Split the Big Beautiful Bill Act, seal the border … and give Trump a real win



The GOP doesn’t resemble a big tent any more — it looks more like a boundless landfill. No shared vision or coherent guiding principles bind the party’s disparate factions beyond not having a “D” next to their names. That’s why it’s impossible to pass a reasonable budget bill that cuts spending without including massive subsidies for high-tax blue states.

The rift between the Freedom Caucus, the K Street crowd, RINOs, and the Trump White House remains unbridgeable. So what’s the realistic path forward on budget reconciliation?

With real leadership, Trump could sign the most consequential part of his 2024 mandate into law — before the smoke clears in LA.

Focus on the one issue that unites the base: immigration enforcement.

Riots in Los Angeles this week have made the case for an immigration-only reconciliation bill even stronger. The public sees the connection. The urgency is obvious. And President Trump, understandably frustrated by the calendar — it’s June and he hasn’t signed a single major legislative win — wants action now.

But cramming unrelated tax and health care provisions into one big, bloated bill guarantees disaster. Good members will face a bad vote. So why not act decisively?

Split the immigration provisions from the rest. Make them tougher. Pass the bill right away, while the chaos in L.A. is still at the front of everyone’s mind. Save the fiscal brawls for later.

The math of an immigration-focused bill

The current draft of H.R. 1, the One Big Beautiful Bill, includes about $185 billion in new funding for Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Customs and Border Protection, and new and improved border infrastructure. It also tacks on another $150 billion in defense spending — a top White House priority.

Even strong provisions need offsets. But in a party this fractured, cutting spending isn’t just difficult — it’s practically taboo.

Still, by limiting the bill to the Department of Homeland Security and Pentagon spending and scrapping the tax components, Republicans would only need to offset $335 billion over 10 years.

RELATED: How much Green New Scam spending will survive the One Big Beautiful Bill?

Photo by Alex Wong/Getty Images

That’s well within the realm of possibility. They could hit that number using the consensus cuts and immigration reforms already in the bill. No gimmicks. No sleight of hand. Just political will and a sense of timing.

The current bill would generate about $77 billion in new revenue from immigration-related fees and taxes on remittances. It saves hundreds of billions more over the next decade by cutting off illegal aliens from Medicaid, Obamacare, and food stamps.

Republicans should go farther and ban illegal aliens from claiming the child tax credit — a move that could save another $50 billion.

Instead of loading the first reconciliation bill with a jumble of unrelated and divisive provisions, Republicans should focus on consensus items: national security, enforcement of sovereignty, and policies that put Americans first.

If the Republicans were more ambitious, they would use this bill to repeal the Green New Deal. Funding illegal immigration and the Green New Deal were the Biden administration’s two most transformative and unpopular policies. Target both. Pass the bill right away. Deliver a win that matches the mandate voters gave Trump — and give the president a badly needed legislative victory.

Enforcement money isn’t enough

Throwing $180 billion more at enforcement won’t solve the immigration crisis. Spend a trillion on deportations, and it still won’t matter if courts continue to block action.

Even in Trump’s rare Supreme Court wins on immigration, the justices insisted every illegal alien must receive due process — despite deportation being a civil process, not a punishment.

No president can litigate his way out of an invasion. Even with favorable rulings, Trump won’t deport enough illegal immigrants before the next Democrat takes office. That’s the hard truth.

Now is the moment to fix it.

Americans are watching a violent, coordinated invasion unfold in real time. The bill should formally declare an invasion — and include an amendment by Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) to strip judicial review from deportation cases involving noncitizens and, ideally, legal permanent residents.

Under that reform, the administration’s removal decisions would stand. No federal judge could second-guess them. No more delays, appeals, or lawfare.

Roy’s amendment would transform the first reconciliation bill into a singular focus on Trump’s most unifying, necessary, and popular campaign promise. It would hand him a quick, clean victory while the nation remains fixated on the border invasion.

RELATED: Americans didn’t elect Trump to bust SALT caps or overhaul Medicaid

Photo by Ting Shen/Bloomberg via Getty Images

So why not just split the agenda into two bills and get on with it?

Here come the usual GOP excuses. Let’s knock them down one by one.

