UN Redefines ‘Peace’ To Revolutionize Classrooms With More Critical Theory
A UN’s agency redefinition of what’s considered “peace” or “violence” is designed to push its harmful education agenda.
Republicans have no choice but to face their mandate head-on. The moment has arrived, and this time it must count.
They must keep their promises. Conservatives can’t afford to become complacent once the election fervor fades. This time, we must verify rather than just trust. This time must be different.
Addressing illegal immigration doesn’t require new legislation — it's already illegal.
Democrats threw everything at Trump — over 90 indictments, censorship efforts, and unprecedented campaign spending against him. Yet Trump won every competitive state, gained ground in blue states, secured at least 53 Senate seats, and held the House. Despite Trump’s unpopularity with swing voters, the public voted for a shift in policy, not personality. That’s why those policies must change. No more excuses.
While conservatives must develop a vision across a host of issues, certain immediate red lines must be drawn to prevent the cycle of electoral success followed by policy failure that has plagued the party for decades.
Personnel is policy: The first policy focus must be personnel, as everything flows from the top aides and agency heads. In the coming days, we’ll hear names suggested for various positions — some promising, others concerning. Trump has welcomed many wealthy, non-traditional conservatives into his circle. Building a coalition is valuable, but some of these individuals don’t share core conservative values on key issues.
For example, many of them hold socially liberal views and support immigration expansion. Conservatives must speak out early and often if Trump decides to appoint some of these people to roles that conflict with his promises to his base. Some of them might be better suited to other roles. For instance, a person who supports U.S. involvement in Ukraine should be kept away from foreign affairs posts but might be solid on immigration.
By ensuring that personnel align with conservative principles, Trump and the party can maintain integrity and follow through on campaign promises.
Trump also must immediately announce his intention to request the resignation of every career bureaucrat on day one. He’ll have the most political capital at the start of his term, so he should act swiftly to remove those who may hinder his agenda. Delay will only make the job more difficult down the line.
No lame-duck session: Historically, Republicans have deflated post-election momentum with unproductive lame-duck sessions in December. Trump should urge Congress to pass a clean continuing budget resolution through spring, allowing him to cut spending and defund bad programs immediately rather than waiting for the next fiscal year. No other transformational bills should be considered during this time.
Rescind and impound unspent funding: Republicans now own inflation, and the only way to shift its trajectory is by cutting spending. The most straightforward solution is to target the hundreds of billions in unspent funds from the Infrastructure and Inflation Reduction Act. Trump can impound this funding without congressional approval. He must clearly communicate to Americans that reducing spending is the only path out of stagflation, starting with unused Biden-era program funds.
Repeal the Green New Deal: As GOP lobbyists prepare to repeat the betrayal seen during the Obamacare repeal, pushing to retain subsidies for ineffective energy programs, Trump must commit to a full repeal of the Green New Deal and related legislation in the spring budget reconciliation bill. He must use all his political capital, influence, and the bully pulpit to rally Republicans around the most aggressive budget reconciliation package, which is the one annual opportunity to bypass the filibuster.
Leverage must-pass bills: Trump will likely lack the votes to enact sweeping changes through stand-alone legislation, so he must use his veto power on “must-pass” bills — such as budget and program reauthorization bills — as leverage for reforms. Farm bills, welfare reauthorization, agency reauthorization (including the FBI), and defense reauthorization bills should not pass GOP-controlled chambers without significant reforms. Where possible, welfare, agriculture, and education programs should be devolved to the states, even if done in a budget-neutral way.
Reform health care (the right way this time): Many reforms championed by RFK Jr.’s “Make America Healthy Again” movement can be done through executive action. Trump can direct Health and Human Services agencies to shift away from a mass vaccination agenda, publish accurate data on food, vaccines, and toxins, and address regulatory capture within these agencies. However, to truly tackle budgetary and chronic illness issues, the payment model for health care needs a total overhaul.
