Trump Has A Real Insurrection On His Hands In Minnesota
What's happening in Minnesota is a real insurrection, far different from the J6 riot, and Trump needs to treat it like one.An internal memo has rocked the leadership at the British Broadcasting Corporation.
Last week, another outlet in the United Kingdom revealed that the memo had accused the BBC of deceptively editing footage of President Donald Trump's speech on January 6, 2021.
'We fight like hell, and if you don't fight like hell, you're not gonna have a country any more.'
The Telegraph reported that Michael Prescott, a former independent external adviser to the BBC's Editorial Guidelines and Standards Committee, wrote a dossier on the BBC's alleged bias before leaving his position in June.
The report accused the BBC of splicing together Trump's comments on Jan. 6 to appear as if they were made in the same breath, even though the remarks were about 54 minutes apart.
As Blaze News previously reported, the edit in question appeared on the BBC's one-hour Panorama special, titled "Trump: A Second Chance?"
The documentary featured a clip purporting to show Trump saying, "We're going to walk down to the Capitol, and I'll be there with you. And we fight. We fight like hell."
In reality, Trump's actual statement was:
"We're gonna walk down, and I'll be there with you. We're gonna walk down. We're gonna walk down, any one you want, but I think right here, we're gonna walk down to the Capitol, and we're gonna cheer on our brave senators and congressmen and women. And we're probably not going to be cheering so much for some of them, because you'll never take back our country with weakness. You have to show strength, and you have to be strong. We have come to demand that Congress do the right thing and only count the electors who have been lawfully slated. Lawfully slated. I know that everyone here will soon be marching over to the Capitol building to peacefully and patriotically make your voices heard."
The edited clip also featured Trump's words from about 54 minutes later, when he was discussing election integrity.
"Most people would stand there at 9 o'clock in the evening and say, 'I wanna thank you very much,' and they go off to some other life, but I said something's wrong here, something's really wrong, can't have happened, and we fight."
"We fight like hell, and if you don't fight like hell, you're not gonna have a country any more," Trump added.
Now, BBC Director-General Tim Davie and CEO of BBC News Deborah Turness have both handed in their resignations.
RELATED: BBC allegedly deceptively edited Trump’s Jan. 6 speech into riot lie

Davie issued a memo to his staff on Saturday and claimed that it was completely his decision to step down.
"I wanted to let you know that I have decided to leave the BBC after 20 years. This is entirely my decision," Davie wrote, according to the Hollywood Reporter.
The director said he had been reflecting on the "very intense personal and professional demands" that come with his role and claimed that "in these increasingly polarized times, the BBC is of unique value and speaks to the very best of us."
Without directly mentioning the video editing controversy, Davie called the BBC a "critical ingredient of a healthy society."
'As the CEO of BBC News and Current Affairs, the buck stops with me.'
Turness, however, was openly self-deprecating in her decision to resign.
"The ongoing controversy around the Panorama on President Trump has reached a stage where it is causing damage to the BBC — an institution that I love," she wrote in a memo. "As the CEO of BBC News and Current Affairs, the buck stops with me — and I took the decision to offer my resignation to the Director-General last night."
She added that "in public life, leaders" must be "fully accountable, and that is why I am stepping down."
Still, Turness said despite the mistakes, any "allegations that BBC News is institutionally biased are wrong."
RELATED: The UK wants to enforce its censorship laws in the US. The First Amendment begs to differ.