Excuse 1: “We only get one bite at the apple.”

White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller claims Republicans must use reconciliation just once to avoid the Senate filibuster.

But Democrats already broke that precedent in 2021, pushing through two separate reconciliation bills with a green light from the Senate parliamentarian, who noted that reconciliation should be reserved for “extraordinary circumstances.”

But ultimately, this isn’t the parliamentarian’s call. The decision rests with President Trump and Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.). If Biden’s team could do it, so can we.

Excuse 2: “Without this bill, Americans face massive tax hikes.”

This line is pure fearmongering. The 2024 election wasn’t about taxes. MAGA never revolved around tax cuts for their own sake — that was the old GOP. Yet somehow, this bill morphed into another tax-centered mess.

The truth? Most tax provisions in the current draft — from an expanded child tax credit and higher standard deduction to new breaks for seniors, overtime, and tips — enjoy broad bipartisan support.

No Democrat wants to get blamed for letting these expire. Even in a lame-duck session, they wouldn’t allow a public tax hike. The only serious dispute involves the top marginal rate. Trump has already signaled he’s open to a modest increase if it means getting the rest of the agenda passed.

And let’s be honest: The current bill isn’t exactly Reaganesque. It’s loaded with progressive goodies, including an obscene expansion of the SALT deduction.

Even the pro-tax-cut Tax Foundation calls the bill’s economic impact weak and overly complicated. This isn’t a bold, pro-growth package — it’s a muddled compromise.

The irony is that ending taxes on tips — perhaps Trump’s most prized tax provision — already passed the Senate 100-0. Why not pass that and similar provisions in the House and place it on Trump’s desk without wasting budget reconciliation?

Excuse 3: “We can’t include policy provisions in a budget bill.”

Critics claim the Byrd Rule blocks the inclusion of policy reforms — like immigration or judicial changes — in a reconciliation bill. That excuse doesn’t hold up.

The original House-passed bill included a provision that barred states from regulating artificial intelligence. That isn’t budget-related. That is pure policy.

By comparison, a provision removing judicial review from deportation cases would directly cut costs by eliminating thousands of court hearings. That’s a legitimate budgetary angle — and far more defensible than regulating AI through backdoor channels.

The Byrd Rule exists, yes. But the party in power determines what gets through. The president and Senate leadership can overrule the parliamentarian. Democrats did it. So can we.

Fast-forward to this week: The streets of Los Angeles are on fire again. And instead of seizing the moment to deliver on the most urgent national priority, Miller is using anti-ICE violence to ram through a bloated mega-bill — all because it includes ICE funding.

But if solving immigration were the real goal, Republicans would just split the bill already. They’d put the judicial reform language in the first package. And they’d pass it immediately.

With real leadership, Trump could sign the most consequential part of his 2024 mandate into law — before the smoke clears in L.A.

It’s not a riot, it’s an invasion



While Americans like to imagine the United States as a nation defined by the rule of law and civil discourse, riots have long been a regular feature of our political life. From the unrest tied to the civil rights movement in the 1960s and ’70s to the Los Angeles riots of 1992 and the Black Lives Matter and Antifa riots in 2020, anyone surveying the past 60 years would come away stunned by the sheer volume of civil disorder. These uprisings typically centered on tensions between the black community and law enforcement — a reckoning, however painful, internal to the country.

What’s happening in Los Angeles this week is something else entirely. This isn’t domestic unrest. It’s an invasion. Illegal aliens have flooded the streets, waving foreign flags and openly declaring their intent to reclaim California in the name of Mexico. This isn’t just ideological subversion or economic pressure. It’s open confrontation, and it’s playing out on American soil.

These agitators know something mainstream conservatives do not: A nation is its people, not just a place.

Illegal immigration has pushed the United States to the brink. Everyone can feel it. Democrats have adopted open borders as de facto policy, aiming to replace the current population with more reliable voters while reshaping American culture. Republicans haven’t done much better. They offer amnesty and ignore conservative concerns about crime, jobs, and demographic collapse.