A practical goal would be to use every waiver under Obamacare to allow states to offer insurance plans independent of the costly regulatory structure that inflates catastrophic insurance premiums. This would enable individuals to access direct primary care with emergency coverage, fostering a parallel health care system rooted in independent-minded doctors and eliminating the costly middlemen that have driven up expenses and making our people sicker compared to other developed nations.
On a related note, wouldn’t Florida Surgeon General Dr. Joseph Ladapo make a great HHS secretary?
Fulfill the immigration mandate: Polls consistently show that the public is frustrated with the influx of illegal immigration. Trump even won Hispanic male voters outright for Republicans, a first in modern history. The good news is that addressing illegal immigration doesn’t require new legislation — it’s already illegal. Trump can immediately shut down the incentives for illegal immigration by using his authority under section 212(f) of the Immigration and Nationality Act to suspend immigration in the national interest. He should also empower states to enforce immigration law.
As for legal immigration, the last thing we need is an increase. The trouble is that some billionaires close to Trump are pushing for increased legal immigration, but conservatives must insist on a pause. The United States cannot continue to flood every industry’s labor market with foreign workers. After Biden’s 10-million-man invasion, the country needs a cooling-off period. While some adjustments may require legislation, Trump should avoid pushing any increase in legal immigration as a trade-off for border enforcement. He already has the authority he needs to enforce these changes.
Demand better Senate leadership: Senators John Thune (R-N.D.) and John Cornyn (R-Texas) do not align with our values, mindset, or strategic vision for leading the Senate. Trump must lean in heavily for a clean break from the past to ensure the majority leader isn’t just a younger version of Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.).
We must stay firm on these basic expectations to avoid repeating the cycle of failure. However, our goals and strategies must also be realistic. Even with significant political capital, the Republican Party remains fractured, and narrow majorities will often limit our ability to enact the changes we want. In a divided country, Republicans frequently yield to special interests and cower out of concern over losing their power.
This is why, even as we develop a federal agenda, we must maximize efforts in red states where Democrats have little chance of taking control. Many reforms need to happen at the state level, so much of our federal agenda should focus on empowering states with greater flexibility.
God does not grant us these opportunities too often, and we can’t afford to waste them. This time must be different.
Democratic vice presidential nominee Tim Walz said the Green New Deal—a $10 trillion progressive climate bill—should not be thrown out, during an interview with a local Pennsylvania news station.
The post WATCH: Tim Walz Says Green New Deal Should Not Be 'Scrapped' appeared first on .
Health insurance premiums, both individual and employer-sponsored, have more than doubled since the passage of the Affordable Care Act. Today, Americans continue to face the heavy burden of high health care costs, partly because Republicans previously promised to repeal the law but failed to follow through when they regained power.
Now, eight years later, Republicans face a similar challenge with the Biden administration’s Green New Deal. If they do not fully repeal it, the rising costs of energy will follow the trajectory of health care expenses.
When it comes to dismantling sweeping socialist programs enacted by Democratic presidents, we rarely get second chances.
Immediate conservative action is crucial. Lobbyists, donors, and trade associations close to Republican officials seem intent on preserving the key aspects of the law. Goldman Sachs reports that, without statutory caps on tax credits, subsidies for inefficient energy sources under the inaptly named Inflation Reduction Act could reach $1.2 trillion by 2032. Although much of this funding remains unspent, conservatives need to take swift action to rescind the law before it accelerates the shift from reliable energy sources to unworkable alternatives.
One might expect the oil and gas industry to strongly oppose these subsidies. Yet, like many sectors in today’s venture socialist environment, they find ways to profit from government interventions. Their approach is, “If you can’t beat ’em, join ’em.” Similar to how they benefited from trading credits tied to the ethanol mandate — ultimately convincing Donald Trump to maintain the mandate — they are now seeking gains from the complex and costly carbon capture program established by the new law.
