Retiring Capitol Police chief takes shots at Jan. 6 protester Ashli Babbitt, settlement of civil lawsuit



Retiring U.S. Capitol Police Chief J. Thomas Manger took some parting shots at the late Ashli Babbitt on his way out the door, claiming in a May 2 internal memo that she “attacked the U.S. Capitol” and ignored police orders to stay out of the Speaker’s Lobby hallway where she was shot to death by Lt. Michael Byrd.

The two-page letter was read at all roll calls, posted on bulletin boards, and distributed by email. It expresses Manger’s disdain for the U.S. Department of Justice agreeing to settle the Babbitt family’s $30 million wrongful-death lawsuit filed against the federal government on Jan. 5, 2024.

Attorneys for Judicial Watch Inc. and the DOJ told a federal judge on May 2 they had reached a “settlement in principle” that should be finalized within weeks. No financial terms were disclosed.

Judicial Watch president Tom Fitton said the settlement is “going to be historic!” Judicial Watch represents Aaron Babbitt and his late wife’s estate in the lawsuit against the federal government.

A status report that Judicial Watch and the DOJ filed with U.S. District Judge Ana Reyes on May 6 did not include an update on the expected timing to finalize the settlement.

It did, however, propose that Babbitt’s former attorney, Terrell N. Roberts III, enter into fee arbitration with the Attorney Client Arbitration Board of the District of Columbia Bar. Roberts opposes that solution, the court filing said. Roberts’ attempts to secure a restraining order and a 25% lien on the final settlement were rebuffed by Judge Reyes. Roberts withdrew from the Babbitt case in late February 2022.

Manger’s letter makes several questionable contentions, including that Babbitt ignored orders by police to stay out of the Speaker’s Lobby.

Ashli Babbitt punches rioter Zachary Jordan Alam in the nose after he smashed out several windows in the entrance to the Speaker's Lobby in the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021. Babbitt was fatally shot seconds later.Blaze News graphic from Sam Montoya photograph. Used with permission.

According to video shot by journalist Tayler Hansen, he and Babbitt freely walked into the hallway outside the Speaker’s Lobby at 2:36 p.m. On the way, they passed Jason Gandolph, a plainclothes House Sergeant at Arms officer. Hansen greeted him and said, “Stay safe.” Gandolph was walking and looking at his phone at the time.

Three U.S. Capitol Police officers were standing at the end of the hall outside the Speaker’s Lobby: Officer Kyle Yetter, Sgt. Timothy Lively, and Officer Christopher Lanciano. Hansen offered the officers a water bottle while Babbitt talked to the trio. They were the only ones in the hall with Babbitt and Hansen until other protesters began filling the space a short time later.

'We’ve got to start thinking about getting the people out.'

Gandolph told investigators that Babbitt helped to smash the glass in the doors and windows of the Speaker’s Lobby entrance. Video from the hallway shows, however, that Babbitt did not touch the doors or the glass, but she did shout at the officers to “call f**king help!”

“In 2021 the DOJ said there was no evidence to show law enforcement broke the law, yet now the DOJ is agreeing to pay a settlement,” Manger wrote.

A 14-page DOJ memo on the killing of Babbitt by then-Lt. Byrd, now a captain, was released in June 2022 by Judicial Watch as part of a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit.

The memo said there was “insufficient evidence to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that Lt. Byrd violated Ms. [Babbitt’s] civil rights by willfully using more force than was reasonably necessary, or was not acting in self-defense or the defense of others.”

Lt. Michael L. Byrd, who killed Ashli Babbitt at the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, has 'significant' discipline history including gun incidents, U.S. Rep. Barry Loudermilk (R-Ga.) disclosed in November 2024.Photos by Judicial Watch, John Sullivan

The DOJ memo has been criticized because it cited the wrong legal standard for determining whether police use of lethal force is justified. The “gold standard” is the 1989 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Graham v. Connor.The High Court said police use of force should be judged on the Fourth Amendment’s “objective reasonableness” standard without regard for the officer’s subjective state of mind.

“An officer’s evil intentions will not make a Fourth Amendment violation out of an objectively reasonable use of force; nor will an officer’s good intentions make an objectively unreasonable use of force constitutional,” the court said.

