hour.
After the driver complained, the charging company intervened and reduced the bill to about $14. So no, $414 isn't a normal price to charge a Chevrolet Bolt. But the episode demonstrates why drivers need to pay attention to what a charger costs before plugging in.
Even at ordinary public fast-charging rates, the comparison with gasoline isn't always what EV advocates would have you believe.
Karl looked up public fast-charging prices before the show and found rates generally running around 40 to 55 cents per kilowatt-hour. Industry data bears out his informal survey. Paren, which tracks the U.S. fast-charging network, put the average price of public DC fast charging at 53.8 cents per kilowatt-hour in the second quarter of 2026.
Now compare that with an efficient gasoline vehicle. Karl used the Toyota RAV4 as an example. Put $40 or $50 worth of gasoline into an efficient RAV4 and you're buying hundreds of miles of driving range — while filling the tank takes minutes rather than waiting for a battery to charge.
A hybrid can make the comparison even more interesting.
Run the numbers by the mile. An EV getting around three miles per kilowatt-hour would cost roughly $18 to drive 100 miles at that average fast-charging rate. A 2026 RAV4 Hybrid rated at 43 mpg combined would cost about $7 to travel the same distance with gasoline at $3 a gallon — and about $9.30 even at $4 a gallon.
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This doesn't mean an EV is always more expensive to operate. If you own a home, plug your vehicle in overnight, and have inexpensive electricity, the economics can be very favorable. Some utilities also offer substantially cheaper off-peak rates.
But that's not everybody's situation.
Plenty of people live in apartments or condos where they can't simply plug in overnight. Others take long trips and have to use public fast chargers along the way. For those drivers, the price displayed at the charging station matters every bit as much as the price displayed at a gas station.
And electricity prices aren't uniform. They vary by location, utility, time of day, charging network, and sometimes even the particular charger you're using.
That's why I don't buy the blanket claim that an EV is automatically cheaper to fuel than a gasoline car. You have to do the math for your car, your electricity rates, and your driving habits.
Before buying an EV, find out what you actually pay per kilowatt-hour at home. Then look at the public fast-charging networks you're likely to use and check their prices. Compare those costs with the fuel economy of the gasoline or hybrid vehicle you're considering.
You may discover that charging at home saves you plenty of money.
But if you're depending on public fast charging, don't assume you're getting a bargain just because there's no gasoline going into the car.
As the war with Iran drags on into its seventh month, uncertainties over oil prices have even stymied the experts charged with predicting futures. This week, J.P. Morgan officially abandoned any attempts to anticipate the outcome, claiming that analysts don’t know how to model the end of the war fueling the chaotic gas price surge.
This stunning admission came down from the head of global commodities research at J.P. Morgan, Natasha Kaneva. According to CNBC, she released a client note Thursday stating, “For the first time since the start of the Iran conflict, we don't have a baseline view” of the oil market.
’This will be a brief and temporary interruption.’
Kaneva followed that with, "We simply don't know how to model the endgame."
These fears are largely exacerbated by the continued struggle over the Strait of Hormuz. Despite President Donald Trump’s insistence that the United States “powerfully" controls the strait, Iran claims the opposite, saying that the vital shipping path is closed until Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu are removed from power.
According to Reuters, some commercial vessels are still permitted to pass, though the daily number has dropped dramatically from 125 vessels per day before the war to just four to 10 per day this past week. With oil tankers unable to move through as freely as before, oil supplies dwindle, and prices go up.
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Until recently, analysts remained hopeful that three approaching redlines would force Trump to make a deal to reopen the Strait of Hormuz by June. These included:
The first two redlines were already crossed, with the third teetering on the edge as the national gas price average creeps up to $4.47 and counting, according to AAA. Halfway through September, there’s still no deal in sight, and analysts have all but given up on trying to predict the outcome.
Adding insult to injury, the East-West Crude Oil Pipeline in Saudi Arabia was struck by an Iraqi drone on September 11, further contributing to oil disruptions and growing gas prices. Yet despite mounting uncertainty, the Trump administration insists that the situation is under control.
"This will be a brief and temporary interruption," Energy Secretary Chris Wright said after the incident. “It will be measured in days.”