Parallel cultures — not assimilation

Communities that stood intact for generations now find themselves surrounded by strangers who neither speak the language nor express interest in assimilating. Ghettoization, not integration, has become the norm. That’s why voters gave Trump a second term. And that’s why his administration must finally deliver on immigration. A second failure to act would not just be political malpractice — it would be a civilizational betrayal.

We’re told illegal immigrants are hardworking dreamers who want a better life. Some are. But more come seeking access to welfare and jobs that allow them to send remittances home. The sheer volume of illegal aliens from countries like Mexico means they face little pressure to assimilate. They don’t need to. In many cities, they can live their entire lives inside self-sustaining ethnic enclaves.

The Trump administration has promised large-scale deportations. But for now, ICE has focused on the worst offenders: gang members, drug traffickers, and violent criminals. In Los Angeles, agents targeted those exact threats. There were no mass sweeps. But facts didn’t matter. Leftist nonprofits rallied protesters to the streets, ready to block arrests, assault officers, and ignite another round of mayhem.

As always, the progressive playbook called for riots. But this time, the optics changed. They don’t look like concerned citizens. They look like an invading army. And while media outlets still insist on calling it a protest, Americans watching footage of police cars in flames see something else.

Mexico-first loyalties

The truth cuts through the narrative: Most illegal immigrants are young, single, military-age men. That fact alone should reframe the entire debate. Any progressive organizer can choreograph a protest, but when idle, aggrieved men view it as an ethnic struggle, violence escalates. These men rally around the Mexican flag, shout slogans of vengeance, and praise “La Raza” with open hostility.

Some conservative commentators have mocked the spectacle: rioters waving the flag of a country they refuse to return to. But the joke reveals a blind spot. These agitators know something mainstream conservatives do not: A nation is its people, not just a place.

Many on the right have bought into a liberal fiction — that the U.S. is a territory defined by abstractions. The moment an illegal immigrant steps on “magic soil,” we’re told, he becomes American. But that’s not how immigrants think. Mexico is not just a location. It is an identity. Wherever Mexicans go, they carry Mexico with them. They do not wish to become Americans. They wish to conquer Americans.

And now, Mexico has made that agenda explicit.

President Claudia Sheinbaum responded to proposed remittance taxes in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act by declaring, “If necessary, we’ll mobilize. We don’t want taxes on remittances from our fellow countrymen, from the U.S. to Mexico.”

That statement says it all. Sheinbaum considers Mexicans in the United States her people. Their first loyalty, in her view, belongs to Mexico. She called on them to rise up and defend the 5% of Mexico’s economy that relies on remittances — a figure larger than tourism or most exports.

RELATED: No, you’re not a ‘xenophobe.’ You’re just awake.

Photo by BENJAMIN HANSON/Middle East Images/AFP via Getty Images

If Mexico calling on its expatriate population to riot doesn’t count as hostile foreign interference, what does? The Mexican diaspora is not just a collection of humble workers sending money home. It is a pressure valve, a political weapon, and a massive revenue stream — and Mexico will fight to protect it.

In 2020, Trump paid a price for not cracking down on domestic unrest. This time, he hasn’t hesitated. ICE continues its operations. National Guard troops and U.S. Marines have been deployed to protect federal agents.

Stephen Miller and other Trump officials have made it clear: Gov. Gavin Newsom (D) and Mayor Karen Bass (D) have facilitated this violence, and ICE won’t back down. Every riot is a powder keg, and this one is no different. But the footage is damning. Americans see military-age foreigners vowing to retake California for Mexico.

— (@)

Deportations: A national mandate

Trump didn’t manufacture this crisis. But he now has the clearest mandate imaginable to solve it. Mass deportations are not a talking point any more. They’re a national imperative. The window to act is narrow. But if he acts decisively, history will mark this moment as the one in which sovereignty was restored, not the one in which it finally slipped away.

To meet the moment, the Trump administration must do more than restore order. It must articulate a vision of national renewal. The American people have grown weary of half measures and cosmetic fixes. They want to know their leaders take the concept of citizenship seriously — and will defend it at all costs.

The riots in Los Angeles should be treated as a turning point. What began as a border crisis has become a test of national will. Trump’s legacy and the republic’s future depend on what happens next.

