Orwell Unfiltered

All Souls, the blue riband Oxford graduate college, used to be famous for its fellowship exams. A particular highlight was the General Paper, in which candidates were often presented with a solitary abstract noun ("Hope," "Charity," etc.) or an especially thorny epigram ("Freedom and equality are ultimately incompatible") and invited to "discuss." Well, an All Souls General Paper here in 2026 could usefully begin with the question, "What is meant by the adjective ‘Orwellian’?"

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Pope Leo XIV recognizes martyrdom of Christians slaughtered by Spanish leftists



Pope Leo XIV has recognized the martyrdom of scores of Spanish Christians murdered by leftists in the 1930s, setting the stage for their possible canonization.

Spain was ravaged in the first half of the 20th century by a bloody civil war that saw a motley crew of Soviet-backed leftists — a coalition strained by infighting between anarchists and communists, to the great chagrin of George Orwell — pitted against an alliance of conservatives, nationalists, and monarchists who were alternatively reinforced by German and Italian forces.

In the years leading up to the war, the Catholic Church and its supporters in Spain became increasingly popular targets for deadly leftist attacks and political persecution by the Republican government.

That oppression paled, however, in comparison to the anti-Catholic campaign executed during the "Red Terror" — the leftist counterinsurgency described by the late Austrian-American polymath Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn as "an orgy of rape, sadism, and unspeakable obscenities."

According to the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation:

Republican partisans desecrated, burned, and looted churches and shrines all across Spain. Relics and statues were paraded through the streets in mock celebrations; the bodies of saints and clergy were dug up and abused. Priests and religious were hunted and massacred: around 6,800 Catholic clergy, including 13 bishops, were tortured and executed by left-wing forces. Nor were these killings a reaction to clerical abuses. According to historian José Sanchez, "Priests of all types were killed: strict, loose, moral, immoral, libertines and ascetics,” including "some priests who were social activists and had actively opposed the uprisings." Indeed, murder of the local priest became de rigueur for loyal partisans: "Cassock we see, cassock we kill."

On Monday, Pope Leo authorized the Vatican's Dicastery for the Causes of Saints to recognize the martyrdom of Brother Estanislao Ortega García and 48 of his companions from the Montfort Brothers of St. Gabriel along with diocesan priest Emanuele Berenguer Clusella, who were "killed between the months of July and November 1936 in hatred of the faith, in various parts of Catalonia, Spain, in the context of the same persecution."

Vatican News noted that the recognition of the clerics' martyrdom "marks a step forward in the respective causes for canonization."

RELATED: Young men flocking to Christianity in record numbers

Exhumed Catholic bodies put on display in a Barcelona street by Republicans during the Spanish Civil War. STF/AFP/Getty Images

InfoVaticana reported that the Archdiocese of Barcelona initially got the ball rolling on these martyrs' beatification decades ago, collecting testimonies and documentation regarding the circumstances of their deaths.

'They are models of consistency with the truth they professed.'

This is hardly the first time that Pope Leo or his predecessors have recognized the heroic faith of Christians murdered by Spanish leftists in the 1930s.

Last year, for instance, Pope Leo recognized as martyrs 109 diocesan priests, one religious sister, and 14 lay Catholics killed during the conflict along with 50 French Catholics who died in Nazi concentration camps during World War II.

In 2013, Pope Leo's predecessor, Pope Francis, enraged leftists by announcing the beatification of over 520 martyrs, mainly clergymen, killed for their faith during the Spanish Civil War. This beatification further advanced the cause of their potential recognition by the Catholic Church as saints.

The process for canonization, or official recognition of sainthood, is as follows: First, a candidate who "lived a heroically virtuous life or offered their life" is recognized by the pope as "venerable." The second stage is beatification, which requires a finding of "one miracle acquired through the candidate's intercession." Finally, for canonization, a second miracle is required.

The U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops notes on its website that "all Christians are called to be saints. Saints are persons in heaven (officially canonized or not), who lived heroically virtuous lives, offered their life for others, or were martyred for the faith, and who are worthy of imitation."

In 2007, Pope Benedict XVI beatified 498 martyrs "who poured out their blood for the faith during the religious persecution in Spain in 1934, 1936 and 1937" and whose ages ranged from 16 to 78.