The Associated Press reports that full restoration could take weeks. All of that remains to be seen.
For now, gas prices continue to rise across the nation, with the West Coast already exceeding $5 per gallon, while California nears $6 per gallon. The midterm elections also loom on the horizon.
Wright pledged on Wednesday that "diesel prices, gasoline prices, all of them will be coming back down."
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President Donald Trump has joked about possibly renaming another natural feature after recently declaring that Lake Ontario would be henceforth known as "Lake America."
On Wednesday, the official account for the Trump White House posted a statement from the president offering a new name for the Strait of Hormuz.
'We hit them very hard last night. We took out all of the new equipment that they tried to build along the Strait of Hormuz.'
"Now that we have it under U.S.A. control, should we change the name Hormuz Strait to TRUMP STRAIT??? Like America itself, it would be 'hotter' than ever before!" the quote read.
The post added an image of the strait with the president's name.
The strait is a pivotal choke point through which 20% of global petroleum liquids travel. The trade route has been significantly disrupted since February when the joint U.S.-Israeli strikes on Iran began.
Trump has said that it has been reopened, but Iranian officials dispute that claim.
An Axios report documented efforts by the U.S. military to reduce the threat from Iran on oil tankers while secretly helping transport through a southern channel near Oman.
"That sucker is open. The Iranian response is very mild," said Trump to Axios. "They don't want us to go back at them. That's the whole ball game. The rest doesn't matter."
Reopening the strait would help calm spiking gas prices and ease inflation woes just ahead of the midterm elections, where Democrats hope to seize control of Congress.
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The president also announced Wednesday that the military has struck at Iran's military overnight.
"We hit them very hard last night. We took out all of the new equipment that they tried to build along the Strait of Hormuz," he said at the White House to reporters. "It was a very heavy attack last night, and we're prepared to do another one any time we want."
The president renamed the Gulf of Mexico to the "Gulf of America" shortly after retaking office during a feud with Mexico's leadership about tariffs and the illicit drug trade into the U.S.
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Iran's most powerful piece of leverage against the U.S. is slipping through its hands, according to the latest Axios assessment.
The Iranian regime's stranglehold over the pivotal Strait of Hormuz has allowed it to resist demands from the Trump administration for a peace deal with terms favorable to the U.S.
'They don't want us to go back at them. That's the whole ball game. The rest doesn't matter.'
U.S. officials now tell Axios that they have gained the upper hand in the struggle to control the strait, which may lead to an end to the military operation.
"That sucker is open. The Iranian response is very mild," said Trump in a phone call Thursday to Axios. "They don't want us to go back at them. That's the whole ball game. The rest doesn't matter."
The effort to reopen the strait despite the Iranian threat began after a memorandum of understanding collapsed in the peace negotiations in July.
The U.S. military then reportedly began to quietly help transport about 10 million barrels a day through the strait by a southern channel near Oman. While the amount is about half of what it was before the strait was closed, it's a significant increase and a boon to the U.S. cause.
The U.S. has also been able to cripple Iran's ability to strike at tankers after a two-week bombing campaign, according to Axios. A U.S. military mine-sweeping operation and aid from the United Arab Emirates have also improved Trump's advantage.
CENTCOM commander Adm. Brad Cooper announced that they had reached a major milestone in the effort to wrestle control of the strait from Iran.
"Internationally recognized sea routes in the strait are free of Iranian sea mines. Bottom line: Today international shipping lanes are open and momentum is building," he said in a video Thursday.
While some experts remain skeptical of the official tally of oil that can pass already, Axios noted many other signs that the U.S. is gaining ground against Iran.
The president has repeatedly proclaimed that the ultimate goal of the operation is to keep the Iranian regime from obtaining nuclear weapons.
"I don't want to meet, they do. In fact, they are begging to make a deal," Trump claimed on social media Thursday.
Iranian Supreme National Security Council Secretary Mohsen Rezaee denied the claims and said that they had agreed to allow the southern channel near Oman. He added that the regime was compiling a list of demands to negotiate a peace deal.
