It Should Be Obvious By Now That Not Everyone Can Become An American
We have to reject the toxic multicultural ideology, popular for many decades, that degrades citizenship to mere process neutralism.We have to reject the toxic multicultural ideology, popular for many decades, that degrades citizenship to mere process neutralism.New massacre, old problem: How Syria can protect its religious minorities
As Syria’s Christian community mourns its dead, we are compelled to confront the barbaric act committed against the Orthodox Christian community and the persistent dangers facing other minorities in the region. To understand this tragedy and chart a path forward, we must first revisit the turbulent history of Syria and the Levant.
In the early 20th century, Syria stood at the crossroads of empire and identity. The collapse of the Ottoman Empire after World War I gave way to the Sykes-Picot Agreement, which carved up the Levant into spheres of European influence.
In Syria, federalism could succeed if implemented with fairness, robust minority protections, and international support to prevent external meddling.
Syria fell under French mandate in 1920, a betrayal of promises for an independent Arab kingdom. Instead, it became a colonial outpost shaped by European interests rather than the aspirations of its diverse peoples: Sunnis, Alawites, Christians, Kurds, Druze, and others. The French exploited sectarian divisions to maintain control, sowing seeds of mistrust that would linger for generations.
When Syria gained independence in 1946, it inherited a fragmented society with no clear framework for governing its complex population. The decades that followed were marked by coups, political instability, and the rise of the Ba’ath Party, which promised secular socialism but delivered authoritarianism instead.
Hafez al-Assad’s ascent in 1970 cemented a dynastic rule that concentrated power in a narrow, Alawite-dominated elite. While the regime claimed to protect minorities, it often sidelined or suppressed other ethnic and religious groups, fostering resentment beneath a veneer of secular nationalism.
A brutal turning point
The Arab Spring of 2011 shattered this fragile order. Peaceful protests against authoritarianism were met with brutal repression, igniting a civil war that drew in foreign powers and fractured the nation.
Amid the chaos, extremist factions like ISIS emerged, targeting religious minorities as enemies of their radical vision. Christians, whose presence in Syria dates back two millennia, faced systematic persecution, with historic churches destroyed and communities displaced.
This past year, the trauma deepened. Last month, a suicide bomber opened fire during Sunday mass in a small church in western Syria, killing 22 worshippers and wounding 63 in an attack reminiscent of ISIS’ atrocities in Qaraqosh and Maaloula.
The Druze minority in the south faced similar threats from Islamic groups within the coalition that ousted the Assad regime. To their credit, the Druze, with support from Israel, armed and defended their communities. The Alawite minority endured revenge killings in the wake of regime change, while the Kurds, battle-hardened but geopolitically isolated, remain vulnerable due to Turkey’s hostility.
These incidents underscore a grim reality: Syria’s minorities are pawns in a larger geopolitical game, their survival perpetually at risk.
A new solution: Federalism
This is not a moment for empty platitudes. Syria needs to confront a painful truth: A unitary, centrally governed state has repeatedly failed to protect its people, especially its minorities. The alternative, however, is federalism.
A federal Syria would not mean partition but rather an organized decentralization of power. Regions could govern themselves according to their cultural, ethnic, or religious identities, while national unity would be preserved for issues like foreign policy and defense. Christians, Druze, Alawites, and Kurds could administer their affairs, ensure their security, preserve their heritage, and rebuild trust in governance.
Such a system would empower local communities to protect Christian populations, preventing the decimation of ancient communities as seen in Iraq after 2003. A federal structure would foster resilience against external threats, allowing minorities to safeguard their futures.
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Federalism, though imperfect, has stabilized other post-conflict, multiethnic societies. Iraq’s Kurdish region, despite challenges, enjoys significant autonomy. Bosnia’s power-sharing model, while complex, has maintained peace. Even Switzerland’s federal system, rooted in linguistic and cultural diversity, provides a blueprint for striking a balance between local autonomy and national cohesion.