Even if the force Byrd used in killing Babbitt was unreasonable, “the government must show that an officer acted willfully, that is, with the specific intent to deprive the victim of a constitutional right,” the DOJ report said. In this context, “willfully” means that an act “was done voluntarily and intentionally, and with the specific intent to do something the law forbids; that is with a bad purpose either to disobey or disregard the law.”

'I asked for permission to evacuate. I heard no response.'

Stanley Kephart, a police use-of-force expert who has testified in court cases more than 350 times, said use of the term “willfully” is from a 1985 U.S. Court of Appeals case from the Fifth Circuit, United States v. Garza. He said it should not be applied to Byrd’s killing of Babbitt.

“The highest culpable mental state in committing a crime is ‘knowingly’ and Captain Byrd did just that,” Kephart said. “Willingly does not apply.”

Byrd did not write any reports on the shooting and refused to make a statement to internal affairs investigators. His only public statement on the shooting was made in a televised August 2021 interview with NBC anchor Lester Holt. Byrd said he feared for his life at the time he fired his service weapon. He said, however, he could not tell if the person climbing into the broken window was armed or even what sex the person was.

Kephart said he believes the Biden DOJ had a pre-ordained conclusion to the shooting probe. He called the DOJ report a “total miscarriage of justice.”

“The glaring thing about it, they picked the Garza decision, which was an aged decision. Graham v. Connor is the newest Supreme Court finding and that’s why it is the gold standard,” Kephart said. “For them to go back in time and pick an aged decision that was friendly to them is a clear indication of what they were attempting to do.”

Video from the hallway where violence broke out shows Babbitt tried to stop the rioting and shouted at officers to call for backup. Just before she climbed into the broken side window and was shot, she punched rioter Zachary J. Alam in the nose and knocked off his glasses. Alam had just used a black riot helmet to smash the glass out of the side window. Had Alam climbed into the broken window before Babbitt punched him, he most likely would have been shot.

“While illegally inside the building, she disregarded the orders of police to stay out of the Speaker’s Lobby and instead climbed through a broken window, which had just been smashed by a fellow rioter, in her attempt to access members of Congress who were being evacuated from the Capitol,” Manger wrote.

New Judicial Watch video covers 19 minutes in the Jan. 6 life and death of Air Force veteran Ashli Babbitt.Photos by Aaron Babbitt, Jayden X, Judicial Watch, and Sam Montoya

Byrd told Holt that he repeatedly screamed at the rioters to “get back.” Byrd was wearing a black COVID mask at the time. Other officers in the Speaker’s Lobby gave conflicting reports on whether commands were shouted to those outside the entrance.

Witnesses along the outside of the lobby entrance said they did not hear warnings or other statements from inside the Speaker’s Lobby. The crowd, which had grown to at least 55-60 people, made considerable noise. The three USCP officers posted at the door said they did not hear any commands from inside the Speaker’s Lobby. Nor were any commands heard on videos filmed in the hallway.

Aaron Babbitt said his wife, 35, who was a military policewoman in the U.S. Air Force and Air National Guard, would not have continued through the window if she had seen or heard Lt. Byrd.

Video showed the members of Congress were going downstairs toward the subway when Hansen and Babbitt first walked into the hallway outside the Speaker’s Lobby. A few members remained in the House Chamber to help guard the main House entrance, but the evacuation was otherwise complete by the time Babbitt jumped up into the window.

Manger said the lawsuit settlement “is insulting to every officer who protected the Capitol on January 6, 2021, and those who feared for their life on that dark day.”

Former lieutenant raps Manger

One former Capitol Police officer went public with his opposition to Manger’s memo. Former Lt. Tarik K. Johnson, who first posted Manger’s letter May 5 on X, called the document “partisan.”

“How should he (Manger) be allowed to take a partisan position from the chair of a police chief when some could easily articulate his behavior as an abuse of power as his rant was put on USCP letterhead and distributed,” Johnson said.

— (@)

In March, Manger announced he was retiring after nearly four years on the job. His announced last day was May 2, but a Capitol Police source told Blaze News that Manger was still on duty on May 6.