RELATED: When Marco Rubio warned Iran that closing of Strait of Hormuz would be 'suicidal'
Brent crude oil was trading at about $72 a barrel before the military operation began and surged to over $111 at its worst in April. It opened at just below $90 on Thursday.
About a fifth of the world's oil trade flows through the Strait of Hormuz.
The U.S.-Israeli joint military strikes against Iran began 6 months ago on Feb. 28.
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When Biden’s White House press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre repeatedly downplayed Americans’ frustrations over high milk and egg prices, she helped solidify the voter anger over affordability that directly contributed to the Democratic Party’s electoral damage in 2024.
BlazeTV host Auron MacIntyre is concerned the conservatives are now making the same mistake.
“Conservative pundits and influencers are repeating the exact same mistake, telling consumers that everything's fine and only economic illiterates would think grocery, gas, and housing costs are too much,” says MacIntyre.
But this is disastrous messaging, he warns — especially heading into midterm elections.
“Elections aren't won by lecturing voters that their problems are imaginary. This is politics 101,” MacIntyre says. “Professional political actors adopting this strategy months before midterms is both bizarre and dangerous.”
The reality is, most Americans are still struggling in the current economic climate.
“Conservative pundits may produce charts, cite aggregate statistics, and explain that certain indicators look healthy, but none of that will save the GOP any more than it saved the Democrats who insisted that Bidenomics was working,” says MacIntyre.
Right now, he explains, “food, health care, child care, education, insurance, housing, electricity, and gasoline remain punishingly expensive.”
While MacIntyre understands that honesty with voters about the current economic situation is a death sentence for politicians, downplaying the predicament isn’t helping either.
“There's only so much Trump can do about the structural inflation and accumulating debt. He can, however, avoid taking actions that make the problem worse,” he says, pinpointing the ongoing conflict in Iran as a major contributor to America’s economic strife.
But when Americans complain that the war is driving up gas prices and forcing the U.S. to borrow or print tens of billions of dollars to pay for it, they’re called “stupid or selfish” by “the very same pundits” who support the war, he explains.
MacIntyre speculates that these politicians will “blame any disastrous midterm results on the people who oppose the conflict, but the political reality is obvious.”
“The central issue is not that voters have developed a sophisticated position on Iran. Many of them probably care very little about the strategic details. What they do care about is that everything costs more. Telling them that they lack economic literacy has roughly the same electoral appeal as shooting a puppy on live television,” he says.
To hear more, watch the video above.
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The conservative political class is committing one of the most disastrous acts of political malpractice in recent memory.
When Biden press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre chided Americans for complaining about the price of staples such as milk and eggs, she did serious damage to the Democratic Party. Many voters backed Donald Trump because they trusted him to address inflation and the broader affordability crisis. Now conservative pundits and influencers are repeating the same mistake, telling consumers that everything is fine and that only economic illiterates think groceries, gas, and housing cost too much.
Democrats lost because they cut themselves off from reality. Republicans have no reason to copy the strategy.
Elections are not won by lecturing voters that their problems are imaginary. This is Politics 101. Professional political actors adopting the strategy months before the midterms is both bizarre and dangerous.
Affordability is not a Democrat talking point or a socialist catchphrase. It is real, and it will dominate every foreseeable election. Republicans understood this when Biden occupied the White House. The problem did not disappear when Trump returned.
People can feel that the economy is not working for them. They can see the American dream drifting farther out of reach. Conservative pundits may produce charts, cite aggregate statistics, and explain that certain indicators look healthy. None of that will save the GOP any more than it saved Democrats who insisted that “Bidenomics” was working.
The party cannot dismiss this anger as a failure of messaging. Voters do not experience the economy as an abstraction. They experience it at the checkout counter, at the gas pump, when the insurance bill arrives, and when another year of saving still leaves a starter home beyond reach. Their judgment is concrete and entirely rational.
The price of some discretionary goods, such as flat-screen televisions, may have fallen. The essentials of ordinary life have not followed the same path. Food, health care, child care, education, insurance, housing, electricity, and gasoline remain punishingly expensive. Gross domestic product and a surging stock market may comfort those already winning in the economy, but they are poor measures of the daily experience of a family struggling to stay afloat.