History affirms Trump’s right to use the Alien Enemies Act against gangs



President Donald Trump on Friday issued a proclamation invoking the Alien Enemies Act to deport members of the Venezuelan Tren de Aragua gang. Predictably, this move drew the ire of anti-borders activists, who classified it as an attempt to circumvent due process protections for illegal aliens. Critics claimed that the legislation can be used only in times of war, but do they have a legal leg to stand on? For several significant reasons, they do not.

The Alien Enemies Act was first passed in 1798 as one of four pieces of legislation collectively — and erroneously — referred to as the “Alien and Sedition Acts.” These laws were implemented in response to the undeclared Quasi-War with France — bolstering the federal government’s power to react to national security threats.

The Supreme Court has repeatedly affirmed that noncitizens have no constitutional right to stay in the US unlawfully.

Contrary to popular open-border narratives, these laws were not originally universally reviled. Many Americans saw them as necessary measures to ensure the safety and sovereignty of their newly established nation. Out of the four laws, however, only the Alien Enemies Act survived; the others either expired or were replaced before the Supreme Court established judicial review in 1803 with Marbury v. Madison.

Where does that leave the Trump administration today? Historically, the Alien Enemies Act has been used during wartime or in response to an invasion, such as the War of 1812 and World Wars I and II. The law itself was written broadly, however. It states that when the United States is at war with a foreign nation — or when an “invasion or predatory incursion” occurs — the president has the authority to detain and remove citizens of the hostile country.

The key question now is whether the law applies to foreign nationals like Tren de Aragua and other non-military individuals who have entered the country illegally. That hinges on the definition of “invade” or "predatory incursion.” Interestingly, neither term is defined explicitly in U.S. law, nor has the Supreme Court clarified it.

However, history offers some clues. Colonial-era legal documents allowed British subjects to defend themselves against foreign threats described as "destruction, invasion, detriment, or annoyance.” In Federalist 41, James Madison referred to the need to protect against "pirates and barbarians," suggesting that non-state actors engaged in criminal activities could qualify as invaders. Similarly, in Federalist 43, Madison warned of threats from hostile nations and the “ambitious or vindictive enterprises of [a state’s] more powerful neighbors.”

Based on these historical interpretations, two conclusions emerge. First, an invasion doesn’t have to come from a foreign government’s military. Second, as the Texas Public Policy Foundation notes, criminal organizations like cartel-linked gangs could be classified as engaging in an invasion or predatory incursion if their activities undermine U.S. sovereignty. That’s exactly what Tren de Aragua is doing.

Trump justified his decision by pointing out that Tren de Aragua is a designated foreign terrorist organization with thousands of members who have illegally entered the U.S. According to his statement, the gang is engaging in "irregular warfare and hostile actions" aimed at harming Americans, destabilizing communities, and furthering the Maduro regime’s influence.

The U.S. Constitution gives the government broad powers to respond to evolving global threats, and the Supreme Court has historically limited its review of immigration-related decisions. Additionally, the Supreme Court has repeatedly affirmed that noncitizens have no constitutional right to stay in the U.S. unlawfully.

In Kleindienst v. Mandel, the court ruled that unadmitted, nonresident foreigners have no right to entry or continued presence in the country. Similarly, Mathews v. Diaz upheld congressional authority to make laws for noncitizens that would never apply to U.S. citizens.

Given such precedent, it is hard to argue that the president lacks the authority to remove gang members who threaten American security just because Venezuela hasn’t formally declared war. But never underestimate the extent to which those manifesting “Trump derangement syndrome” will interfere with legitimate attempts to protect U.S. citizens from the likes of Tren de Aragua.

Trump just empowered states to fight back against illegal immigration



Donald Trump has wasted no time making his mark in his return to the White House.

In less than a week, the president has signed dozens of new executive orders and repealed nearly 80 orders and memorandums from the Biden era.

If the federal government declares an invasion has occurred, then states have the right and arguably the duty to respond accordingly.

One of the most notable orders, titled “Guaranteeing the States Protection Against Invasion,” introduced immediate changes to immigration law.

The order suspends temporarily a contentious policy that allows immigrants to enter the United States by claiming asylum.