“How do we tolerate Manger criticizing the current administration in a civil matter without questioning his judgement and ability to lead a police agency that has a requirement to remain neutral and protect all members of the congressional community and visitors to the Capitol complex,” Johnson wrote, “not just those who share his political views.”

Johnson was suspended by Capitol Police for nearly 18 months after Jan. 6, ostensibly because he wore a red MAGA cap while he and and two Oath Keepers evacuated 16 police officers from inside the Capitol’s Columbus Doors. Johnson has said the cap made the crowds more receptive and helped him move up and down the east steps unmolested. He said the cap was like having a helmet for protection.

Capitol Police Lt. Tarik K. Johnson asks for assistance from retired police Sgt. Michael Nichols (right) and Steve Clayton (center). Both Oath Keepers, Nichols and Clayton helped Johnson evacuate 16 police officers from inside the Columbus Doors on Jan. 6, 2021.Rico La Starza

The suspension that Johnson said made him a virtual prisoner in his own home was really meted out because he ordered the evacuation of the U.S. Senate on Jan. 6 after the USCP Command Center failed to answer repeated radio transmissions seeking authorization, he said. Video shows just as the last senators hustled down the stairs, a raucous crowd was moving toward the Senate entrance from an adjacent hallway.

Johnson then headed toward the House and ordered members to evacuate the building. He gave Sgt. Nelson Vargas instructions over the radio on which door and stairway to use to reach the Capitol Subway System. It isn’t known why Byrd did not evacuate the House after rioters smashed the Senate Wing Door windows at 2:12 p.m. and crowds poured into the building. Byrd was the Capitol Police commander for the House and Senate on Jan. 6.

“There was no response from anybody at the Command Center,” Johnson said in a January 2023 interview. “I say even before I initiated evacuation, I say specifically, ‘We’ve got to start thinking about getting the people out before we don’t have a chance to.’ I heard no response. Then I asked for permission to evacuate. I heard no response.”

In addition to Johnson’s pleas for help, the Capitol Police dispatcher repeatedly asked for authorization for the evacuation. He was met with radio silence.

Johnson said if the evacuation of Congress had started when he first asked Assistant Chief Yogananda Pittman and the Command Center for help, Byrd wouldn’t have been near the Speaker’s Lobby entrance, and the House chamber would have been empty if the crowd had breached the barricaded doors.

“I made the evacuation order at approximately 2:28 for the Senate, and then I did it maybe six to eight minutes later for the House,” Johnson said.

Manger said his department and the Metropolitan Police Department did a “comprehensive review of all the available evidence” in the shooting.

Shortly after shooting Babbitt at 2:44 p.m. on Jan. 6, Byrd made a false broadcast on Capitol Police radio claiming that he was taking gunfire and was preparing to return fire. The false assertion was never corrected on the air, leaving SWAT officers streaming into the Capitol to wonder if the scene was secure or if a shooter was on the loose in the Capitol. Neither the DOJ report nor the MPD shooting investigation report made reference to Byrd’s radio transmission.

Frick and Frack (left) are escorted to a meeting with Capitol Police. An unmarked squad car (upper right) arrives at the south barricade with Capitol Police officers. Officer Rick Larity (lower right) and Sgt. Sarah Smithers approach Frick and Frack for a meeting inside the squad car.U.S. Capitol Police/CCTV security video

Police did not attempt to detain any of the more than 50 people in the Speaker’s Lobby hallway to take witness statements. As far as is publicly known, none of them was detained for questioning about the shooting, and none of their witness accounts appeared in the MPD or DOJ shooting investigation reports.

Two men, nicknamed “Frick and Frack” by a YouTube personality in 2021, stood behind the police line down the stairs from the lobby entrance as four Capitol Police SWAT officers came up from the first floor.

After protesters and rioters were forced to exit, Frick and Frack approached USCP Deputy Chief Eric Waldow in the hallway and volunteered to be witnesses. As a 2024 Blaze News investigation showed, the men were escorted from the building by Capitol Police K-9 technician Bruce Acheson and taken to meet with Capitol Police detectives in an unmarked squad car at the edge of Capitol grounds.

