Trump reparations would be Dems’ biggest loss since the GOP took their slaves away



Donald Trump has a rare chance this Juneteenth to deliver Democrats their most painful political blow in 160 years.

The man hailed by supporters as a master dealmaker could throw the American system into upheaval by proposing a “MAGA-vellian” reparations plan — a bold mix of populist theater and strategic ruthlessness.

If Trump launched the MAGA Fund, he wouldn’t just rewrite political norms — he’d cement his place as the most disruptive figure in modern American history.

Call it the MAGA Democrat Slavery Compensation Fund.

This plan wouldn’t just shake up Washington. It would redraw the partisan map and deal a death blow to the race-peddling civil rights industry by exposing the fraud at the core of progressive politics. And coming from a president who has vowed to restore Confederate base names, the MAGA Fund would remind voters which party fought to keep slavery alive.

Timing is everything.

Trump acknowledged Juneteenth in his first term and pledged to make it a federal holiday during the 2020 campaign. Biden signed it into law in 2021, but the effort quickly became partisan theater. Critics said Democrats only embraced the holiday after the George Floyd riots, hoping to appease Black Lives Matter activists.

Candace Owens called Juneteenth “sooo lame” and “ghetto.” Charlie Kirk dismissed it as a “CRT-inspired federal holiday” meant to compete with Independence Day.

But now that Trump’s back in the White House — more popular among black voters than any Republican since the 1960s — he’s well-positioned to pull off a maneuver that could rattle his ideological base and neutralize his fiercest critics.

The MAGA Fund would benefit only the descendants of American slaves — not black immigrants, not “people of color,” and not members of the ever-expanding LGBTQIA+ rainbow coalition. It would expose the cynical way Democrats — whose party symbol is a donkey — have used black Americans as political mules for every new “civil rights” cause since the 1960s.

Duke economist Sandy Darity estimates full reparations would cost $10 trillion. The MAGA Fund? Just $855 billion. It would draw from corporate donations — a logical move, since more than 1,000 companies pledged more than $200 billion to “racial justice” causes in 2020.

The MAGA Fund would also weaponize the left’s favorite buzzword: equity.

Progressives insist policies must favor the disadvantaged. Why not apply that within the black community? Under this plan, Oprah Winfrey and LeBron James wouldn’t get the same payout as a Mississippi man working three jobs or a single mom raising four kids in the inner city.

Here’s how it would work:

  • Black households earning over $100,000 (about 25% of the total) would receive a symbolic $345, referencing the 345 years between the arrival of African slaves in 1619 and the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
  • Households earning $50,000 to $100,000 (roughly 30%) would receive $34,500.
  • Families under $50,000 (about 45%) would receive $103,500.

The MAGA Fund would channel the populist energy dominating the right. It would highlight how Democrats, backed by elite institutions, claim to represent the oppressed while serving the powerful. It would force them to either support Trump’s plan or explain why the party of “equity” opposes targeted aid to poor black Americans.

RELATED: Like Black Lives Matter, DEI must die

Saud Ansari via iStock/Getty Images

Even critics like Ann Coulter might back the idea. She’s blasted Democrats for extending black reparations programs to every new “oppressed” group. She’s also listed the conditions under which she’d support reparations.

Of course, Republicans would need to manage their white working-class base. Conservative pundits would rage. But behind closed doors, they could frame the plan as a final settlement — a way to declare the race debate closed. The race hustlers would need a new line of work after Trump stamped the national debt to black Americans “Paid in Full.”

And it wouldn’t just be symbolic.

Put nearly a trillion dollars into circulation and watch what happens. Dave Chappelle joked in a 2003 sketch that reparations would send gold prices soaring, phone bills plummeting, and “8,000 new record labels” starting within an hour. The skit played off stereotypes — but behind the comedy was economic truth.