As the BBC is a government-run institution, the ruling Labour Party chimed in on the controversy.
"I want to thank Tim Davie for his service to public service broadcasting over many years. He has led the BBC through a period of significant change and helped the organization to grip the challenges it has faced in recent years," said U.K. Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy.
Nandy said the BBC charter, which defines "Object, Mission and Public Purposes" for the organization, will be reviewed to help the BBC "adapt to this new era" and secure its role at the "heart of national life" for the future.
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An 8 ½-minute FBI video on the Jan. 6 pipe bombs, released last week, omits key new evidence, relies on likely manipulated, low-quality footage, and excludes crucial hours of security video that could clarify the most persistent questions that surround the languishing investigation.
The bureau released the video to revive public interest in a case that has gone unsolved for nearly five years. Its timing comes just two weeks after a video sleuth briefed congressional investigators, alleging serious flaws in the FBI’s account of the pipe bombs. Despite those claims — including apparent video manipulation and ignored public tips — the bureau has stuck to its original story.
‘You releasing that info made it impossible for them to even float that excuse.’
The new footage also offers no hint that the FBI considered publicly acknowledging another theory: that the pipe bombs were part of a poorly timed training exercise. FBI sources told Blaze News weeks ago about rumors the bureau had been preparing to report that several federal agencies took part in a training exercise that diverted police resources from the Capitol as thousands of protesters breached its barricades at 12:53 p.m.
Those same sources said that once word of this alleged new theory leaked, the FBI abandoned it. The latest video reflects that retreat, repeating the same facts and framing first presented in 2021.
RELATED: FBI sent 55 agents to the Capitol Jan. 6, none for ‘crowd control,’ former Chief Steven Sund says
“The 7th floor guys were pissed at you for going public with the ‘undisclosed training event’ scenario as a potential cover-up,” a source close to the FBI Washington Field Office told Blaze News. “I’m told you releasing that info made it impossible for them to even float that excuse after you picked it apart.”
Another FBI source previously told Blaze News that the bureau floated the idea that several federal agencies were involved in the pipe-bomb plot and cover-up. The FBI did not respond to a request for comment.
The FBI released snippets of new video of the alleged pipe-bomb suspect from the night of Jan. 5, 2021. That footage, of similar low quality as previously released video evidence, is edited in such a way that it excludes showing a U.S. Capitol Police squad SUV pull up directly across the street from where the suspect stood at 8:15 p.m.
The omissions come despite an independent video investigator telling Blaze News he has been feeding his findings to an FBI special agent at the Washington Field Office since late March. It is not clear what, if anything, the FBI has done with the extensive research done by an individual known on X as Armitas. He has asked Blaze News not to use his real name for security reasons.
Armitas’ report to Congress says video footage released by the FBI of the hoodie-wearing suspect was digitally altered. Software was used to crop the image area and reduce the video frame rate, he said.
RELATED: FBI Jan. 6 report sets off a firestorm: Why did it take 56 months to disclose 274 agents at Capitol?

The FBI says an individual of unknown sex wearing a gray hooded sweatshirt, jeans, black gloves, and rare Nike Air Max Speed Turf sneakers planted pipe bombs at the Democratic National Committee and a short time later along the rear wall of the Capitol Hill Club not far from the Republican National Committee building.
The FBI and the Metropolitan Police Department continue to offer a $500,000 reward for evidence that leads to an arrest in the case.
Aside from some short segments of new footage, the FBI update video is nearly identical to one released Jan. 2, 2021. It comes after Armitas submitted 26 pages of findings to the new House Select Subcommittee to Investigate the Remaining Questions Surrounding Jan. 6 — and months after he said he began sharing those details with an FBI special agent.
Sources told Blaze News that reducing the frame rate on video makes it very difficult to perform a forensic analysis of the bomber’s gait, or manner of walking. Gait-analysis could help narrow the list of suspects or lead investigators toward a person of interest.
The FBI video’s animated map of the suspect’s travels glosses over an apparent stop the person made at a bush on the north side of the Congressional Black Caucus Institute, 413 New Jersey Ave. Southeast. It appears, based on the bomber’s behavior, that the CBCI was the original target of the first pipe bomb, Armitas said.
The FBI video said the suspect “pauses near the corner of D Street,” but it failed to mention anything about the suspect seemingly attempting to place the device under the bush at the CBCI.
Video from Capitol Police CCTV Camera 795 showed the suspect walking north on New Jersey Avenue, then turning left into an alley next to the Black Caucus Institute building at about 7:47 p.m. The suspect spent more than a minute near the bush — first bent over and then sitting down in front of the shrub, video shows. The individual appeared to lean into the bush while seated, then got up and continued west down the alley.
A short time later, the alleged bomber came back up the alley past the bush toward New Jersey Avenue, then raced back into the alley as if he or she forgot something. The suspect then returned to New Jersey Avenue at 7:50 p.m. and walked south for a block before turning right onto Ivy Street Southeast toward the DNC, video showed.
Armitas posited that a piece of the pipe bomb broke off while the suspect was attempting to plant it at the CBCI. A construction worker appeared to notice the broken component at 1 p.m. on Jan. 6. The worker can be seen pausing to peer under the bush and then continuing down the alley.