Frack gave police a short video clip taken in the Speaker’s Lobby hallway at the time of the shooting, but was apparently allowed to leave without providing all of the extensive video he shot on the Capitol west front, inside the building, and from the front rows of the Speaker’s Lobby hallway during the melee. The man’s name was redacted in the MPD shooting report. Some brief information on him was included in an MPD investigation memo.

Video showed Frick and Frack set up makeshift ladders out of police barricades to allow protesters to more easily climb onto the balustrade of the Northwest Steps and proceed into the Capitol. They have not been publicly identified and were never arrested or charged.

Kephart said the 2021 DOJ report should have delved more into Byrd’s service and discipline record. He urged that Byrd’s shooting investigation be reopened by the Trump DOJ.

The DOJ report includes nearly a dozen factual errors, some of which were repeated in the Manger letter.

‘Significant’ discipline history

In November 2024, U.S. Rep. Barry Loudermilk (R-Ga.), chairman of the Committee on House Administration Subcommittee on Oversight, sent Manger a letter outlining Byrd’s “significant” history of discipline cases.

In one 2004 incident, Byrd was found by the Office of Professional Responsibility to have fired his Capitol Police service weapon into the rear of a van that was fleeing his Maryland neighborhood. His neighbor was in the line of fire, Loudermilk said. Byrd told investigators he shot into the windshield as the van drove directly at him.

U.S. Capitol Police Lt. Michael Byrd appears to have his finger on the trigger of his service weapon while walking on the U.S. House floor as rioters broke windows at the House entrance at the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021.Photo by Stefani Reynolds/Bloomberg via Getty Images. Graphic overlay by Blaze News

The OPR investigation found Byrd violated the USCP weapons and use-of-force policies by firing his gun in a “careless and imprudent manner.” Byrd appealed the finding to the Disciplinary Review Board, which overturned the OPR findings, according to Loudermilk.

In another discipline case revealed in a Blaze News exclusive, Byrd was recommended for termination in 2001 for abandoning his post in House Speaker Denny Hastert’s office for a card game in a nearby cloakroom, then lying about it to Internal Affairs Division investigators.

Loudermilk’s Nov. 20 letter also detailed the favorable treatment Byrd has received by USCP since Jan. 6, including $36,000 in unrestricted retention funds, $21,000 in security upgrades at his Prince George’s County, Md., home, and a GoFundMe campaign that raised $164,206 for Byrd.

Capitol Police paid to house Byrd at the Joint Base Andrews military facility from July 2021 until late January 2022 at a cost of more than $35,000, according to records obtained by Judicial Watch Inc.

Capitol Police general counsel Thomas A. “Tad” DiBiase met with Jamie Fleet, staff director for then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.), to discuss options to help Byrd, according to email uncovered by congressional investigators, Loudermilk said. Pelosi had earlier said she wanted Byrd “taken care of,” according to a Blaze News source who directly witnessed the statement during a meeting.

Loudermilk gave Manger a long list of questions and document requests at the close of his letter. The deadline was Dec. 4, 2024. A congressional source said Manger never replied to Loudermilk’s letter. The 118th Congress ended on Jan. 3, 2025. Five months after the start of the 119th Congress, the House has not yet established a successor committee or subcommittee to investigate Jan. 6.

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Here’s the ‘Truth About January 6’



Over the last four years, more and more information about what really went down on January 6, 2021, has trickled out. From FBI involvement to Capitol Police possible perjury, Blaze Media has been unveiling the bombshells that shatter the left’s anti-Trump insurrectionist narrative.

In our final episode of “The Truth About January 6,” BlazeTV is blowing that narrative wide open. We’ve got Capitol surveillance footage, conflicting timelines, and serious questions about Officer Harry Dunn’s story — the one he used to get rich and famous.

Blaze Media investigative reporter Steve Baker, who has studied Dunn’s every move for the last year and a half, says this exposé “will contradict everything he’s ever said about that day.”

In this episode, Baker dismantles Dunn’s story from beginning to end. From Dunn's morning briefing and his violent encounters with protesters to his efforts to save Rosanne Boyland and the tirade of racial slurs that drove him to weep, Baker, armed with ample video footage, shows that none of it ever happened.