The Wall Street Journal reports that Exxon Mobil, Phillips 66, and Occidental Petroleum are negotiating with the Trump campaign to preserve subsidies that serve their interests. They fear losing tax credits crucial for their investments in renewable fuels, carbon capture, and hydrogen — expensive technologies that require U.S. support during their initial stages.
Driven by regulations, subsidies, and a shift toward green energy, Exxon and Chevron have invested over $30 billion in carbon capture, hydrogen, and biofuels. Meanwhile, Phillips 66 aims to leverage “renewable fuels” credits to increase vegetable oil production — an ingredient now widely considered harmful to humans — over refining crude oil.
“If we win, we need to take a scalpel, not an ax, to the IRA,” said Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.), a liberal Republican from an energy-producing state.
In August, 18 House Republicans sent a letter to Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) urging that the GOP maintain “the energy tax regime,” which includes substantial subsidies for impractical energy sources. This followed announcements from the Chamber of Commerce and the American Petroleum Institute that they would oppose any efforts to fully dismantle the Biden-Harris administration’s green energy policies.
For those who remember the fight over Obamacare, this situation feels like déjà vu. Republican special interests aim to preserve the core elements of the controversial law while seeking more flexibility to produce oil and gas by removing drilling taxes and regulations. The issue is that with substantial funding backing these inefficient energy forms, resource misallocation will continue to push the risky “transition” and hurt consumers.
Trump must remain as bold as he is clear in advocating for the complete repeal of all subsidies. His stance should be: “No headwinds and no tailwinds to any single industry.” In a low-regulation, non-subsidized environment, industries that can adapt and succeed will thrive, ultimately benefiting consumers. There remains ample opportunity for companies to profit under policies that support the development of oil and gas pipelines, LNG terminals, oil refineries, and a revival of coal production.
After decades of subsidizing and mandating “renewable” fuels, it’s time to stop treating this rent-seeking scheme as an emerging industry. Instead, we should demand that it prove its worth on a level playing field. If wind, solar, electric vehicles, and carbon capture can thrive without special treatment, then great — let them.
However, if we continue subsidizing failure, it will only result in shifting our national grid to less reliable sources, which won't support us during natural disasters. This issue will be compounded by the government’s push for electric vehicles. Building an electric grid dependent on weak energy sources while increasing demand for EVs is a recipe for disaster. All these subsidies must end.
Imagine facing hurricane season, power restoration, and disaster recovery with a grid and vehicles powered by energy sources that wouldn’t survive in a fair market. Compare Florida's swift power restoration after hurricanes to Texas’ struggle during the 2021 winter grid failure. The $66 billion that Texas, a state under Republican control, spent on wind and solar left it reliant on a grid that couldn’t withstand a cold snap, leading to 200 deaths.
Mario Loyola of the Heritage Foundation noted in the Wall Street Journal that among the five largest states, Florida relies most on natural gas, despite having no natural gas reserves. By contrast, California, Texas, New York, and Pennsylvania have ample reserves but choose to rely on expensive, inefficient, and undependable energy sources.
As a result, “Compared with Florida, residential electricity is 27% more expensive in Pennsylvania, 60% more expensive in New York, and 137% more expensive in California. Even pro-energy, GOP-controlled Texas has higher electricity costs than Florida, partly due to its large renewable energy sector, which increases operational costs and complexity.”
If we fail to repeal the Green New Deal subsidies, our entire country will mirror New York and California’s energy landscape. We cannot repeat the mistake made with Obamacare. We need to dismantle this law in its early stages before it gains “popularity” and changes the market forever.
Republicans should use budget reconciliation, which bypasses the Senate filibuster, to fully repeal the Inflation Reduction Act. This effort requires a firm commitment from Trump, starting with appointing a pro-consumer leader to oversee the Departments of Energy, Interior, and the EPA — not pro-subsidy, anti-carbon figures like North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum, who is seeking one of those roles.