In 2001, Pope John Paul II beatified 233 martyrs killed during the Spanish Civil War, including Maria Teresa Ferragud, an 83-year-old woman who was savagely murdered on the feast of Christ the King in 1936 along with her four daughters, all of whom were nuns.

"The Church wishes to recognize these men and women as examples of courage and constancy in faith, helped by God’s grace," Pope John Paul II, who was canonized in 2014, said at the time. "For us they are models of consistency with the truth they professed, while at the same time they honor the noble Spanish people and the Church."

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Tyranny Through Technology

George Orwell, in his immortal 1946 essay "The Prevention of Literature," delineates a distinction between two types of attackers of intellectual freedom, both real but one in a sense more real than the other. "On the one side," he writes, "are its theoretical enemies, the apologists of totalitarianism, and on the other its immediate, practical enemies, monopoly and bureaucracy." This distinction is at least as useful in the age of Trump and social media.

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The socialist spell: Why modern minds keep falling for an old lie



What draws people to socialism?

Even after nearly two centuries of ruin brought to those societies that have adopted this governing system, the appeal still remains. Most Western countries have a thriving socialist party occupying portions of the government, including the United States with the Democratic Socialists of America.

The promises of socialists made in today’s media landscape are closely analogous to the serpent’s promises in the Garden of Eden.

Worse still, the DSA experienced a huge win in New York City with the election of outspoken socialist Zohran Mamdani and came close to beating the Republican candidate with another socialist in a special election in Tennessee in December.

Then, of course, there are the legions of leftist online content creators indoctrinating millions of users with socialist messaging.

Is it historical ignorance with the Cold War increasingly far behind us? Is it the leftist teachers simply passing over the horrific genocides of communist leaders like Mao Zedong, Joseph Stalin, or Pol Pot and ignoring the ongoing calamities of Cuba, Venezuela, North Korea, and other socialist backwaters? Is it simply the promise of free stuff? Is it the envy of billionaire elites who seem to wield omnipotent power?

The socialist paradox

No doubt, ignorance, greed, envy, and boredom all play a significant role in the elevation of socialists.

This is why most opponents of socialism generally push back by attempting to teach people about the endless failures of socialism, the basic laws of economics, and the immorality and destructiveness of confiscating property and denying citizens their constitutional freedoms.

Clearly, this approach has not been successful with this latest crop of socialists who now make up a large portion of the Millennial and Gen Z cohorts.

It could just be that human nature is such that it is always vulnerable to toxic ideas like socialism, and digital technology has made this problem even more challenging. After all, the promises of socialists made in today’s media landscape are closely analogous to the serpent’s promises in the Garden of Eden: Do this one thing — i.e., eat this fruit, vote and campaign for this socialist — and you will have everything you want.

Or, more likely, it could be that conservatives are misunderstanding the issue altogether.

Rather than view socialism as an ideology, a movement, or a moral failing inherent in human nature, it would be better to see socialism as a reaction to all these things.

At its core, socialism is what happens when a person consciously rejects political reasoning, morality, and complex abstractions, all in favor of a strictly materialist and existentialist approach to life.

Orwell and the socialist mind

An illustration of this phenomenon comes from the great 20th century writer George Orwell, who unintentionally captures the socialist mind in his personal account of the Spanish Civil War, “Homage to Catalonia.”

Despite being known as a fierce critic of totalitarian surveillance states like the Soviet Union, Orwell himself was an ardent socialist throughout his life. In fact, he was so committed to socialism that he went to Catalonia to fight a war on behalf of the Trotskyist Workers’ Party of Marxist Unification.

His stated goal was not necessarily to write a full account of the Spanish Civil War (though he did), but first and foremost to kill fascists.

RELATED: A socialist New York isn’t just a local problem. It’s a national emergency.

natasaadzic/iStock/Getty Images Plus

What is most surprising about “Homage to Catalonia” is just how little Orwell actually writes about socialism itself. He spends many pages describing the size of rats, the scarcity of tobacco, and the convoluted squabbling between various anarchist, communist, and socialist factions, yet almost nothing about why he is actually fighting in a foreign civil war.