“There is no other conclusion that can be made: Dunn is either a pathological liar, or he’s been conscripted by the left-wing establishment in D.C. to support their narrative,” says Baker.

The left’s lie that Officer Dunn is a “hero” deserving of praise ends with the release of “A Day in the Life of Harry Dunn: Part Three.”

Join us as we set the record straight. Our final installment of “The Truth About January 6” is streaming right now on BlazeTV. To watch the full investigation from the very beginning, subscribe to BlazeTV.

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MAGA betrayal? Kash Patel appoints J6 ‘terrorist’ hunter to key position



FBI Director Kash Patel has made it clear that he rejects the mainstream narrative that January 6 was a massive insurrection and has even suggested that the FBI played a role in inciting the event.

These sentiments stand in stark contrast to his recent appointment of Steven Jensen as the assistant director in charge of the FBI’s Washington Field Office. Jensen’s past role as Section Chief of the Domestic Terrorism Operations Section, in which he labeled January 6 protesters "terrorists," leading to aggressive efforts to arrest them, has sparked widespread controversy.

“This comes as a shock to conservatives who were counting on FBI director Kash Patel to clean up the bureau, because Jensen was a key figure in the domestic terror push against January 6 protesters,” says “Blaze News Tonight’s” Jill Savage.

To get the inside scoop on this strange appointment, Jill speaks with Blaze Media investigative journalist Steve Baker, who co-authored a recent article with Joe Hanneman on this subject.

“What should we make of this decision to have Steve Jensen out there in the Washington Field Office?” Jill asks.

“This is the most confounding thing to come out of the administration thus far, especially out of the new FBI, the new Department of Justice. As you know, we expected and we hoped that Kash and Dan Bongino collectively would be a wrecking ball in that agency,” says Baker. “That's what they alluded to and told us that they would do in so many interviews and in Kash Patel's own book.”

Jensen’s appointment is causing many conservatives to recant their former endorsements. Even leftist outlets are pointing out the hypocrisy. Baker says the New York Times admitted that Jensen’s appointment “seemed to be kind of contrary to what Kash Patel has promised the MAGA movement, the Trump supporters, and the J6 community.”

To make matters worse, the hiring was done covertly. It was an email leak that publicized the controversy.

“He was already an employee, but it was not announced in any way. This was done kind of surreptitiously under the cover of darkness. Nobody announced it; there was no press release; there was no announcement from Kash Patel or any other FBI spokesman,” says Baker.

“It wasn't until we caused a ruckus through our X thread … that [the Washington Field Office] finally responded and said, ‘just go check the website,’ and we did…and Steven Jensen's name has been added as assistant director in charge.”

Now that the news is out, conservatives across the country are raging.

Jensen’s role in the investigation and prosecution of January 6 protesters destroyed a lot of lives, says Baker, who knows a thing or two about being victimized by a weaponized DOJ for his January 6 attendance as an investigative journalist.

“We're talking about misdemeanor defendants, nonviolent defendants, families that were raided by FBI SWAT teams at 6:30 in the morning, guns up on their family, on their children, on their wives,” he reflects.

“People lost their homes; they lost their jobs, their careers; they were kicked out of their churches; they lost their marriages — all manner of family destruction and lives that were ruined as a result of this process, and this guy was at the actual forefront. He was the tip of the spear in the agency that was seeing this forward.”

On top of that, Jensen also was part of these “twice daily phone calls” that began two days after January 6, in which the FBI spoke with local and state police, governor's mansions, and mayoral residences and offices from every city in America to give them the official J6 “narrative, marching order, and agenda.”

“This was a national forum for which they were able to indoctrinate all of the law enforcement agencies across the country, the mayor's offices, the governors across the country, and teach them, tell them, and show them how to go out and prosecute these individuals,” says Baker.

Thus far, it’s been crickets from Kash Patel. Bongino has posted a cryptic “trust the plan” memo without ever addressing Jensen directly.

“They are obviously ignoring it for some reason,” Baker says.

To hear more of the conversation, watch the episode above.