In Syria, federalism could succeed if implemented with fairness, robust minority protections, and international support to prevent external meddling.
A break from the past
Pan-Arab nationalism and centralized rule, imposed after the fall of the Ottoman Empire, failed to deliver either stability or pluralism. Syria’s latest church attack adds to a long history of betrayals against its minority populations.
To survive as more than a failed state, Syria must adopt a structure that protects the vulnerable and manages its divisions, not one that tries to crush them. Federalism won’t solve everything, and many will resist it. But Syria has already tested the alternative — consolidated power, endless violence — and that path led to ruin.
Why indoctrinated kids just handed the Big Apple to a radical Marxist
Zohran Mamdani didn’t win New York City’s Democratic mayoral primary because he is young and charismatic, empathizes with people’s everyday grievances, or ran a brilliant campaign. The real reason is much more terrifying.
The reason the Muslim Marxist from Queens crushed his opponents may be summarized in two words: indoctrinated kids. Simple math shows you what happened.
This isn’t going to remain isolated to New York City. This playbook is about to be replicated faster than E. coli in petri dishes in every city across America.
New York City counts roughly 5.1 million registered voters. Between 750,000 and 850,000 are between the ages of 18 and 29. Another 1.6 to 1.8 million fall between 30 and 49.
Together, those groups total about 2.5 million voters — half the city’s electorate. In other words, half of New York’s voting base consists of what I call “indoctrinated kids.”
Ten years ago, I had a recurring weekly segment on my show called “Campus Madness.” Every week, we told the grisly stories of conservative students facing awful discrimination on campus — simply because they were conservative: grades docked, free speech infringed, humiliation by professors, denied funding from the student body, and so on. The point of the segment was to expose the rampant abuse of conservatives on leftist college campuses.
But honestly, we missed the point. Sure, conservative students faced discrimination — and still do. That was unjust and remains a serious problem.
The greater threat came from students who arrived on campus either apolitical or mildly liberal. They didn’t face discrimination. They didn’t need to. They were the targets.
Their minds were open and their politics malleable. Four years later, they emerged not as moderates but as committed Marxists — true believers in a worldview shaped by relentless indoctrination. Their professors didn’t just challenge ideas. They hammered home an agenda: anti-American, anti-white, anti-God, anti-human.
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Back then, people joked, “Wait till these silly Millennials get to the real world.” Nope. Those students brought their radicalism with them. Instead of waking up, they woke everything else. And the result is today’s “woke-ified” culture — one shaped more by the classroom than by common sense.
Returning to how this nutty Muslim Marxist just won the Democrat primary for mayor, New York City’s voting demographic explains it all.
Two and a half million of 5.1 million total registered voters are in the “indoctrinated kids” age bracket. One million of those 2.5 million are college graduates. That means 20% of voters in the city are the product of the Marxist indoctrination factories we call “colleges” and “universities.”
Only 11% of New York City voters of all ages are registered Republicans, so read the writing on the wall.
Zohran Mamdani isn't the Democrats’ nominee because voters didn’t understand his Marxism. The indoctrinated kids chose Mamdani because of his Marxism.
The indoctrinated kids are committed radical leftist ideologues — thanks to our colleges and universities that were subverted decades ago by communists who knew exactly what they were doing. They were playing the long game, knowing they were stealing the minds of whole generations of youth who one day — today — would be the deciding factor in our elections.
The scariest part is that this isn’t going to remain isolated to New York City. This playbook is about to be replicated faster than E. coli in a petri dish in every city across America.
It must be stopped. President Donald Trump must defund any college or university that indoctrinates youth in anti-American ideology — including private schools that accept federally subsidized student loans and research grants. Cut it all. They won’t survive a week without the federal government’s largesse. The Marxists are in it to win it. If we don’t use the authority we have while we’re in power, the United States of America will be lost.