In one of the middle chapters, almost in passing, he devotes a precious few paragraphs on the matter, citing his sympathy with the laborers in their hope of realizing true equality: “The thing that attracts ordinary men to Socialism and makes them willing to risk their skins for it, the ‘mystique’ of Socialism, is the idea of equality; to the vast majority of people Socialism means a classless society, or it means nothing at all.”

Sadly, Orwell quickly follows this reflection with the immediate reality of his situation, “I was hardly conscious of the changes that were occurring in my own mind. Like everyone about me I was chiefly conscious of boredom, heat, cold, dirt, lice, privation, and occasional danger.”

Naturally, these concerns are what make up the bulk of his book.

At no point in Orwell’s narrative does his joy rise above the creature comforts of cigarettes, wine, food, sleep, and personal cleanliness, nor does his sorrow go much beyond beyond the deprivation thereof. Any hope he might have that transcends this narrow worldview — i.e., virtue, ethics, greater truth, life after death (Orwell survives a shot through the neck), or even winning the war — is completely absent.

Orwell is just there, living his life and fighting an enemy. Even though he is aware of the atrocities of the socialist militias — like destroying churches and killing innocent priests and nuns — he hardly thinks about it. Even though he throws a bomb into enemy lines and inflicts a slow and painful death on a fascist soldier, he is more annoyed at the man’s screaming than he is perturbed at the fact that he just killed a man in cold blood for a dubious cause.

Obviously, Orwell was not too dim-witted to think of these matters, nor is it because he was some kind of true believer blinded by misleading propaganda, nor was he a sociopath.

Instead, he has committed to a mode of behavior and thought that negates all moral rationality. His socialism simply does not touch on anything beyond the next meal, the next bus to work, the next cup of coffee, the next nice-sounding idea.

Acting as a socialist only means doing what the other socialists seem to be doing, whether that means joining a protest, fighting in a civil war, or voting for a DSA candidate.

Although some of this mode of behavior betrays a deep streak of nihilism, the socialists themselves never reflect on anything long enough to realize it. For all the observations Orwell makes, with his characteristic wryness, none of it ever leads to a deeper conclusion about his situation.

Much of his general attitude could be summed up with the empty platitude, “It is what it is.” Readers can also find this kind of hopeless shrug in the endings of Orwell’s novels “Animal Farm” and “1984,” where the antagonists triumph and all the efforts of the protagonists prove to be futile as well as pointless.

RELATED: The complete failure of ‘1984’

Mininyx Doodle/iStock/Getty Images Plus

Based on the account given in “Homage to Catalonia,” the biggest precondition that leads to this mindlessness is modernity’s systemic atomization and subsequent loneliness.

Throughout his narrative, Orwell has no real friends about which to speak — yet he does somehow drag his wife to Barcelona while he fights with the Workers’ Party of Marxist Unification. True, he notes with fondness how everyone addresses each other as “comrade,” as well as substituting the formal “usted” (Spanish for “you”) for the informal “tu.”

Yet, this belies the indifference he ultimately has for these men suffering and dying senselessly. This community of soldiers in the trenches — the one example that Orwell can point to as true socialism in practice — is almost entirely superficial. Years later, he still cannot see this and even feels glad for the experience of stinking and starving in trenches with his socialist “comrades” for so many months.

Humanize before you catechize

In light of all this, it should be clear that mere apologetics for free-market capitalism, liberal democratic republicanism, and Christian communitarianism will fall on deaf ears, for the socialists both then and now.

A catchy slogan, a photogenic demagogue, an attractive vibe will win over otherwise intelligent people and lead them down a dark path that allows no light to come in.

In order to bring them back from this path, conservatives and other anti-socialists need to appreciate the content of their worldview (or lack thereof) along with the modern context of today’s postmodern consumerist culture that have made friendship, depth, and moments of quiet reflection next to impossible.

Once they recognize this, they will finally understand that more education and fewer affordability crises will not fix the problem of socialism’s growing popularity. Instead, they will have to meaningfully connect with these people, pull them away from the sources of malaise, and patiently fill up what has been hollowed out.

People must be humanized before they are catechized.