Want more from 'Blaze News Tonight'?

To enjoy more provocative opinions, expert analysis, and breaking stories you won’t see anywhere else, subscribe to BlazeTV — the largest multi-platform network of voices who love America, defend the Constitution, and live the American dream.

Body cam captures J6 defendant being shot, killed by law enforcement after Trump pardoned him; officer won't be charged



Newly released bodycam footage shows the moment a Jan. 6 defendant was shot and killed by a law enforcement officer in Indiana last month. An Indiana special prosecutor said the officer involved in the fatal police shooting will not be charged.

As Blaze News previously reported, 42-year-old Matthew Huttle was pulled over by a police officer around 4:15 p.m. on Jan. 26, 2025. The 10-minute traffic stop ended with Huttle being shot and killed by the officer.

'I can't do it. No, I can't go to jail for this, sir.'

On Thursday, the Jasper County Sheriff's Office released bodycam video and police dashcam footage of the police shooting death of the man who had been pardoned by President Donald Trump for his actions at the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021.

A deputy with the Jasper County Sheriff's Office pulled over Huttle for driving a gold minivan at 70 mph in a 55 mph zone.

The interaction between the officer and Huttle began in a cordial manner.

After the deputy requests Huttle's license and registration, Huttle admits: "I just want to let you know that I'm a January 6 defendant."

The officer asks, "What do you mean?"

Huttle replies, "I stormed the Capitol. I'm waiting on my pardon."

The officer chuckles and says, "Really?"

Huttle responds, "Yeah, and I can't really afford to get into any trouble right now."

Huttle then admits that he's driving without a license and waiting on a “hardship license,” which allows people with suspended licenses to have some driving privileges.

The deputy then asks about the dog in the back of Huttle's vehicle.

The officer collects Huttle's Indiana identification card and car title, then returns to his patrol car.

The deputy returns to the van and asks Huttle to step out of the vehicle. Huttle complies.

The deputy informs Huttle that he is letting him off for the speeding violation with a verbal warning, but he is at a "felony status for driving while suspended."

The officer notes that he might have been able to "work something out for you" if it was a misdemeanor, but he had to arrest him for the felony offense because "there's no leeway."

Special prosecutor Chris Vawter said in a statement that Huttle was "found to be a Habitual Traffic Violator, a felony under IC 9-30-10-16."

"I understand your circumstances, but you understand that you can't drive," the officer says. "You're driving has resulted in this situation."

When the officer tells Huttle that he is going to jail, the J6 defendant responds while shaking his head, "I can't. I can't."

The deputy replies, "You're gonna have to, OK?"

Huttle responds, "I can't do it. No, I can't go to jail for this, sir."

Huttle — who is seen visibly shaking in the police bodycam footage — asks if he can get a ride, but the deputy declines.

The officer orders Huttle to turn around and put his hands behind his back, but the Jan. 6 riot participant sprints to the driver's seat of the van.

The deputy shouts, "Don't you do it, buddy!"

A struggle ensues, and the officer is heard saying, "No, no, no, no, no, no."

Huttle threatens to commit suicide by stating, "I'm shooting myself."

The deputy yells, "No! No, no, no, no!"

The deputy backs away from the vehicle, draws his gun, and fires five gunshots into the van.

The officer retreats to his vehicle, and the police bodycam video ends.

Despite lifesaving measures attempted, Huttle was pronounced dead at the scene.

'Given these facts, the deputy’s actions were legally justified under Indiana law.'

The police shooting took place in Jasper County, but the Clinton County Prosecutor’s Office was requested to conduct an independent review of the fatal shooting, according to NBC News.

The deputy said Huttle raised a firearm.

Investigators found a loaded 9mm handgun and ammunition in the van "near where Huttle had reached."

Vawter said, “Upon being informed of his arrest, Huttle fled to his vehicle, entered the driver's seat, and reached in a manner consistent with retrieving a weapon."

The prosecutor stated, "Dash camera footage confirmed that Huttle raised an object while inside the vehicle."

"Believing that Huttle posed a deadly threat, the deputy fired multiple shots, striking Huttle," Vawter continued. "The deputy then retreated to his vehicle and awaited backup."