A two-man team of U.S. Capitol Police countersurveillance agents walked west up the alley at 1:02 p.m., stopped to chat for about 30 seconds, then returned down the alley. One of the officers noticed something under the bush, then leaned in for a closer look just before 1:03 p.m. The officers walked back to the nearby DNC, where one of them discovered the pipe bomb under a bush next to a park bench at 1:05 p.m.
Two buildings were constructed immediately north of the Congressional Black Caucus Institute building in the nearly five years since Jan. 6, so the alley and the bush are no longer there, according to street view images from Google Maps and Apple Maps.
One of the new video clips released by the FBI shows the suspect walking east along C Street about 8:15 p.m. The video cuts off just before the suspect stops in the front garden of the C Street Center, 133 C St. Southeast. The building has long served as a dormitory or rooming house for members of Congress and staff.
Armitas said it appears the suspect was attempting to place the pipe bomb in the bushes in front of 133 C Street but may have been interrupted by a Capitol Police squad car that turned onto C Street from the east with its emergency lights on.
The squad car pulled over a dark-colored Jeep that minutes earlier had driven down C Street, turned left onto First, made a U-turn, and then drove down D Street, turned left onto Second and left again onto C Street. It appears the squad engaged its emergency lights just as the Jeep turned onto C Street, video showed.
There is no mention in any of the FBI materials across 58 months of a Capitol Police squad car parking directly across C Street from where the alleged would-be bomber stood at 8:15 p.m.
RELATED: GOP-run Jan. 6 subcommittee goes after trove of data deleted by Pelosi-appointed Jan. 6 committee

The bright blue-and-red emergency lights from the squad car reflected off of the suspect’s gray sweatshirt as he or she walked down into Rumsey Court from C Street, Capitol Police CCTV video shows.
Interestingly, the Capitol Police squad car was the same one the suspect appeared to wave to minutes earlier as the police vehicle drove south on First Street and the suspect walked north past the front of the Capitol Hill Club.
A second Capitol Police car turned onto C Street from the west at 8:18 p.m., did a Y-turn and pulled in behind the first squad. Both officers approached the Jeep with flashlights on. They wrapped up the traffic stop at 8:30. The suspect by then had escaped Rumsey Court and apparently disappeared.
Armitas said he tracked the suspect’s exit from Rumsey Court through a garden on the property of St. Peter’s Church on Capitol Hill and onto Second Street Southeast. The FBI’s video does not include this detail, stating instead that the suspect was “last seen” at 8:18 p.m. heading east on Rumsey Court.
The fence between Rumsey Court and the St. Peter’s garden did not have an obvious gate. It appeared as a contiguous fence across the property, Armitas said. So the suspect would have had to know how and where the hidden gate could be unlatched to access the St. Peter’s garden and make the escape onto Second Street, he said.
Blaze News has twice inspected the gate. Without familiarity with the property, it is nearly impossible to recognize the existence of the gate or find a hidden latch.
Armitas theorized that the DNC bomb assembly was broken by the suspect during the attempt to drop the device next to the CBCI building. So the device the suspect set at the base of a park bench next to the DNC could have needed repair, he said.
Also, the suspect appeared to place the pipe bomb with the short end — where a 60-minute kitchen timer was attached — sticking out toward the sidewalk. When the pipe bomb was discovered at 1:05 p.m. on Jan. 6, the long end was sticking out with the egg timer pointed into the bushes, he said. Both facts would indicate the device was removed and later replaced, Armitas said.
RELATED: Bobby Powell gave his last breath working to expose Jan. 6 corruption