Even though this is a much bigger project, it is a more effective and fulfilling one. One can speculate what would have happened if Orwell found religion and joined a church instead of finding socialism and joining the Workers’ Party of Marxist Unification. Perhaps his eventual novels criticizing Russian communism would have lacked the same insights.

Or, perhaps his cynicism and recklessness would have turned to hope and wisdom, and he could have offered a better way forward to those who fall under the spell of socialism instead of dreaming up horrific depictions of socialism’s excesses.

Big Tech rigged the algorithm. Then they weaponized it.



The algorithm is its own “Animal Farm.” “Four legs good, two legs bad” may come in the form of binary code, but the tyranny is just as real. Most content in alternative media gets watered down to please the ruling digital overlords.

Unless you work for a company like Blaze Media — which has built talent lineups that can thrive outside the algorithm — odds are, you were made to be ruled.

Big Tech, Big Pharma, Big Trans — they’ve all come for you once. They’ll do it again.

Ever wonder why some “conservative” hosts sound bold on a handful of safe topics but go quiet on election interference or the COVID jab? The algorithm spoke. They complied.

Pound for pound, my show may have taken the biggest hit among conservatives trying to monetize YouTube traffic since 2020. That we managed to hit seven-figure revenues without help from the world’s largest search engine is, frankly, a miracle.

Big Tech operates like a loaded gun, aimed and cocked by the federal government.

The Biden administration didn’t just whisper suggestions. It literally contacted YouTube and demanded the censorship of Alex Berenson. That’s bad enough.

But thanks to research by DataRepublican and DOGE, we now know the algorithm went a step further — using your tax dollars to boost regime-approved content across major tech platforms through USAID.

That’s not just outrageous. It’s an antitrust violation, plain and simple. And I don’t plan on taking it lying down.

For several months, I’ve worked with First Liberty in Dallas — one of the nation’s top constitutional conservative legal organizations. With their help, I filed a formal complaint with the Federal Trade Commission just before Memorial Day. Here’s a key excerpt:

YouTube’s metrics show that the "Steve Deace Show" experienced explosive growth on YouTube in 2020. The show continued strong in 2021, but toward the end of that year, his videos started being removed. And this precipitated a sharp fall in views and impressions in 2022. The sharp decline strongly suggests that YouTube shadow banned or otherwise limited the visibility of the "Steve Deace Show" in 2022 and possibly starting in the end of 2021. During the same period of time where YouTube views and impressions were sharply declining, the "Steve Deace Show" experienced significant growth on other platforms. The show's strong performance on Apple Podcasts maintained their upper trajectory throughout this period of time.

Consider the contrast: While YouTube buried the show in 2021, my podcast was outperforming on Apple — strong enough to earn me a three-year contract extension with Blaze Media. That same year, my book “Faucian Bargain” became a No. 1 bestseller in the United States.

It doesn’t add up — unless you account for censorship.

In 2021, 69% of our YouTube views came from subscribers, 31% from nonsubscribers. In 2022, that number skewed even further — 76% subscribers, only 24% nonsubscribers. That ratio should never tilt that far. Most YouTube traffic typically comes from recommendations, not regular followers.

RELATED: Congress has the power to crush Big Tech’s app monopoly

Photo Illustration by Jakub Porzycki/NurPhoto via Getty Images

As we explained in our FTC complaint: “This trend line is clear evidence of suppression because it shows how YouTube refused to feature, refused to recommend, and otherwise decreased the visibility of the platform.”

Word is, FTC Chairman Andrew Ferguson takes Big Tech censorship seriously. I hope that’s true — because people likely died due to what YouTube did. Shows like mine were offering counternarratives to the COVID cult. And we were silenced.

Whoever controls language controls the debate. That’s why this isn’t just a tech policy fight. It’s a battle for the future of Western civilization.

The left has shown its hand: If they had the power, they’d disappear you. They already tried. Big Tech, Big Pharma, Big Trans — they’ve all come for you once. They’ll do it again.

This isn’t a squabble over ad revenue or traffic metrics. It’s a battle against the deliberate unraveling of reality itself.

So fight we must. And with severe prejudice.

Stay tuned.