The prosecutor said the officer was " legally justified in using deadly force to defend himself."

"Despite lawful commands, Huttle attempted to reach for a firearm, posing an imminent threat to the deputy’s safety," Vawter concluded. "Given these facts, the deputy’s actions were legally justified under Indiana law. This investigation is now closed, and no charges will be filed."

The deputy had been placed on administrative leave after the shooting. The Jasper County Sheriff’s Office did not immediately respond to an NBC News inquiry of whether the deputy was still on leave or back on the job.

Huttle was among the more than 1,500 people charged for their roles in the Jan. 6 riot at the U.S. Capitol and then pardoned by President Trump on Jan. 20, 2025.

Huttle was arrested in November 2022 after he was accused of entering the Capitol building during the J6 riot.

In November 2023, he was sentenced to six months in prison and a year of supervised release after pleading guilty to a single misdemeanor count of entering and remaining in a restricted building.

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Jan. 6 defendant Jeremy Brown released from prison 37 days after presidential pardon



Former U.S. Army Green Beret and Oath Keeper Jeremy Michael Brown walked out the front door of the federal prison in Atlanta on Feb. 26, ending his 37-day saga since President Donald J. Trump issued pardons to more than 1,600 Jan. 6 defendants.

Brown, 50, of Tampa, was one of the last remaining Jan. 6 defendants left behind bars in the wake of President Trump’s pardon and commutation proclamation issued the night of Jan. 20.

Brown was initially told that he would not be released because prosecutors did not consider one of his two criminal cases to be “related” to Jan. 6, as required by the pardon declaration. It became clear, however, that the U.S. Department of Justice had long considered the Florida case to be a Jan. 6 case.

He said the grenades were planted to support his prosecution because he refused a request from two Joint Terrorism Task Force agents to spy on the Oath Keepers.

Under a new acting U.S. attorney in Tampa, the DOJ entered a motion in U.S. district court stating that President Trump’s pardon covers both Brown’s D.C. and Florida criminal cases. That opened the prison gate for Brown one day later.

It is still to be determined whether Brown’s Florida conviction will be vacated. He had an active case before the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit. Oral arguments were set for March 6.

In many Jan. 6 cases that were on appeal, the Court of Appeals vacated the convictions and sent the cases back to district court to be dismissed as moot. It is an important distinction from simply having a pardon, as it allows former defendants to avoid having a “convicted felon” label follow them around for the rest of their lives.

On April 7, 2023, Brown was found guilty by a federal jury in Tampa on six criminal counts that included possessing a short-barrel rifle and shotgun, possession of explosive grenades, improper storage of explosive grenades, and willful retention of a national defense document. Brown was found not guilty of four other charges. He was sentenced to 87 months in prison.

The Florida case grew out of a Jan. 6-related search of Brown’s Tampa residence on Sept. 30, 2021. Brown said the firearms were family heirlooms that belonged to his late father and late brother. He said the grenades were planted to support his prosecution because he refused a request from two Joint Terrorism Task Force agents to spy on the Oath Keepers leading up to and beyond Jan. 6, 2021.

Two similar Jan. 6 cases remain unresolved: Elias Nick Costianes, 46, of Nottingham, Md., and Benjamin John Martin, 46, of Madera, Calif. Like Brown, both men had two Jan. 6 criminal cases brought against them. One case covered their alleged actions at the Capitol on Jan. 6 and the other was for items found by the FBI during searches of their residences.

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J6er’s Florida conviction is covered by President Trump’s Jan. 20 pardon, DOJ says



More than a month after President Donald J. Trump issued Jan. 6 pardons and commutations, the U.S. Department of Justice concluded that both criminal cases brought against Oath Keeper Jeremy Brown are covered by the president’s pardon declaration, clearing the way for Brown’s release from an Atlanta prison.

In a filing in U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Florida, Assistant U.S. Attorney Daniel J. Marcet penned the words Brown has been waiting to hear for 36 days.

“Based on consultation with Department of Justice leadership, it is the position of the United States that the offenses of conviction in this case are intended to be covered by this Pardon,” Marcet wrote in a two-page filing.