Additionally, it directs federal agents to block entry for immigrants who fail to provide sufficient medical information or reliable criminal and background records.

Perhaps the most important change, however, is one that has received little attention from the media — the classification of the ongoing border crisis as an “invasion.”

Many of Trump’s critics have classified the “invasion” rhetoric as xenophobic or racist, but in doing so, they have completely missed an important policy justification for using the term. By calling what’s occurring at the southern border an “invasion,” Trump has effectively given states the right to take drastic action against illegal immigration.

The U.S. Supreme Court has repeatedly ruled that the Constitution prioritizes federal authority over state authority in immigration matters.

The court has determined that Article II grants the president the power to regulate many aspects of foreign affairs, including issues connected to immigration.

Article I empowers Congress to “establish a uniform Rule of Naturalization,” governing the process of becoming a citizen.

The Constitution provides little mention of states’ rights regarding immigration, a lack often interpreted as justification for federal control of the issue.

However, in Article I, Section 10, the Constitution declares, “No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, ... engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of delay.”

In other words, although states cannot determine citizenship or set a foreign affairs agenda that’s out of step with the president, they can defend themselves from an invasion.

During the Biden administration, officials reported more than 8 million illegal border “encounters,” a figure that captures the number of people caught by officials while trying to illegally enter the United States. Importantly, data on “encounters” do not reflect the potentially millions of other immigrants who have come to America illegally over the same period but weren’t caught.

Some states have argued that this wave of illegal immigration constitutes an “invasion” and that because the Constitution allows states to combat an invasion, state officials should have the right to take action.

For example, in 2023, Texas lawmakers claimed the state had been invaded and then passed Senate Bill 4, which, among other things, gave Texas police the power to arrest illegal immigrants.

The law has been tied up in court since it was passed, largely because of courts’ reluctance to give states power over immigration and because claims of an “invasion” depend on the Constitution’s meaning of the term, which has been in dispute for years among legal scholars.

Now that the Trump administration has officially declared that the recent immigration crisis is an “invasion,” there should be no doubt that states have the legal authority to defend themselves. This would be a significant enhancement of states’ rights, assuming the designation and subsequent actions on the part of states survive legal challenges.

Regardless of your position on immigration, we should all be able to agree that states ought to have the power to defend themselves in the event of an invasion. And if the federal government declares an invasion has occurred, then states have the right and arguably the duty to respond accordingly.

If you disagree, then who, exactly, should have the right to decide when an “invasion” has occurred?

Although opponents of the new order won’t want to hear it, elections do, indeed, have consequences.

10 bold moves red states can make to end the illegal immigration surge



Do we not already have enough criminals in this country? When will we finally reach the point where we say “no more” to repeat offenders, including drunk drivers, sex offenders, drug traffickers, and gangbangers from other countries? The time has come for states — especially those led by Republicans — to take a firm and unified stand. Holding a special session right before the election, as early voting begins, offers the perfect opportunity to bring this issue to the forefront.

We could fill pages daily with stories about repeat violent criminal aliens committing horrific rapes, murders, and DUI homicides, taking the lives of Americans in their prime through entirely avoidable crimes. We are also beginning to see the effects of bringing in millions of migrants, particularly in small towns like Springfield, Ohio, Charleroi, Pennsylvania, and Sylacauga, Alabama. Time and again, we hear this is a federal issue and that states lack the power to combat or deter this invasion. Not so. It’s time for Republican governors and legislatures to step up and address this issue once and for all.

States must stand firm and refuse to recognize any amnesty Joe Biden and Kamala Harris attempt to grant in the final months of their administration.

With the November election approaching, every Republican governor should convene a special legislative session aimed at deterring illegal aliens from entering red states. Here are 10 strategies:

Declare an invasion: The session should start by passing a resolution that acknowledges the state is facing an invasion and invokes powers under the Constitution’s compact clause. Article I, Section 10, Clause 3 allows states to engage in defensive actions if “actually invaded” or facing “imminent danger” that requires immediate response. After four years of inaction from the federal government, states can’t wait any longer. Criminal aliens, transnational gangs, fentanyl trafficking, human trafficking, and the strain on public services pose an undeniable danger. While states don’t need to wage war, they can use their authority over internal order, policing, and public health to restrict, deter, and, when possible, encourage illegal aliens to deport themselves voluntarily.