Many of the underlying problems are nearly untouchable in a democratic system. The hard truth is that buying votes is often the optimal electoral strategy. No candidate wins by promising voters that their benefits will shrink, their home values will fall, and their taxes will rise.
Trump understands this better than anyone. He promised not to touch major entitlements, pledged to protect home values, and proposed eliminating taxes on tips. America may be on a slow collision course with fiscal disaster, but no politician wants to lose an election by volunteering to hold the bomb when it explodes.
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The American version of this problem has modern features, but the core dilemma is ancient. Large civilizations require immense resources. When rulers can no longer obtain enough through ordinary taxation, they manipulate the currency.
Roman emperors knew little of modern monetary theory, but they understood that reducing the precious-metal content of coins allowed the state to mint more of them. The apparent solution eventually helped destroy confidence in the currency and contributed to the collapse of hard money across much of Europe.
There is only so much Trump can do about structural inflation and accumulated debt. He can, however, avoid taking actions that make the problem worse.
Gasoline is the literal fuel of the economy. Higher prices punish voters at the pump and then reappear in the cost of every product that must be transported. Energy bills, food prices, and fuel costs hit households immediately and simultaneously. Voters will remember that squeeze more clearly than any lecture about macroeconomic fundamentals.
The war with Iran has taken on a disturbingly familiar shape. Its champions mocked anyone who warned that the conflict might last more than a few weeks. Now the country approaches a critical midterm election with no end in sight.
This was predictable. Once a war begins, the ability to control its scope and duration rapidly diminishes. Machiavelli put it plainly: “Wars begin when you will, but they do not end when you please.”
The same pundits who demanded war now tell voters they are stupid or selfish for noticing its economic consequences. They will inevitably blame any disastrous midterm result on the people who opposed the conflict, but the political reality is obvious.
The central issue is not that voters have developed a sophisticated position on Iran. Many probably care little about the strategic details. They care that everything costs more. Telling them they lack economic literacy has roughly the same electoral appeal as shooting a puppy on live television.
America has already spent tens of billions of dollars on the Iran war and depleted munitions stockpiles that will require years and billions more to rebuild. The Republican House also approved another $8 billion in loans for Ukraine, despite Trump’s promise to end that war immediately.
RELATED: Conservatives are blowing the easiest political win in America

The United States does not have this money sitting in a vault. It must be taxed, borrowed, or created. Each method imposes a cost on Americans who receive little material benefit from these foreign conflicts.
The political system limits what Republicans can do about inflation. Ending vast expenditures on wars that do not improve the lives of voters is nevertheless the most obvious place to begin.
The road ahead is difficult, but many of the wounds are self-inflicted. The first step toward recovery is to stop repeating the behavior that caused them.
End funding for the war in Ukraine. Bring American forces home from the Persian Gulf. Stop telling voters that concern over rising prices is foolish, greedy, or manufactured by Democrats.
The GOP still has one advantage: Democrats remain deeply unpopular. Redistricting has improved the Republican electoral map, and the left continues to repel many ordinary voters. There may still be time to limit the damage or even regain momentum.
But first the war hawks must admit that they were wrong — again — and change course.
Democrats lost because they cut themselves off from reality. Republicans have no reason to copy the strategy.
Every time tensions flare somewhere in the world, gasoline prices seem to jump overnight. Drivers expect it. The news blames geopolitics, oil traders blame uncertainty, and politicians blame each other. But here's the question almost nobody is asking: If computers can raise prices within hours, why do they suddenly become so patient when it's time to lower them?
Americans have lived with this frustration for decades. The price of crude oil climbs, and gas stations respond almost immediately. Crude oil falls sharply, and suddenly we're told to be patient. Refiners need time. Distributors need time. Retailers need time. Somehow, that urgency only seems to work in one direction.
Regulators have already gone after algorithmic pricing in apartment rentals, and they're looking at hotel rooms, airline tickets, and online retail.
Now a new California lawsuit and a federal push to investigate gasoline pricing suggest there may be another piece of the story that deserves far more attention. It isn't simply about oil markets anymore. It's about artificial intelligence, algorithms, and whether software designed to maximize profits is quietly changing how fuel prices are set across America.