Those assertions and others could be proven or disproven if the FBI would release the DNC security video for Jan. 6. Several key Capitol Police security cameras were turned away from the DNC at crucial times on Jan. 6.
So the DNC’s security cameras appear to have the only footage that can answer questions about the Secret Service’s security sweep of the DNC building the morning of Jan. 6. They also hold the answer to whether the bomb was present while bomb-sniffing dogs did a sweep of parts of the building exterior.
Depending what the DNC video shows, the pipe bomb was either missed by the Secret Service and still sitting under the bench as Vice President-elect Kamala Harris pulled into the DNC garage around 11:30 a.m. on Jan. 6, or the bomb was re-placed under the bench while Harris was inside the building.
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After nearly eight months of wrangling over jurisdictional and turf issues, a new Jan. 6 select subcommittee will begin oversight and investigation work on Sept. 2, House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) announced Wednesday.
The new investigation panel will be a subgroup of the House Committee on the Judiciary, chaired by U.S. Rep. Barry Loudermilk (R-Ga.), who did extensive investigative work on Jan. 6 issues during the 118th Congress that closed on Jan. 3, 2025.
'January 6th was the fulcrum event for the weaponization of government.'
The subcommittee, which will have full subpoena power, will be known as the Select Subcommittee to Investigate the Remaining Questions Surrounding Jan. 6, 2021. During the previous legislative session, Loudermilk’s Jan. 6 work was under the auspices of the Committee on House Administration and its chairman, Rep. Bryan Steil (R-Wis.).
Establishment of a Jan. 6 committee was a high priority of President Donald J. Trump, and it took the president’s persuasive skills to smooth over the disputes that delayed formation of the subcommittee. Final details were hashed out during recent meetings at the White House, senior officials told Blaze News.
Judicial Watch President Tom Fitton told Blaze News that establishment of the committee is a milestone.
RELATED: Metropolitan Police Department refuses public access to Jan. 6 use-of-force reports

“This is an important development,” Fitton said. “The challenge is the investigation must turn inward on the House! Who protected [Lt. Michael] Byrd? Who made decisions and when about U.S. Capitol security measures? What about collusion with Biden DOJ, Fani Willis, etc., to jail Trump and other Americans?"
“There is no comparable congressional corruption and abuse in American history,” Fitton said.
Mike Howell, president of the Oversight Project, said establishment of the J6 committee is long overdue.
“January 6th was the fulcrum event for the weaponization of government,” Howell told Blaze News. “It provided the supposed moral cover and justification for some of the worst abuses by law enforcement and the intelligence community in United States history.
“This committee should have been stood up long ago, particularly when it became evident that the supposed Weaponization Subcommittee was an unserious exercise, but better late than never,” Howell said. “There is much work ahead, and I expect there to be many fights over the enforcement of subpoenas. The Oversight Project stands ready to assist in any way we can.”
Although the subcommittee won’t officially begin work until after the August recess, some key staff are expected to remain in Washington setting the foundation for the first investigations to launch once the House is back in September.
The new Select Subcommittee comes into being amid a very different atmosphere in Washington than during the previous Congress, thanks to the election of President Trump last November.
Lack of cooperation from the Biden Department of Justice and FBI stymied the work of the former Subcommittee on Oversight that ceased operation with the closing of the 118th Congress.
The subcommittee has its work cut out on major Jan. 6 issues, including identifying the pipe bomber, exposing how many federal agents and informants were involved in the crowds at the U.S. Capitol, weaponization of the FBI and DOJ against more than 1,600 now-former Jan. 6 defendants, and public release of the rest of the Capitol Police CCTV security video.
The panel will also be tasked with investigating the killing of protester Ashli Babbitt and the questions that still surround former Capitol Police Lt. Michael Leroy Byrd.
Recently departed Capitol Police Chief J. Thomas Manger apparently ignored November 2024 demands from Loudermilk’s subcommittee for more details on Byrd’s significant disciplinary history and efforts by former Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) to financially help the man who gunned down the 14-year Air Force veteran.
RELATED: Feds settle multimillion-dollar lawsuit in the death of Ashli Babbitt