Declare a public health emergency: Large numbers of illegal aliens are arriving from countries with diseases not common in the United States, including Haiti, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. We all remember the extent to which states exercised police powers over public health during the pandemic, shutting down churches, businesses, and even restricting breathing to prevent disease spread. States even imposed travel bans on residents of other states. If they could do that, they can certainly apply similar restrictions to foreign invaders who are gathering en masse under chaotic conditions and creating a public health threat. We’ve already seen outbreaks in migrant shelters. What happened to the public health concerns that overrode natural rights in 2020?

Incarcerate or expel criminal aliens: Stories of illegal aliens with records of drunk driving, drug and weapons charges, and robbery committing additional serious crimes appear daily across every state. GOP governors should adopt a clear policy: The first crime an illegal alien commits in a state should be his last.

In a letter to a GOP congressman, ICE revealed that its non-detained docket includes 7.6 million aliens, among them individuals with 662,566 total criminal convictions or charges. This group includes aliens convicted of more than 13,000 homicides, 15,811 sexual assaults (plus 9,461 convicted of other sex offenses), 851 kidnappings, nearly 3,400 weapon offenses, over 2,000 robberies, 56,533 dangerous drug convictions, 14,301 burglaries, and 62,231 assaults.

Many of the most serious offenders are currently in state or local prisons, but others remain free on the streets. This is especially true for "low-level" offenders, such as roughly 130,000 traffic offenders, 70,000 drug offenders, 31,000 charged or convicted of larceny, 17,000 weapons offenders, and 17,500 burglars. The federal government has not removed these people, including 1.3 million who already have final removal orders. This is where states must step in.

Each legislature should impose significant sentencing enhancements for those who commit any crime after entering the United States illegally. For aliens arrested for minor crimes that don’t require incarceration for justice, states should offer a diversion program. This program could provide a suspended sentence in exchange for self-repatriation. States could even cover the cost of a plane ticket and grant leniency, as long as the person doesn’t return to the state.

This approach combines incentives and consequences to encourage self-repatriation without risking accusations of states actively engaging in deportation. Federal law implicitly supports the idea of self-removal during or outside a criminal trial under either federal or state law.

Outlaw illegal presence in states: The above approach would target criminal aliens caught committing additional offenses. To deter all illegal aliens, states need to make illegal presence itself a crime. Oklahoma’s House Bill 4156, passed last session, aimed to do just that, though a federal judge has currently enjoined it. As a contingency, states should strengthen penalties and enforcement of related crimes involving illegal immigrants, such as trespassing, criminal vagrancy, identity theft, tax fraud, human trafficking, and harboring illegal aliens.

States should leverage enhanced sentences to encourage self-repatriation, avoiding judicial interference. State agencies should rigorously investigate identity theft by cross-referencing welfare benefits, driver’s licenses, and employment records for duplicates. Additionally, individuals arrested for offenses tied to transnational gangs like MS-13 or Tren de Aragua should face even harsher sentencing enhancements.

Beef up employment enforcement: If illegal aliens cannot get jobs, they will not come. That’s the bottom line. Right now, only six southeastern states and Arizona require universal E-Verify, and even these states often fail to enforce the law vigorously. Additionally, many employers use labor brokers, who officially hire these workers on behalf of local companies, to sidestep regulations. States must start prosecuting these labor brokers for human trafficking and evading state laws against employing illegal workers. Eliminating job opportunities will significantly reduce illegal immigration.

Reject Biden’s amnesty: Joe Biden continues to offer various forms of quasi-legal status to illegal aliens through unlawful parole programs or by expanding Temporary Protected Status. States must stand firm and refuse to recognize any amnesty Joe Biden and Kamala Harris attempt to grant in the final months of their administration. For state purposes, they should treat those individuals as illegal aliens.