When it comes to dismantling sweeping socialist programs enacted by Democratic presidents, we rarely get second chances. There are no do-overs. This is one opportunity we cannot afford to miss.
Our nation is suffering from record spending, debt, and deficits, which have triggered inflation. This is why Treasury yields are spiking even as the Federal Reserve cuts interest rates. Despite the record spending, we won’t have enough money to rebuild the communities devastated by Hurricane Helene without passing a supplemental disaster spending bill that will push us farther into debt. Or is there another option?
Before inflation hit hard, I promised my wife we would remodel our old kitchen. In a sense, I had already appropriated the funds, but inflation crushed our finances before we could spend them. Like any family, we canceled the project and used the money to cover basic expenses. Unlike the federal government, we can’t spend all our savings because we need to reserve them for an emergency.
Shouldn’t it be obvious that the residents of North Carolina deserve priority over Ukraine?
Congress, on the other hand, loves to spend every last penny available, with no regard for the certainty that natural disasters will occur. AccuWeather has already estimated that rebuilding from the hurricane could cost $110 billion. Congress will undoubtedly pass a supplemental spending bill during the lame-duck session, if not sooner, to help those who lost everything — a goal we all support.
But should our government act like any other family and cut wasteful spending to cover the cost of the disaster bill? There’s no better place to start than with unspent appropriated funds.
A major factor bankrupting us is the collection of bills passed under Biden, combined with the trillions in fiscal and monetary spending in the immediate aftermath of COVID. These bills include the 2021 COVID relief bill, the American Rescue Plan; the trillion-dollar infrastructure law of 2021; the 2022 CHIPS and Science Act; and the Green New Deal, known as the Inflation Reduction Act.
How much of that funding has already been spent?
According to a Politico analysis, less than 17% of the $1.1 trillion provided by those laws for direct subsidies on “climate, energy, and infrastructure” had been spent as of April. This means that, even two years after the passage of these bills, roughly $900 billion remained unspent as of this spring.
Sensing the possibility of Trump’s return to office next year, the Biden administration has accelerated the spending rate since April. “The Biden-Harris administration is focused on sprinting through the next few months, with a relentless focus on execution,” said Ali Zaidi, Biden’s climate czar, in an interview with Politico last week. “We’re implementing the largest climate investment in world history and pursuing a regulatory agenda that has secured public health and environmental gains.”
We should be able to find enough unspent funds between all these bills to repurpose and provide sufficient funding for the people of Western North Carolina to rebuild. In fact, despite the Biden administration racing to spend IRA funding, $331 billion, mainly from the infrastructure bill, cannot be spent until future fiscal years and hasn’t been promised to any specific vendor. That amount more than covers the entire cost of the hurricane.
Additionally, as of April, $92 billion in COVID funds remained unspent, with $53 billion yet to be earmarked. Republicans pledged to rescind these funds in the FY 2024 budget but backed down during the final appropriation bill’s passage.
Then consider Ukraine funding. Much of that spending has gone toward weaponry for a war that will not yield positive results for anyone involved, yet funds allocated for the new fiscal year remain unspent. Shouldn’t it be obvious that the residents of North Carolina deserve priority over Ukraine? Shouldn’t we first redirect unspent green energy funds meant for wealthy corporations toward disaster relief?
Democrats argue that these are vital programs, but so is my kitchen remodeling. Just as Americans must prioritize during a crisis, so must the federal government. If they spend all the funding and pass a new disaster bill without offsets, it will burden all Americans with higher prices for essential goods and services.
As for Republicans, if they can’t fight to retract even a small portion of the unspent funds for programs that never should have been funded, what are they campaigning for this November? They have no right to talk about inflation if they can’t use any leverage to enforce modest cost-cutting, which every family does daily.
Vice President Kamala Harris, who this week pledged to suspend the Senate filibuster to pass abortion legislation, won’t say if she will do the same to pass the multi-trillion dollar progressive Green New Deal, a promise she made during her failed 2020 presidential campaign.
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