Japan considers support for Trump's Golden Dome project as tariffs weigh heavily on nation



Following two phone calls between U.S. President Trump and Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba, Nikkei Asia has reported that Japan is “exploring support” for the United States’ proposed “Golden Dome” project in the coming years. This potential cooperation comes in light of the global tariffs imposed by President Trump as well as a mutual ongoing commitment to promote a U.S.-Japan “golden age,” according to a White House press briefing.

The White House briefing reported that Japan and the U.S. have been in talks since February in an effort to reaffirm “bilateral security and defense” commitments between the two countries. At the end of last month, Trump and Ishiba discussed their views on the tariffs, “economic security cooperation,” and “diplomatic and security challenges,” per a report from Japan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Some, including the original Nikkei report, have speculated that Japan may use its involvement in the project as a “bargaining chip” in economic negotiations. Prime Minister Ishiba has since noted in a press conference that Japan has “consistently advocated for an ‘investment rather than tariffs’” approach in cooperation.

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Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

The Golden Dome, modeled after Israel’s Iron Dome missile defense system, is set to cost an estimated $175 billion, with some long-term estimates, according to the Congressional Budget Office, reaching as high as $831 billion.

Trump has tapped U.S. Space Force General Michael Guetlein to oversee this project, which he hopes to complete by the end of his term in 2029. The state-of-the-art Golden Dome will be a “network of satellites, sensors, and interceptors to prevent aerial attacks on the U.S. mainland,” Time magazine reports. Proponents have insisted that the system is intended only as a deterrent.

Critics have expressed concerns that this project may push adversaries and even aligned nations into what Carnegie Politika called a “new arms race” against the U.S. in the space and defense industries. The building of the Golden Dome system may be taken as a threat by nations like China, Russia, and North Korea. Japan’s involvement in the project may raise concerns in the region.

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Trump’s US Steel play exposes America’s industrial decline



President Trump has approved Nippon Steel’s $14.9 billion investment in U.S. Steel. The president travels to Western Pennsylvania on Friday to announce the “partnership” that promises billions in new infrastructure, up to 70,000 jobs, and a more competitive, profitable U.S. Steel.

Trump insists the deal keeps U.S. Steel under American control. The company will remain headquartered in Pittsburgh, and the United States will reportedly retain a “golden share,” allowing the government to protect national strategic interests.

President Trump is trying to make the best of a bad situation. But until Congress gets serious about reshoring, deals like this will keep happening.

The arrangement offers clear advantages to both sides. Nippon gains tariff-free access to American markets. The United States gets an influx of capital.

But this is no cause for celebration. The deal exposes the frailty of America’s heavy industry. It’s not a triumph — it’s a warning.

This should be a wake-up call for Washington: America needs a comprehensive industrial policy.

What’s the deal with the deal?

The fine print remains under wraps, but something about this deal doesn’t add up.

Seventeen months ago, Nippon Steel offered $14.1 billion to acquire 100% of U.S. Steel — a price both sides accepted. Shareholders agreed. The Biden administration blocked the sale.

Now, a year and a half later, Nippon has offered $14.9 billion — not for full ownership, but for a “partnership” that allegedly preserves American control. Why would Nippon pay more for less?

Because it’s not getting less.

Nippon will likely control U.S. Steel’s profits through royalties or dual-class shares. The U.S. government’s so-called “golden share” might resemble preferred stock — giving America a voice, not a dividend. Nippon, meanwhile, collects the returns.

That’s fair. Nippon takes the risk. Nippon makes the investment. Nippon should reap the rewards.

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Phynart Studio via iStock/Getty Images

And the investment is real. Nippon has pledged $2.4 billion to modernize U.S. Steel’s aging plants, plus up to $4 billion to build a new electric arc furnace. By 2028, Nippon expects to pour $11 billion into the company.

This isn’t charity. It’s strategy.

Nippon Steel has done this before — and done it well.