Bar illegal aliens from public schools: It’s unfair for American children and parents to see their schools overwhelmed by illegal immigrants with different cultures and languages, who may pose security risks. This issue has even reached small, rural districts facing a surge in such enrollments. The right to K-12 education for illegal immigrants stems from the activist court ruling 42 years ago in Plyler v. Doe, which applied the equal protection clause to illegal aliens. The current Supreme Court might rule differently. At the very least, states should bar all prospective illegal immigrants or those who can't prove they arrived before 2021.

Or states could require a state-issued photo ID (rather than just a utility bill) to prove residency in a school district, applying the same standard to all residents, similar to voter ID requirements in many red states. Since most red states, except Utah, don’t issue photo IDs to illegal immigrants, those individuals would be ineligible to register for school under a residency verification law applied equally to everyone.

States should also require disclosure of immigration status during interactions like motor vehicle registrations, business license applications, welfare benefits, financial transactions, and arrests. State agencies should maintain a database of this information, including names, addresses, and Social Security numbers, for informational purposes. Florida has already implemented such a policy in hospitals and has reported a decline in illegal immigrants using those services. States could share this information with ICE, enabling federal action if a future administration takes a tougher stance on immigration.

Use zoning laws to limit town transformations: Small towns like Springfield, Ohio, Charleroi, Pennsylvania, Colony Ridge, Texas, and Sylacauga, Alabama, have faced rapid changes due to an influx of immigrants. While some claim that small towns have no power to stop this, a reporter on my podcast noted that Charleroi’s transformation stemmed from local business interests buying homes on Main Street and converting them into de facto “labor barracks.”

Local governments can use zoning laws to ban multi-unit dwellings and other living arrangements that attract illegal immigration. Although localities can’t make immigration law, they can use housing, transportation, and criminal vagrancy ordinances to discourage settlement in their areas.

End the 'unaccompanied minor' scam: Hundreds of thousands of volatile and violent teens enter our communities under humanitarian statutes, aided by sponsors who often lack legal status themselves. States should require sponsors of unaccompanied alien children to register with state child welfare departments, which must verify any claimed family relationship. This step would deter bad actors from perpetuating child trafficking and immigration status manipulation.

Revoke licenses of nonprofits aiding illegal immigration: A Florida Grand Jury found that several federally funded NGOs provide illegal immigrants with cash cards, cell phones, and even “safari-style guide maps,” aiding the invasion. States should criminalize activities that facilitate illegal immigration, similar to the unenforced federal law that makes it illegal to encourage or induce unlawful entry into the United States. States should also revoke business licenses and state recognition of NGOs that violate these laws.

Republicans at the national level have given up key leverage points in addressing this issue. States where Republicans control the executive and legislative branches need to act now.

New Report Details Hefty Price Americans Are Paying For Biden-Harris’ Open Border Mayhem

U.S. Rep. Chip Roy's office has detailed the 'breadth and depth' of the destruction in the report titled, 'America Invaded.'
Invaded in Every Way
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Invaded in Every Way

MSNBC Darlings Jen Psaki, Rachel Maddow Mock Voters For Noticing Biden’s Border Invasion

However much you hate the corporate media and their lying and scheming to cover for the Biden regime, it is not enough.

Media Spin Nearly Record-High January Border Incursions As ‘Good News’ For Biden

Customs and Border Protection said there was a nearly record-high number of encounters at the U.S. southern border in January.

Former impeachment champion Joe Biden calls GOP efforts to hold Mayorkas accountable 'unconstitutional'



House Republicans successfully impeached Department of Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas Tuesday night, leaving it to the U.S. Senate to decide his ultimate fate.

While historically a champion of impeachment when a Republican is in the crosshairs, President Joe Biden lashed out at those seeking to hold Mayorkas responsible for overseeing the illegal entry of several million foreign nationals into the nation. Like the DHS, Biden called the vote to impeach his DHS secretary "unconstitutional."

The vote and the articles of impeachment

Without the help of Republican Reps. Ken Buck (Colo.), Mike Gallagher (Wis.), and Tom McClintock (Calif.), the House GOP managed to pass a resolution to impeach Mayorkas in a 214-213 vote Tuesday evening.

The first article of impeachment accuses the Biden Cabinet secretary of a willful and systematic refusal to comply with the law.