If you don’t believe me, just listen to Mamdani speak for two minutes.
The rise of Islamism: Is Britain nearing a tipping point?
Contrary to some beliefs, Muslim and Islamist are not synonymous terms.
Muslims, as it relates to those living in Europe and America, says Times of London columnist and author Melanie Phillips, are peaceful and “absolutely fine” to live among because they “have completely signed up to Western values” in that they “appreciate the freedoms of democracy and equality of women.”
“That's indeed why they have chosen to live in the West,” says Phillips. Islamists, on the other hand, are “people who are of the view that Islam is a political project” that aims to “impose Islam on the non-Islamic and not-Islamic-enough.” Theirs “is a doctrine of religious fanaticism; they believe they have a literally sacred duty — a god-imposed duty — to convert the entire world to Islam.”
“I would compare [an Islamist] to a communist or a fascist Nazi” in that “it is their way or the highway,” says Glenn Beck.
It is Islamists, not peaceful Muslims, who have become one of the biggest obstacles currently facing the West — especially in Britain, where progressive immigration policies have drastically altered the demographics.
On a recent episode of “The Glenn Beck Program,” Glenn and Melanie candidly discussed Britain’s not-so-gradual edging towards an Islamic takeover.
“One of the problems of the West,” says Phillips, “has been that it views [Islamists] like everybody else in the world.” But this is a faulty view because they’re not like everyone else, hence why Islamist “suicide bombers blow themselves to smithereens” — “ecstatic that they are doing the work of God.”
“These are people with whom you cannot negotiate,” she says.
Further, “the dominant religious authorities in the world of Islam are all committed to this jihadi outlook — this belief that the non-Islamic world has to be converted to Islam,” which is another way of saying that they’re “out to destroy the free world,” Phillips explains.
But the West has turned a blind eye to this reality — and worse, British governments, including the current Labor Party, but also the Conservative Party that preceded it, have pushed the dogmatic idea that “the West cannot assert its superiority over any other culture [because] to do so is racist, and therefore, you cannot criticize the world of Islam” because it’s “Islamophobic.”
Even when Islamist-perpetrated terrorist attacks and hate crimes occur, these governments will push the narrative that “there's nothing Islamic about [them]”; they’re just generic “extremism.”
Similar to the the United States, which sees left-wing administrations and advocacy groups partnering with the suspected terrorist organization Council on American-Islamic Relations, Britain, says Phillips, allows for “Muslim Brotherhood-funded groups” and “charities,” in which the people involved “adhere to the teachings of the foundational characters of modern-day Islamism — political Islam, jihadi Islam.” Despite pleas for the government to declare the Muslim Brotherhood a terrorist organization, the British government has been firm in keeping it off the list of designated terrorist organizations.
Glenn is fearful that if something isn’t done to stop the growing Islamism in the West, countries like England and America could very well end up like Iran after the 1979 Islamic Revolution, when the country went from “Western and open and educated” to “putting their women in burkas.”
“How close to the edge is, let’s just say England, to real civil unrest?” he asks Phillips.
“Europe in general is extremely close to being submerged by all this, and so is Britain,” she answers candidly, noting that this isn’t her opinion but what demographic projections are showing.
Hope, however, has come in the form of populist parties that have emerged in Europe as a response to the Islamic cultural takeover.
“Although the elites — the political and cultural elites — have their heads firmly turned the other direction, nevertheless we've seen the rise of so-called populist parties in Britain and Europe,” many of which represent “millions of ordinary, decent people who want to live in a place that they feel is their homeland,” Phillips says.
“They want to feel pride in their nation; they want to feel that their nation's historic values are being upheld,” she tells Glenn. These “people have felt completely abandoned and betrayed by the entire political establishment,” and that’s why “we're seeing the rise of populists.”
“I think, therefore, through the democratic process, we're going to see the election of people who are going to be much more robust,” she predicts.
To hear more of the conversation, watch the video above.
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