In 1986, the company formed a 50-50 joint venture with Wheeling-Pittsburgh Steel, called Wheeling-Nisshin. Nippon brought capital, technology, and management know-how. By the early 1990s, Wheeling returned to profitability. By 2011, it posted record profits. Since 2012, Nippon has also partnered with U.S.-based Standard Steel without incident.

Nippon’s track record in American industry is solid. Its commitment to modernize outdated facilities with cutting-edge technology should be welcomed.

As I argue in “Reshore: How Tariffs Will Bring Our Jobs Home and Revive the American Dream,” technological innovation is the only durable path to economic growth.

This deal may represent progress. But it stems from America’s industrial weakness — not from strength.

An epic policy failure

Nippon’s promises of capital investment are real — but the deal still reflects the deep dysfunction of America’s heavy industry.

In 1945, the United States produced 60% of the world’s steel. Even after Japan and Europe rebuilt, American steel dominated: In 1969, the U.S. accounted for 40% of global output.

Today, America produces just 4.2% of the world’s steel — roughly equal to Russia. India nearly doubles our output. China produces more than 20 times as much.

What happened?

American steel didn’t lose to cheaper or better alternatives. It lost to foreign governments that treated steel as a national priority. They subsidized it, protected it, and invested in it — not because it was easy, but because it was essential.

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Peeter Viisimaa via iStock/Getty Images

Japan backed Nippon with subsidies, tariffs, and low-interest financing. Its keiretsu model gave companies the freedom to sell at a loss until they gained control of a market. Once they did, they could hike prices or keep dumping until the competition collapsed.

The decline of American steel wasn’t inevitable. It was policy failure.

This is exactly what happened with Nippon and U.S. Steel.

Foreign steelmakers — from Japan to South Korea to China — flooded the American market with cheap steel for decades. That practice, known as dumping, made steel production unprofitable in the United States. Government-backed producers overseas didn’t mind. But American steelmakers, operating in a for-profit system, couldn’t survive it.

To stay afloat, U.S. firms cut corners. They couldn’t afford the large-scale capital investments needed to modernize. Executives saw the crisis coming — Ross Perot warned about it during his 1992 presidential run — but they couldn’t secure the credit. Why would a private bank finance a company to make an unprofitable product?

America’s steel industry was starved — of both profits and capital.

Now it needs outside help to survive. That help has arrived in the form of Nippon.

Get serious about reshoring

Here’s a better idea: Instead of forcing American companies to sell shares or partner with foreign rivals just to stay alive, the United States should adopt the same industrial strategies that have been used — very effectively — against us.

U.S. Steel struggles not because Americans forgot how to make steel, but because the major capital investments it needs aren’t happening. Banks won’t fund them. The risk is too high. The return is too uncertain.

That’s where Uncle Sam should step in. Federal financing for capital projects — secured by the projects themselves — would protect taxpayers while fueling reindustrialization. Compared with what Washington already spends, the cost would barely register.

Nippon has pledged $2.4 billion to upgrade U.S. Steel’s plants and another $4 billion for a new furnace. That’s real money. But America spent $886 billion on national defense in 2024 — plus another $79 billion for Ukraine.

Protecting our ability to produce high-quality steel isn’t just good economics. It’s national security.

President Trump is trying to make the best of a bad situation. No one wants a Japanese company to own U.S. Steel. But until Congress gets serious about reshoring, deals like this will keep happening.

It’s time to stop outsourcing America’s future.

Revving up America: Trump’s Nippon Steel deal puts the pedal to the metal



While Barack Obama and his liberal cronies were busy eulogizing American manufacturing back in 2012, President Donald J. Trump was plotting the return of the automotive industry in America.

Last week, Trump delivered a masterstroke by greenlighting Nippon Steel’s $28 billion acquisition of U.S. Steel.

Nippon’s investment ensures a steady supply of high-quality steel, critical for carmakers who have been battered by supply chain chaos under Biden.

The terms of the deal, which Trump referred to as a "partnership," guarantee a U.S. CEO and a U.S.-majority board, according to Republican Senator David McCormick of Pennsylvania, home to U.S. Steel's main office.