Brown’s pardon situation as it stands now would mean Brown is considered by the law to be a felon who cannot possess firearms. The DOJ could also seek to vacate Brown’s Florida conviction through the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit, but there is no indication so far that is planned. Blaze News has reached out to the DOJ for clarification but had not received a response by publication time.

Weapons charges grew from Jan. 6 warrant

Brown, 50, of Tampa, was convicted of a smattering of weapons-related and classified document charges in April 2023 in a case that sprang from a search of his home authorized as part of the FBI’s sweeping Jan. 6 investigation. The conviction led to an 87-month prison sentence doled out by U.S. District Judge Susan Bucklew.

Brown has appealed his federal Florida conviction. Oral arguments in the appeal are scheduled to be heard March 6 in Jacksonville, Fla.

The new filing makes clear that the DOJ under President Trump considers both the D.C. charges and Florida charges against Brown to be “related” to Jan. 6 and thus covered by the pardon. On a motion from the new U.S. Attorney in D.C., Brown’s District of Columbia case was dismissed with prejudice on Jan. 28. That case had not yet proceeded to trial.

During a search of Brown’s home and recreational vehicle in September 2021, the FBI found two firearms with short barrels that should have been registered with the federal government. Brown said the rifle and shotgun were family heirlooms that belonged to his late father and late brother.

The FBI also claimed it found two fragmentation grenades inside Brown’s RV that he allegedly brought to D.C. on Jan. 6. However, the FBI lab could not link the explosives to Brown via DNA, fingerprints, carpet fibers, and even a dog hair found underneath one of the devices. Brown said the grenades were planted.

Brown’s case became one of the most prominent Jan. 6 prosecutions because the former Green Beret revealed that weeks before Jan. 6, the FBI’s Joint Terrorism Task Force tried to recruit him to spy on the Oath Keepers. He refused. Three months later, Brown released a recording of his JTTF meeting, which he said was the true motivation for the DOJ’s prosecution of him.

After initially being told by D.C. jail officials that he would be released after President Trump’s pardons, Brown said he was informed by U.S. Marshals that his Florida conviction would prevent his release because it wasn’t considered a Jan. 6 case. Shortly after, Brown was loaded in a van and shuttled through two detention centers in Kentucky before being deposited at the federal lockup in Atlanta.

A Georgia-based attorney filed a petition for a writ of habeas corpus on Feb. 6 in federal court in Atlanta. The defendant in that case, the warden of the FCI Atlanta prison, was given 60 days to show cause why the writ should not be issued.

A writ of habeas corpus — Latin for “you have the body” — compels law enforcement authorities “to produce a prisoner they are holding, and to justify the prisoner’s continued confinement,” according to U.S. courts.

Brown is among several pardoned Jan. 6 defendants who have not been released from federal custody due to questions surrounding one of their cases.

Elias Nick Costianes Jr., 46, of Nottingham, Md., also had two criminal cases brought against him, both springing from an FBI search of his residence. His D.C. charges were dismissed with prejudice in January, but questions lingered whether his Maryland federal charges should be covered by President Trump’s pardon declaration.

Benjamin Martin at the U.S. Capitol with fiancee, Cara. (Photos courtesy of Brad Geyer)

Costianes was ordered to report to federal prison on Feb. 12 on his Maryland-based conviction.

The DOJ filed a motion in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit stating it believes the Maryland charges were covered by the presidential pardon. However, a judge has yet to act on the emergency Court of Appeals motion that should lead to Costianes’ release from prison.

Benjamin John Martin, 46, of Madera, Calif., also remains behind prison bars weeks after his D.C. Jan. 6 case was dismissed with prejudice. He continues to be held because the DOJ has maintained that the California-based federal weapons charges against him were not related to Jan. 6.

When the FBI raided Martin’s home as part of its Jan. 6 investigation, it pried open a gun safe in the garage that contained a number of firearms. As someone with a domestic violence misdemeanor on his record, Martin was not allowed to possess firearms, according to prosecutors.

In his federal appeal, Martin is challenging the constitutionality of the lifetime weapons ban based on a onetime misdemeanor conviction.

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