Studies of universal basic income show recipients typically spend on essentials like food and transportation. A Washington, D.C., program gave low-income moms $10,800. One woman used $6,000 to take her kids and their father to Miami. You don’t need a PhD to know that pumping money into poor communities stimulates demand.

If Trump launched the MAGA Fund, he wouldn’t just rewrite political norms — he’d cement his place as the most disruptive figure in modern American history. Who else but a twice-divorced real estate mogul and ex-Democrat could overturn Roe, win over evangelicals, survive two impeachments and an assassin’s bullet — and then sign big, beautiful reparations checks with a smile?

Will it happen? Probably not.

Politics is too polarized. Corporations would recoil at helping Trump. Professional race merchants would denounce the plan as pandering. The left would lose its mind. The right might lose its nerve.

Still, if the last decade taught voters anything, it’s this: Never bet against the Teflon Don.

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The U.S. Census Bureau revealed Tuesday that American household incomes have dropped for a third consecutive year amid decades-high inflation and dwindling purchasing power.

The bureau's new report, "Income in the United States: 2022," indicated that real median household income after taxes fell 8.8% over the first two years that President Joe Biden was in office, while Democrats still controlled Congress.

During the same period, the poverty rate after taxes skyrocketed from 7.8% to 12.4%, and a significant number of Americans slid into the lowest quintile of earners. Over 37.9 million souls are presently living in poverty.

"We saw big increases in poverty across every sociodemographic group," Luke Shaefer, a public policy professor at the University of Michigan, told Marketplace. "The biggest was among children. We saw child poverty more than double."

The report further revealed that before taxes, median household income dropped last year by 2.3% to $74,580, $1,750 less than the median in 2021. That accounts for a 4.7% fall from where it stood in 2019, just prior to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in Wuhan, China.

These estimates are inflation-adjusted.

The report indicated that Boomers and older generations were largely unscathed by the drop, whereas householders under 65 saw a decline in median household income of 1.4% from 2021.

From 2021 to 2022, non-Hispanic white householders saw a 3.6% decline in median household income, while black householders and Hispanic householders saw a 1.5% and 0.5% increase, respectively.

Although all regions saw a drop, the Midwest was most adversely impacted, with a 4.7% decline.

The Census Bureau claimed that this worsening state of affairs "can be attributed to key changes in federal tax policy," specifically the lapsing of the Biden administration's pandemic policies like Economic Impact Payments, which helped drum up inflation in concert with supply chain disruptions and rising energy costs.

Biden rushed to blame congressional Republicans Tuesday for the results detailed in the bureau's latest reports, even though Democrats controlled the House during the years in question.

"The rise reported today in child poverty is no accident," Biden was quoted as saying in a statement. "It is the result of a deliberate policy choice congressional Republicans made to block help for families with children while advancing massive tax cuts for the wealthiest and largest corporations."

Despite the bleakness of the bureau's report, Bill Adams, chief economist at Comerica Bank, told the Wall Street Journal there is cause for hope.

"Shifting into the present and into the future, the prospects are better for wages to make up for some of the ground lost during the last couple of years," said Adams.

As of December 2022, wage growth began to overtake inflation and inflation-adjusted wages reportedly rose by roughly 3% in July, according to data from the Atlanta Fed Wage Tracker and the U.S. Labor Department.

Inflation, while a remaining problem, appears to have slowed somewhat in 2023, going from an annual rate of over 9% last summer to roughly 3% in July.

Notwithstanding the optimism of some forecasters, others fear the president's "Bidenomics" will compound Americans' suffering under his watch.

Milton Ezrati, writing for Forbes, recently cast doubt on whether Biden's proposed "watered-down version of China's Marxist, centrally planned approach to economic organization" will turn out to be anything other than a disaster.

Ezrati is not the only one doubting Biden's capabilities as it pertains to handling economy.

A recent Quinnipiac Poll revealed the majority of Americans think the nation's economy is getting worse, and 58% of registered voters polled disapproved of the job he was doing on the economy.

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