This isn’t just a win for steelworkers — it’s a turbocharged boost for the auto industry, taxpayers, and the forgotten men and women of the Rust Belt.

Results, not dogma

Let’s get one thing straight: This deal was dead on arrival under Joe Biden, who caved to union bosses whining about “foreign takeovers” while ignoring the rank-and-file steelworkers who support Nippon’s plan.

Trump voiced skepticism during the campaign, but Nippon sweetened the pot with an $8 billion investment hike since November — a move that screams confidence in America’s future.

Trump flipped his stance because he’s focused on results, not dogma — and no wonder. The deal brings a massive cash infusion for U.S. Steel, new plants, upgraded facilities, and a training center that’ll keep American steel competitive for decades.

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Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images

Lifeline for carmakers

This deal is also a lifeline for the auto industry, which I’ve spent my career championing. First, Nippon’s investment ensures a steady supply of high-quality steel, critical for carmakers who have been battered by supply chain chaos under Biden. No more waiting on overpriced imports or subpar alternatives.

Second, it stabilizes jobs in steel-heavy states like Ohio, Michigan, and Pennsylvania — key auto manufacturing hubs and political swing states — keeping assembly lines humming.

Third, Nippon’s tech upgrades mean stronger, lighter steel alloys, perfect for building safer, more fuel-efficient vehicles without the “green” nonsense that jacks up costs for consumers. As the Detroit News noted, automakers are cheering this deal because it secures their supply chain and keeps production domestic.

Political grand slam

This deal is also a political grand slam. Ohio, Michigan, and Pennsylvania — swing states that handed Trump his mandate — stand to gain thousands of jobs. One Pennsylvania official estimated 11,000 jobs saved and 14,000 created, from construction to permanent steel gigs.

Goodbye, green grifters

U.S. Steel’s stock has spiked over 20% since the announcement, signaling market confidence in Trump’s vision. He’s already planning a rally to tout this win, showing America’s open for business and not beholden to union bosses or green grifters.

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Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images

The left will cry about “selling out” to Japan, but let’s be real: Nippon is not some shadowy conglomerate. It’s a world-class steelmaker investing in America’s future, not stripping it for parts. This isn’t the steel industry of the mid-20th century. It’s high tech, high wage, and high impact. Trump’s deal ensures our steel and auto industries aren’t just surviving but thriving, free from the clutches of “green” pipe dreams that produce nothing but red ink.

As a car enthusiast, I’m thrilled to see President Trump steer us back to greatness. This deal means more jobs, better cars, and a stronger America. The art of the deal is alive and well, and the Nippon Steel partnership proves it. So to the naysayers still clutching their pearls: Buckle up. Trump’s just getting started, and the Rust Belt is riding shotgun.

When Surrender Is an Option

Presidential speechwriter and journalist Jonathan Horn, author of books on George Washington’s latter years in the 18th century and Confederate general Robert E. Lee in the 19th century, explores the 20th century with his latest work on the entwined lives of General of the Army Douglas MacArthur and Lieutenant General Jonathan Wainwright. It was their destiny to preside over the greatest defeat in U.S. military history in the Philippines as the United States was thrust into World War II following the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941.

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Why tariffs are the key to America’s industrial comeback



On April 2, President Trump announced a sweeping policy of reciprocal tariffs aimed at severing America’s economic dependence on China. His goal: to reshore American industry and restore national self-sufficiency.

How can the United States defend its independence while relying on Chinese ships, machinery, and computers? It can’t.

Tariffs aren’t just about economics. They are a matter of national survival.

But time is short. Trump has just four years to prove that tariffs can bring back American manufacturing. The challenge is steep — but not unprecedented. Nations like South Korea and Japan have done it. So has the United States in earlier eras.

We can do it again. Here’s how.

Escaping the altar of globalism

Tariffs were never just about economics. They’re about self-suffiency.

A self-sufficient America doesn’t depend on foreign powers for its prosperity — or its defense. Political independence means nothing without economic independence. America’s founders learned that lesson the hard way: No industry, no nation.