Loudermilk revealed in a Nov. 20, 2024, letter that the Office of Professional Responsibility files on three incidents involving Byrd were somehow missing. Manger was asked to explain that, but sources told Blaze News that Manger never responded to Loudermilk’s letter.
Blaze News reached out to USCP for comment. The story will be updated if we receive a response.
Serious questions remain about the DOJ report that cleared Byrd in the Babbitt shooting. The Biden DOJ used the wrong legal standard to justify not pursuing charges of excessive force against the 30-year Capitol Police veteran.
The death of protester Rosanne Boyland has also not been given attention by Congress in its work to date.
There are also many loose ends that were left behind by the Democrat-controlled Jan. 6 Select Committee empaneled by Pelosi in 2022. Witness transcripts, videos, and other materials that should have been preserved by the committee were destroyed. No one has been held to account for the destruction of legislative investigative records.
Loudermilk’s new subcommittee could also examine the apparently perjured testimony given by two former Capitol Police officers in the 2022 trial of the first group of Oath Keepers prosecuted by the Biden regime.
A Blaze News investigation proved that Officer Harry Dunn and Special Agent David Lazarus gave false and conflicting testimony on the witness stand regarding an alleged confrontation between a group of Oath Keepers and Dunn.
Mike Howell is a contributor to Blaze News.
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The District of Columbia Metropolitan Police Department refused to provide Blaze News with copies of the Use of Force Incident Reports from its massive presence at the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021.
Blaze News filed a Freedom of Information Act request with MPD on May 15, seeking the officer-prepared reports on the use of force for crowd control at the Capitol during the explosive Jan. 6 protests and subsequent rioting.
‘No, you’re going to kill her!’
Under MPD policy, the department had until June 2 to provide a response to the Blaze News request, but failed to do so until June 10.
“Your request was considered,” wrote MPD FOIA specialist Shania Hughes in a letter to Blaze News.
“A review of our records determined the information you seek is law enforcement sensitive and not for public release.”
Hughes’ letter cited §2-534(a)(4) of the Code of the District of Columbia, which states:
The following matters may be exempt from disclosure under the provisions of this subchapter: Inter-agency or intra-agency memorandums or letters, including memorandums or letters generated or received by the staff or members of the Council, which would not be available by law to a party other than a public body in litigation with the public body.
The D.C. Code makes no mention of the subjective and nebulous term “law enforcement sensitive.”
Hughes’ letter said release of the details of force used against protesters at the Capitol “would constitute as a clearly unwarranted invasion of personal privacy.” She cited §2-534(a)(2) and §2-534(a)(3)(c) of the D.C. Code, which make reference to “information of a personal nature” that would “constitute an unwarranted invasion of personal privacy.”
RELATED: Former Jan. 6 defendant gets life sentence for plot to kill FBI agents, other law enforcement

The sections of D.C. Code do not define the term “personal privacy” or explain why it applies to police officers employed by a government agency who were on duty during rioting at the Capitol.
Blaze News filed another FOIA request with MPD on May 1, seeking a record of all Jan. 6 use-of-force complaints. The department returned a spreadsheet listing a single complaint having to do with “shoving.”
Jacqueline Hazzan, legal counsel for the MPD Office of Police Complaints, said the details of that complaint would not be released because they would “reveal information about the agency’s internal deliberative process before it was completed” and “cause an unwarranted invasion of others’ personal privacy.”
The issue of police use of force on Jan. 6 still draws interest 4.5 years later because of what is contained on Capitol Police CCTV security video, MPD bodycam footage, and third-party videos that were often seized by the FBI for use in prosecuting close to 1,600 people who were at the Capitol on Jan. 6.
‘It wasn’t until I saw the video that I realized how bad it was.’
Metropolitan Police routinely refuse to release any bodycam footage from Jan. 6. Former Jan. 6 defendants have posted a large cache of MPD bodycam video, but the department practice has been that the public is not allowed access to Jan. 6 video.
Blaze News covered a high-impact use-of-force case in the point-blank shooting of Pennsylvania dump-truck driver Mark Griffin with a 40mm shell filled with hard rubber baton rounds. The shot — fired by an officer, according to video — split Griffin’s left femur from top to bottom. The injury required several surgical procedures to repair, including insertion of a titanium plate with 14 screws.
Sgt. Frank Edwards, the officer who video shows fired the shot, told a colleague late in the day on Jan. 6 that MPD went through 500 crowd-control munition shells, grenades, and gas canisters that day.
Other prominent Jan. 6 use-of-force cases included the beating of protester Rosanne Boyland by MPD Officer Lila Morris. Boyland had collapsed at the mouth of the Lower West Terrace Tunnel and appeared to be lifeless when Morris used a wooden walking stick to strike Boyland in the face, head, and ribs, according to video evidence.