Mayorkas allegedly violated "his oath to support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic, to bear true faith and allegiance to the same, and to well and faithfully discharge the duties of his office," according to the article.

The second article accuses the DHS secretary of knowingly making false statements and obstructing lawful oversight of the DHS.

U.S. Customs and Border Protection figures indicate that in Mayorkas' first nine months as DHS secretary, 1,516,650 illegal aliens stole across the southern border and into the United States — nearly quadruple the number of migrants who entered throughout the entirety of the previous fiscal year. Roughly 6 million more have entered the country in the years since.

The Democratic-controlled Senate will almost certainly refuse to charge Mayorkas, rendering the House vote largely symbolic.

Rep. Mark Green (R-Tenn.), chairman of the House Committee on Homeland Security, stressed that his committee's "investigation and subsequent impeachment proceedings demonstrated beyond any doubt that Secretary Mayorkas has willfully and systematically refused to comply with the laws of the United States and breached the public trust."

"With this vote, Congress has made clear that we will not tolerate such lawlessness," added Green.

House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) said, "Secretary Mayorkas has willfully and consistently refused to comply with federal immigration laws, fueling the worst border catastrophe in American history."

"Alejandro Mayorkas deserves to be impeached, and Congress has a constitutional obligation to do so," continued Johnson.

Biden lashes out

Biden was less than pleased over Republicans' successful vote to impeach Mayorkas.

"History will not look kindly on House Republicans for their blatant act of unconstitutional partisanship that has targeted an honorable public servant in order to play petty political games," Biden is credited as saying in a lengthy statement.

Although quick to invoke history in the abstract and to paint the impeachment initiative as petty, Biden previously championed impeachment when it meant the possible removal of a Republican from office.

Biden and other Democrats sought to impeach Trump over a phone call he had with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy concerning possible corruption on the part of the Biden family.

— (@)

Biden even incorporated such demands for Trump's impeachment into his presidential campaign.

Time reported that while campaigning in 2019, then-candidate Biden told a small audience in Rochester, N.H., "Donald Trump has violated his oath of office, betrayed this nation, and committed impeachable acts. You know, to preserve our Constitution, our democracy, our basic integrity, he should be impeached."

In his Tuesday statement, Biden further claimed Mayorkas "has upheld the rule of law faithfully and has demonstrated a deep commitment to the values that make our nation great."

"Instead of staging political stunts like this, Republicans with genuine concerns about the border should want Congress to deliver more border resources and stronger border security," continued Biden. "Sadly, the same Republicans pushing this baseless impeachment are rejecting bipartisan plans Secretary Mayorkas and others in my administration have worked hard on to strengthen border security at this very moment."

Contrary to the president's suggestion, in recent weeks and months, Mayorkas and other elements of the Biden administration have fought not against illegal immigration but against Texas' efforts to secure the southern border. Just last month, the DHS threatened Texas after the Lone Star State seized control of a high-traffic area along the border in Eagle Pass.

A Jan. 14 letter from DHS General Counsel Jonathan Meyer instructed Texas to "remove all barriers to access to the U.S.-Mexico border."

Extra to casting Mayorkas as a man traduced, Biden accused Republicans of "playing politics with the border."

DHS echoes Biden

The DHS regurgitated the Democratic president's talking points in its response to the impeachment vote, noting, "House Republicans will be remembered by history for trampling on the Constitution for political gain rather than working to solve the serious challenges at the border."

"Without a shred of evidence or legitimate Constitutional grounds, and despite bipartisan opposition, House Republicans have falsely smeared a dedicated public servant who has spent more than 20 years enforcing our laws and serving our country," said DHS spokesman Mia Ehrenberg.

Ehrenberg further alleged that Mayrokas "will continue working every day to keep Americans safe."

Congressional investigators behind the impeachment push suggested in recent reports that Mayorkas' "open-border policies" and the illegal immigration they have ostensibly guaranteed not only impose an annual net burden of hundreds of billions of dollars every year on the U.S. economy but also exacerbate the fentanyl crisis, adversely impact public safety, contribute to a rise in human trafficking and exploitation of minors, and jeopardize public health.

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