The entire supply chain lives offshore. America doesn’t just import chips — it imports the ability to make them. That’s a massive strategic vulnerability.

During the Revolutionary War, British soldiers weren’t the only threat. British factories were just as dangerous. The colonies relied on British imports for everything from textiles to muskets. Without manufacturing, they had no means to wage war.

Victory only became possible when France began supplying the revolution, sending over 80,000 firearms. That lifeline turned the tide.

After the Revolution, George Washington wrote:

A free people ought not only to be armed, but ... their safety and interest require that they should promote such manufactories as tend to render them independent of others for essential, particularly military, supplies.

Washington’s first major legislative achievement was the Tariff Act of 1789. Two years later, Alexander Hamilton released his “Report on Manufactures,” a foundational blueprint for American industrial strategy. Hamilton didn’t view tariffs as mere taxes — he saw them as the engine for national development.

For nearly two centuries, America followed Hamilton’s lead. Under high tariffs, the nation prospered and industrialized. In fact, the U.S. maintained the highest average tariff rates in the 19th century. By 1870, America produced one-quarter of the world’s manufactured goods. By 1945, it produced half. The United States wasn’t just an economic powerhouse — it was the world’s factory.

That changed in the 1970s. Washington elites embraced globalism. The result?

America has run trade deficits every year since 1974. The cumulative total now exceeds $25 trillion in today’s dollars.

Meanwhile, American companies have poured $6.7 trillion into building factories, labs, and infrastructure overseas. And as if outsourcing weren’t bad enough, foreign governments and corporations have stolen nearly $10 trillion worth of American intellectual property and technology.

The consequences have been devastating.

Since the 1980s, more than 60,000 factories have moved overseas — to China, Mexico, and Europe. The result? The United States has lost over 5 million well-paying manufacturing jobs.

This industrial exodus didn’t just hollow out factories — it gutted middle-class bargaining power. Once employers gained the ability to offshore production, they no longer had to reward rising productivity with higher wages. That historic link — more output, more pay — was severed.

Today, American workers face a brutal equation: Take the deal on the table, or the job goes to China. The “race to the bottom” isn’t a slogan. It’s an economic policy — and it’s killing the American middle class.

Offshoring has crippled American industry, turning the United States into a nation dependent on foreign suppliers.

Technology offers the clearest example. In 2024, the U.S. imported $763 billion in advanced technology products. That includes a massive trade deficit in semiconductors, which power the brains of everything from fighter jets to toasters. If imports stopped, America would grind to a halt.

Worse, America doesn’t even make the machines needed to produce chips. Photolithography systems — critical to chip fabrication — come from the Netherlands. They’re shipped to Taiwan, where the chips are made and then sold back to the U.S.

The entire supply chain lives offshore. America doesn’t just import chips — it imports the ability to make them. That’s not just dependency. That’s a massive strategic vulnerability.

And the problem extends far beyond tech. The U.S. imports its steel, ball bearings, cars, and oceangoing ships. China now builds far more commercial vessels than the United States — by orders of magnitude.

How can America call itself a global power when it can no longer command the seas?

What happens if China stops shipping silicon chips to the U.S.? Or if it cuts off something as basic as shoes or light bulbs? No foreign power should hold that kind of leverage over the American people. And while China does, America isn’t truly free. No freer than a newborn clinging to a bottle. Dependence breeds servitude.

Make America self-sufficient again

Trump has precious little time to prove that reindustrializing America isn’t just a slogan — it’s possible. But he won’t get there with half-measures. “Reciprocal” tariffs? That’s a distraction. Pausing tariffs for 90 days to sweet-talk foreign leaders? That delays progress. Spooking the stock market with mixed signals? That sabotages momentum.

To succeed, Trump must start with one urgent move: establish high, stable tariffs — now, not later.

Tariffs must be high enough to make reshoring profitable. If it’s still cheaper to build factories in China or Vietnam and just pay a tariff, then the tariff becomes little more than a tax — raising revenue but doing nothing to bring industry home.