It is unknown the extent of injuries Boyland suffered as a result. Third-party video and bodycam footage showed that Boyland was bleeding from her right eye and her nose. There was a visible injury above her right eye that was not mentioned or documented by paramedics, the emergency room physician, or the Office of the Chief Medical Examiner in its autopsy report.
The use of the walking stick against Boyland was “brought to our attention and reviewed thoroughly,” MPD public affairs specialist Alaina Gertz told the Epoch Times in April 2022. The review “did not substantiate the allegations you have outlined,” she said, suggesting that the videos of Morris striking Boyland were not properly vetted for “authenticity.”
Bagshaw had ‘gone hands-on with demonstrators in Washington for years.’
The Epoch Times filed a FOIA request for Officer Morris’ Jan. 6 bodycam footage, but MPD refused to grant access, saying releasing the video would violate Morris’ privacy.
Protester Victoria C. White of Rochester, Minn., was beaten in the head, neck, and face by then-Lt. Jason Bagshaw and other officers inside the Lower West Terrace tunnel about 20 minutes before Boyland collapsed, video showed. Capitol Police CCTV security video and MPD bodycam footage showed that White was struck nearly 40 times with steel riot batons and fists.
At 4:11 p.m., a bystander at the tunnel mouth repeatedly tried to intervene to protect White. He shouted at police, “No, no, no, no. Please … please don’t beat her!” and “No, you’re going to kill her!” according to the bodycam of MPD Officer Andrew Wayte. In one violent series, Bagshaw repeatedly pummeled White in the side of the face with a closed fist, security video showed.
“It wasn’t until I saw the video that I realized how bad it was,” White said in a 2022 Jan. 6 documentary. She sued Bagshaw and MPD Officer Neil McAllister in March 2024. That lawsuit is ongoing before U.S. District Judge Carl Nichols.
RELATED: Fact-check: President Trump authorized 20,000 National Guard troops for duty on Jan. 6, 2021

The lawsuit said White was subjected to “objectively unreasonable, excessive, and indeed, deadly force that shocks the conscience.”
Bagshaw has been with MPD for more than 22 years. A July 2022 article in the Washington Post said Bagshaw has “gone hands-on with demonstrators in Washington for years, winning colleagues’ respect but drawing criticism from demonstrators.” The article did not mention Bagshaw’s actions against White in the tunnel on Jan. 6. Bagshaw was promoted to commander in April 2022.
The FBI began collecting use-of-force data from law enforcement agencies nationwide on Jan. 1, 2019. Of 18,514 federal, state, local, and tribal law enforcement agencies nationwide, 5,481 reported use-of-force data to the FBI. Participation in the National Use-of-Force Data Collection is encouraged, but not mandatory.
Both MPD and the Metro Transit Police Department supply use-of-force data to the FBI, according to the FBI Crime Data Explorer.
In 2024, 11,445 of the nation’s 19,277 law enforcement agencies participated in the data collection system. The reporting agencies represent 72% of federal, state, local, and tribal sworn officers nationwide, according to the FBI.
In 2024, the primary uses of force reported included firearms, hands/fists/feet, canine, and electronic control weapons such as a taser, according to the database. Police uses of force were a response to failure to comply with verbal commands, attempt to escape or flee from custody, using a firearm against an officer or other person, displaying a weapon at an officer, and resisting being handcuffed or arrested, the FBI reported.
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