Israel Unearths the Truth

Those who control the past, George Orwell famously warned, control the future. In his new book, When the Stones Speak: The Remarkable Discovery of the City of David and What Israel’s Enemies Don’t Want You to Know, author Doron Spielman brilliantly connects battles over the Jewish people’s past to present efforts to deny the Jewish state’s legitimacy. As he makes clear: The past matters more than ever.

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Twisting the truth: Wikipedia’s ongoing misinformation war



For over a decade, I have argued with Wikipedia curators about the biographical sketch covering my life and work. Each time a surrogate or I correct false or slanderous details, the misinformation reappears within weeks — often with even greater distortions. Friends who have helped me in this thankless effort suggest giving up, believing that no matter how many corrections we make, the falsehoods will always reappear.

Christopher Rufo has assured me that anyone paying attention knows Wikipedia leans left and misrepresents those with views deemed unacceptable. However, after decades of acquiring unfriendly critics, I doubt most readers will dismiss Wikipedia’s misrepresentations in my case.

One position I will never conceal is my contempt for peddlers of what George Orwell called 'smelly little orthodoxies.' One can’t despise such people enough.

I have also observed Wikipedia’s double standard in editing biographical sketches. Friends with technical expertise have spent weeks trying to correct inaccurate statements about me. Each time, they must provide excessive documentation and navigate endless disputes before even minor corrections are approved. No matter how often they succeed, new distortions inevitably replace the old ones.

When left-leaning contributors make unsubstantiated claims about figures they associate with the political “dark side,” those assertions often go unchecked. The most recent version of my Wikipedia entry falsely states that I oppose Israel’s existence. I have never expressed any sentiment remotely resembling that.

While I have criticized AIPAC for unfairly attacking Israel’s critics, I have consistently defended Israel’s right to protect itself. Yet my biographer offers flimsy evidence to suggest otherwise. One supposed indicator is my past friendship with the late Murray Rothbard, who was explicitly anti-Zionist. But why assume I shared all his views, including his stance on Israel?

Another so-called proof is that I once wrote a review essay for the American Conservative about Elmer Berger, a Reform rabbi critical of Israel’s founding as a Jewish state. Although I described Berger’s position as unrealistic, I apparently didn’t denounce him strongly enough to satisfy those eager to paint me as anti-Israel.

Guilt by association

Wikipedia contributors also attempt to discredit me by linking me to white nationalism. They note that I spoke at an American Renaissance conference in the 1990s but fail to mention that my remarks focused solely on my research on American conservatism — without endorsing white nationalism in any form.

The entry also highlights my past acquaintance with Richard Spencer, though that relationship largely predated his public embrace of white nationalism. Even more tenuously, it refers to an attack from the ADF against an organization I once led, claiming it was “friendly” to white racists. However, even the Wikipedia entry admits that our group was never identified as inherently racist.

These misrepresentations follow a familiar pattern. When leftist editors shape a narrative, they demand exhaustive proof to correct errors. Meanwhile, baseless smears against those they oppose remain unchallenged.

The Wikipedia entry omits that I spent years writing for leftist magazines and that members of the conservative establishment once attacked me as a “right-wing Marxist.” Over decades, I have engaged with a wide range of political groups — both right and left — but rarely with establishments. My work does not focus on race, as it is not my field of study. Instead, my scholarship examines European and American political movements.

Despite this, Wikipedia and Tablet's Jacob Siegel claim that I have written extensively on Latin fascism and seek to create a “post-fascist” imitation of it for the present age. Nothing in my research on changing concepts of fascism supports that bizarre conclusion. I have consistently argued that fascism belonged to a past historical era and should be viewed as an archaic, failed political model.

Opposite of reality

One of the weirdest, most glaring errors about my work appears not in Wikipedia’s biography but in its discussion of “cultural Marxism” as a supposed Jewish conspiracy. There, I am falsely listed as a major source of this ugly, pervasive, anti-Semitic accusation — an assertion that conveniently aligns with the misleading portrayal of me in my biographical sketch.

This charge is entirely baseless. Not only have I never held the views Wikipedia attributes to me, but my books explicitly reject them. The reality is the opposite of what my critics claim.