What’s the right rate? Time will tell, but Trump doesn’t have time. He should impose immediate overkill tariffs of 100% on day one to force the issue. Better to overshoot than fall short.

That figure may sound extreme, but consider this: Under the American System, the U.S. maintained average tariffs above 30% — without forklifts, without container ships, and without globalized supply chains. In modern terms, we’d need to go higher just to match that level of protection.

South Korea industrialized with average tariffs near 40%. And the Koreans had key advantages — cheap labor and a weak currency. America has neither. Tariffs must bridge the gap.

Just as important: Tariffs must remain stable. No company will invest trillions to reindustrialize the U.S. if rates shift every two weeks. They’ll ride out the storm, often with help from foreign governments eager to keep their access to American consumers.

President Trump must pick a strong, flat tariff — and stick to it.

This is our last chance

Tariffs must also serve their purpose: reindustrialization. If they don’t advance that goal, they’re useless.

Start with raw materials. Industry needs them cheap. That means zero tariffs on inputs like rare earth minerals, iron, and oil. Energy independence doesn’t come from taxing fuel — it comes from unleashing it.

Next, skip tariffs on goods America can’t produce. We don’t grow coffee or bananas. So taxing them does nothing for American workers or factories. It’s a scam — a cash grab disguised as policy.

Tariff revenue should fund America’s comeback. Imports won’t vanish overnight, which means revenue will flow. Use it wisely.

Cut taxes for domestic manufacturers. Offer low-interest loans for large-scale industrial projects. American industry runs on capital — Washington should help supply it.

A more innovative use of tariff revenue? Help cover the down payments for large-scale industrial projects. American businesses often struggle to raise capital for major builds. This plan fixes that.

Secure the loans against the land, then recoup them with interest when the land sells. It’s a smart way to jump-start American reindustrialization and build capital fast.

But let’s be clear: Tariffs alone won’t save us.

Trump must work with Congress to slash taxes and regulations. America needs a business environment that rewards risk and investment, not one that punishes it.

That means rebuilding crumbling infrastructure — railways, ports, power grids, and fiber networks. It means unlocking cheap energy from coal, hydro, and next-gen nuclear.

This is the final chance to reindustrialize. Another decade of globalism will leave American industry too hollowed out to recover. Great Britain was once the workshop of the world. Now it’s a cautionary tale.

Trump must hold the line. Impose high, stable tariffs. Reshore the factories. And bring the American dream roaring back to life.

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What Trump’s Triangulation Means for Asia

The imploding relationship between Ukraine and the United States has upended global politics. Ukrainian forces are still slogging it out against Russian invaders without U.S. intelligence and weapons deliveries, even as President Trump tries to halt Moscow's attacks with threats of tariffs and new sanctions. The Europeans are trying to cobble together alternatives to American assistance, and even some of Donald Trump's greatest admirers, like Nigel Farage and Giorgia Meloni, are aghast at American actions.

The post What Trump’s Triangulation Means for Asia appeared first on .

Mysteries of the Orient

By the end of the 19th century, translations of mystery fiction (novels as well as short stories) from Britain, France, the United States, and elsewhere had appeared in Japan, where they attracted considerable interest. In fact, during the period when "mysteries" became a global phenomenon, Japan was one of the principal nodes of the genre, as it continues to be today, though you wouldn't have guessed that in the 1960s, when, in my mid-teens, I first began to read Japanese fiction. Novels by Yasunari Kawabata, Yukio Mishima, and other masters of "literary fiction" were on the shelves of our public library in English translation, but, for instance, Seichō Matsumoto's brilliant 1961 mystery Suna no utsuwa ("Vessel of Sand") didn't appear in English until 1989, lamely titled Inspector Imanishi Investigates.

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FACT CHECK: Does This Video Show An Earthquake In Tibet?

A post shared on social media purportedly shows a video of a recent earthquake that hit Tibet. Verdict: False The video is from 2024 in Japan. Fact Check: Firefighters in Los Angeles have made progress in containing the fire as winds slow down, The New York Times reported. The severe fire warnings have expired, but residents are still not […]