If that sounds like something out of a science fiction movie, think again.
Kalibrate is a real pricing platform. The company markets its software as an advanced pricing solution that analyzes competitor prices, wholesale costs, local demand, traffic patterns, and countless other variables before recommending the "optimal" price at the pump. By the company's own marketing, it serves many of America's largest fuel retailers and convenience store chains. Retailers use it because it promises to increase profit margins while staying competitive.
There is nothing inherently illegal about any of this. Every major industry now runs on data analytics.
The concern begins when pricing software stops simply reacting to the market and starts shaping it.
On June 22, three California drivers filed a federal class-action lawsuit in Sacramento — and they didn't just sue the software company. They sued the gas stations. Kalibrate is the lead defendant, but so are Marathon, BP, Circle K, 7-Eleven, Speedway, Walmart, Sam's Club, and Albertsons. According to the complaint, Marathon alone runs more than 1,000 ARCO stations in California and has been letting Kalibrate set prices at them since 2020. Circle K, plaintiffs claim, has more than 400 stations on the software. Albertsons, they allege, has been using it since at least 2009.
The complaint alleges that Kalibrate allowed competing retailers to share competitively sensitive information and receive pricing recommendations that discouraged aggressive competition. It describes a "restoration" feature that plaintiffs say lets nearly all the stations in a market raise prices at the same time.
It also quotes Kalibrate's marketing, which according to the complaint tells operators that even in the face of "falling oil prices ... it's critical to avoid a race to the bottom," and warns that cutting your price to win customers "could be making a change that triggers a downward spiral." The plaintiffs call the platform the "central nervous system for a conspiracy to extinguish retail price competition among gas stations."
What does that cost you? Research cited in the complaint found that stations switching to this kind of software raise prices by about 6 cents a gallon on average — and by as much as 30 cents where most of the stations in an area are running it. Plaintiffs point to a real-world example too: They allege that when one California Albertsons turned Kalibrate on, its pump price climbed 3 to 4 cents within days. That sounds small. It isn't. By the complaint's math, a single penny on the statewide average drains $134 million a year from California drivers' wallets.
Kalibrate says it disagrees with the allegations, calls its technology lawful, and intends to defend itself. The retail chains have not yet answered the complaint. No court has ruled on any of it.
But what happens when thousands of competing businesses begin relying on the same algorithm to determine prices?
Price fixing has been illegal in California for more than a century, and the plaintiffs are suing under that old law. What's new is a statute that took effect on January 1 — AB 325, the Preventing Algorithmic Collusion Act — which says plainly that you cannot escape a price-fixing charge by routing the conspiracy through software. Using pricing software is still perfectly legal, but using it to coordinate with your competitors is not.
AB 325 makes it unlawful to use or distribute a "common pricing algorithm" — software that uses competitor data to recommend, align, or stabilize prices — as part of an agreement to restrain trade. Whatever you think of Sacramento, it closed that loophole first, and this case is the first real test of it.
Washington is applying pressure of its own — though it is worth being precise about what kind.
On July 3, the Department of Justice and the Federal Trade Commission sent every state attorney general a letter urging them to investigate whether antitrust violations or price gouging are keeping gas prices artificially high. "Recent volatility in crude oil prices does not suspend either the antitrust laws or state consumer protection laws," they wrote, "and it does not authorize companies to manipulate retail prices or collude with their competitors." The letter followed President Trump's complaint, posted to Truth Social on June 23, that falling crude prices weren't reaching drivers.
But read that letter closely and you'll notice something. It never mentions algorithms. Not once. The federal government is going after gas prices with the same tools it has always used, while the argument about the software is being made by three drivers and their lawyers in a Sacramento courtroom. Nobody in Washington has said the word yet. And whether any of these investigations turns up illegal conduct remains to be seen.
Anyone who has driven for more than a few years knows the pattern. Prices spike within days of a geopolitical event, then drift down at a painfully slow pace. Economists even have a name for it: the "rockets and feathers" effect, and they have studied it for decades. Researchers point to several reasons, including inventory replacement costs, consumer behavior, and local competition. None of those explanations necessarily involve illegal activity.