I have argued that critical theory’s success in the United States stems from its compatibility with the country’s evolution into a managerial state engaged in social engineering. I have also repeatedly noted that today’s woke ideology — promoted by the media, educators, and public administrators — is far more radical and far less insightful than anything the Frankfurt School theorists proposed. Compared to modern woke activists and even some so-called conservatives, early Frankfurt School thinkers could be considered homophobic and sexist.

Wikipedia also claims that Telos, originally a defender of critical theory, was a legitimate leftist magazine until I supposedly took control and transformed it into a “far-right” publication. The entry falsely states, “Under Gottfried’s tenure, Telos became far-right in its outlook.” In reality, I never served as the magazine’s editor in chief; Paul Piccone held that role. I was one of many contributors on the editorial board and played only a minor role in the publication’s engagement with European right-wing thought.

During the 1980s and 1990s, Telos began exploring critiques of centralized managerial regimes, including perspectives from “decentralist” thinkers on the right. This shift was not the result of my supposed influence but rather part of a broader intellectual evolution within the publication.

Of course, I have no expectation that Wikipedia will ever portray me fairly, but I hope others won’t judge me based on its fabrications. One position I will never conceal is my contempt for those who defame me and others like them — peddlers of what George Orwell aptly called “smelly little orthodoxies.” One can’t despise such people enough.

How government and legacy media CONTROL what we think



The legacy media has helped the elites rule the minds of the American people for decades. However, after the rise of independent media helped re-elect Donald Trump. The elites' grip on America is weakening.

Glenn Beck of “The Glenn Beck Program” is well aware of what the elites have done — and how they intend to keep doing it.

The author of the famous dystopian novel “1984,” George Orwell, was also well aware.

“'Films, football, beer, and above all, gambling, filled up the horizon of their minds. To keep them in control was not difficult,'” Glenn reads from the pages of Orwell’s novel, adding, “That’s what’s happening now.”


“Orwell wrote this long before George Floyd and the birth of modern corporate activism. He had no idea about organizations like the World Economic Forum or ESG. Orwell was talking ultimately about the dangers of consumerism, which goes back to the Wilson administration,” Glenn explains.

“Orwell’s nightmare, as far as control is concerned, is now our reality. Just imagine the power this provides, the money. This is why Donald Trump and anyone who works with him is in danger,” Glenn says, noting that just 12 companies own 550 of the major everyday brands Americans rely on.

“This isn’t an anti-corporation rant. By all means, make money, grow your companies, do what you have to do,” he adds.

Want more from Glenn Beck?

To enjoy more of Glenn’s masterful storytelling, thought-provoking analysis, and uncanny ability to make sense of the chaos, subscribe to BlazeTV — the largest multi-platform network of voices who love America, defend the Constitution, and live the American dream.

‘Orwell would be proud’: UK investigating journalists under NEW ‘non-crime’ law



Free speech might be going strong in the United States, but the U.K. is only becoming more Orwellian by the day.

U.K. police have not only investigated a writer for a deleted post and a journalist for a tweet she posted in the wake of the pro-Palestinian protests, but also jailed a woman for nine months for livestreaming allegedly racist comments.

“Allison Pearson is the journalist; she’s actually just been let off by the Essex police. That story specifically was that a year ago in November, just after the October 7 massacre, she was in London and at a pro-Israel event and mistook a flag, which she though was a Hamas flag, which was actually a Pakistani, Imran Khan, his political party flag, and she said, ‘Oh, they’re Jew-haters,’” Winston Marshall tells Dave Rubin of “The Rubin Report.”


Pearson deleted the tweet once her mistake was pointed out to her, but that didn’t stop the police from spending a year investigating her.

“She’s investigated, and we have this thing called a ‘non-crime hate incident,’” Marshall continues, while Rubin interjects, “Orwell would be proud.”

“Orwell was moderate compared to what’s going on,” Marshall argues. “A ‘non-crime hate incident,’ this isn’t a real crime. It’s if someone perceives you to be spreading hatred, and how they define hatred is different in every bloody country.”

“If someone perceives you to be offensive to someone, even if you’re not the person being offended, you can log a non-crime hate incident,” he continues, adding, “This week, a 9-year-old was booked by the police for calling another classmate a ‘r*tard’.”

Want more from Dave Rubin?

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