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But artificial intelligence introduces an entirely new variable.
Unlike traditional pricing models, today's software can monitor competitors continuously, process enormous amounts of market data instantly, and recommend price changes faster than any human pricing manager ever could. If dozens or even hundreds of competing retailers rely on similar recommendations generated from comparable market data, the practical result may be less price competition — without anyone ever picking up the phone to coordinate prices.
That possibility isn't unique to gasoline.
Regulators have already gone after algorithmic pricing in apartment rentals, and they're looking at hotel rooms, airline tickets, and online retail. The Justice Department sued RealPage over the software landlords used to set rents and settled the case last November. The concern in every case is the same: that algorithms may accomplish indirectly what competitors have long been prohibited from doing directly.
It's worth being precise about what that settlement did and didn't say. RealPage paid no penalty, and the government made no finding that it broke the law. What the DOJ objected to was the use of nonpublic information from competing landlords — not the software itself. Using an algorithm to price your product isn't illegal. Feeding it your competitors' private numbers is where the trouble starts. That distinction is going to decide the gas station case too.
Technology moves faster than regulation.
This debate also exposes another misconception. When Americans get angry about gas prices, they aim that anger at the oil companies. In reality, what you pay at the pump includes crude oil costs, refining expenses, transportation, taxes, distribution, and retail pricing. Gas stations generally operate on thin per-gallon margins — the National Association of Convenience Stores puts the net at roughly a dime a gallon once credit card fees and operating costs come out — while state taxes and regulatory costs can dramatically affect what you pay locally, particularly in a state like California.
If gasoline prices are rising because of global supply disruptions, consumers may not like it, but they can understand it. Markets move. Wars affect energy. Hurricanes interrupt refining.
But if pricing software is reducing competition by encouraging retailers to move together instead of competing aggressively for customers, consumers deserve answers.
Artificial intelligence is quietly becoming the invisible middleman in countless financial decisions Americans make every day — insurance rates, airline tickets, hotel rooms, online prices, and now what you pay every time you pull up to the pump.
Most consumers never know an algorithm was involved; they simply assume that's what the market decided.
Algorithms don't care whether you're commuting to work, driving your kids to school, or trying to keep your small business afloat. They don't understand household budgets or family vacations. They optimize. That's what they were built to do.
The question was never whether artificial intelligence can set prices more efficiently. It's whether we've quietly allowed machines to redefine what competition means.
Because if software can determine the price of something as essential as gasoline today, what will it be deciding tomorrow?
The price of oil has fallen to pre-conflict levels after more than four months of a damaging surge from the conflict with Iran.
On Friday, Brent Crude oil traded at about $72 and has fallen farther to $70 on Tuesday, just below the $72 mark before the U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iran commenced in late February.
'We're either going to make a deal, or we're going to finish the job. It won't be tough to finish the job.'
President Donald Trump faced some criticism after gas prices spiked from the Strait of Hormuz shutting down. In recent weeks he has been working on a peace agreement to open up traffic in the pivotal trade route.
Oil prices spiked slightly on Monday after a strike was reported on a tanker from Qatar by Iranian forces, but the price recovered by the next day.
The cause was further aided by a sharp cut in pricing by Saudi Arabia, a key member of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries.
"Weak Asian demand, especially from China, together with the sanctions waiver on Iranian crude, has intensified competition among sellers and shifted the market in buyers' favor," said energy analyst Emma Li to Reuters.
On Monday, Trump warned that the U.S. would renew the military conflict if Iran could not agree to a peace agreement soon.
"We're either going to make a deal, or we're going to finish the job. It won't be tough to finish the job," he said to reporters at the White House.
About a fifth of global oil supplies flow through the Strait of Hormuz.
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"The situation around the Strait of Hormuz remains unsettled. But as we have argued since March, both sides should ultimately have an interest in containing the conflict," said Berenberg chief economist Holger Schmieding.
He went on to say the president needed oil prices to drop before the midterms, while the Iranian regime needs the income from potential sanctions relief.
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