It's not sci-fi — Trump's new program is straight out of 'Starship Troopers'



Sixty-four years ago, John F. Kennedy stood on a football field at Rice University and declared space the new, permanent frontier of human ambition.

Fast-forward to today, and President Donald Trump has signed an executive order establishing a tuition-free U.S. Space Academy. This lays the groundwork for a dedicated institution to train the next generation of American space talent.

The enemy plays by total-war rules.

Critics immediately started whining about overreach, arguing that civilian science and military operations must remain strictly separated. Those pessimists are living in a long-dead era. Their thinking sounds less like 2026 and more like the 1960s, when the biggest concern was whether America would beat the Soviets to the Moon. Those days are gone. Space is now a strategic battleground. And pretending otherwise is national-security malpractice and a guaranteed recipe for disaster.

America’s chief global adversaries view space as one big battlefield. Chinese military planners at the People’s Liberation Army Strategic Support Force don’t care about Western academic debates over civilian-military separation. They view lunar orbits, communication satellites, and near-Earth reconnaissance networks as a unified target grid. Russian state operators routinely maneuver anti-satellite weapons alongside commercial broadband satellites. The enemy plays by total-war rules, understanding that crippling an opponent’s space systems could decide a war before the first shot is fired on the ground. America falls behind the moment it assumes its own satellites enjoy permanent immunity.

One giant leap

Winning this high-stakes struggle requires an interconnected defense strategy. Today’s commercial logistics networks, NASA scientific payloads, and Space Force tactical communications share the exact same orbital pathways. A modern GPS constellation guides precision artillery, syncs local bank transactions, and routes commercial cargo ships at the same time. Protecting that shared highway demands an integrated command structure. Trump’s proposal for a dedicated Space Academy aims to create a specialized officer corps in which military tacticians, space engineers, and commercial operators train together, day in and day out. You don’t have to love everything the president does to recognize a good idea when you see one.

The immediate necessity of this institution becomes obvious when you look at how China and Russia prepare for future conflict. Beijing- and Kremlin-backed cybercriminals already hack American digital infrastructure for fun, routinely stealing industrial trade secrets, military blueprints, and sensitive corporate data. Moving those exact same malicious operations into orbit gives hostile states total control over the ultimate high ground. A state with the upper hand in low-Earth orbit gains an enormous advantage in global navigation. It enjoys greater control over maritime trade and real-time military intelligence. Surrendering that control turns every terrestrial aircraft carrier, fighter jet, and armored division into a blind target in open waters.

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A Chinese or Russian monopoly on critical space infrastructure would rewrite daily life across the Western world. Hostile operators could sever global financial links with a single orbital jammer. They could plunge domestic air traffic control systems into immediate chaos and disable military command networks in seconds. Foreign state operators would effectively hold a permanent off-switch over the modern digital economy. America simply can’t afford to let autocratic regimes dictate who gets to broadcast data, launch commercial rockets, or operate lunar infrastructure. Dominance in space is nonnegotiable; it is the absolute foundation of national survival.

If an adversary manages to take over a network of satellites, it doesn’t need to launch a missile to cause serious damage. It could turn solar panels away from the sun, push satellites out of their proper orbits, or interfere with emergency communications across huge areas. A dedicated Space Academy could train the specialists needed to protect these systems and keep America’s satellites secure from relentless foreign attacks. America needs elite specialists who can defend against new and evolving threats.

But where should these specialists learn their trade?

Two cultures, one decision

Washington bureaucrats may instinctively want to put the campus near Silicon Valley or inside the government beltway around Maryland. That would be a mistake. The Gulf South is the obvious choice. Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, and Florida already have much of the infrastructure America needs to build, test, and launch rockets. The academy should be close to the people and facilities already advancing America’s space industry. Placing cadet training near active launchpads ensures that future space commanders grow up surrounded by real rocket fire, rather than philosophizing from the comfort of a Bay Area beanbag chair.

The choice is clear. Train the next generation of elite patriotic space warriors, or watch the enemy turn the skies into a deadly weapon aimed directly at us. Kennedy gave America the ambition to reach the stars. Modern dangers demand that America develop the strength to dominate space and defend that achievement.

Royal Heirs and Royal Airs

There's a mini-vogue in publishing now not so much for group biographies (how very 2019!) but for histories that take two apparently contrasted dynasties or individuals and then tease out their parallels, as well as their differences. Following on from Carol Gardner's The Divided North, which looked at the contrasting fortunes of black and white families in Portland, Maine, in the 19th century and Jonathan W. Jordan's Ike and Winston, which examined the lives of Dwight Eisenhower and Winston Churchill during World War II and subsequently, Caroline Hallemann's The Kennedys and the Windsors takes on the ambitious task of following the American royal family, of sorts, and the British royal establishment, and finding links and connections between the two.

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Trump is continuing JFK’s war on communist subversion



When President Trump reposted a video featuring President John F. Kennedy warning about subversion in America, he renewed focus on a threat we have long ignored at our peril.

Spotlighting JFK’s admonition is part of the administration’s all-out attack on foreign subversion — an effort that has no presidential precedent. Its designation of Antifa and certain Muslim Brotherhood chapters as terrorist organizations was a first. The revocation of visas for foreign subversives, if carried out on a larger scale, will be unmatched in scope.

Kennedy understood that peace through strength was broader than deploying military power or international diplomacy. But he never had the chance to deliver that warning.

During the July 16 Ministerial on the Resurgence of Political Terrorism, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, and other officials made clear that the Trump administration would use every tool of statecraft to dismantle the decades-old subversive networks operating in the United States.

This effort has also refocused attention on an older — but no less potent — enemy: communist subversion.

The State Department published a 100-page report “Cuba: The Capital of 21st-Century Communism,” detailing how Cuban communists have worked for decades to overthrow the United States. It names names, past and present.

Cuba, of course, brings us back to President Kennedy. Despite his failed effort to remove Fidel Castro’s communist regime, Kennedy frequently pointed out how communists abused constitutional protections and infiltrated U.S. institutions — the news media, labor unions, academia, and the government itself.

JFK’s words still apply today to surviving Soviet spin-offs like the Cuban regime, critical theory and critical race theory, cultural Marxism, and democratic socialism.

As a new senator, at the height of Wisconsin Republican Sen. Joseph McCarthy’s investigative hearings, Kennedy warned in successive speeches that the greatest foreign threat would rely on “the weapons of subversion, economic disintegration, and guerrilla warfare to accomplish our destruction, rather than the direct assault of an all-out war.”

Kennedy warned every possible audience — schoolteachers, university professors, community leaders, newspaper editors, women’s clubs, union leaders, military personnel, veterans, business groups, political fundraisers, civil liberties leaders, church groups, and the general public — about the communist threat right up to the last day of his life.

Kennedy recognized the danger posed by American traitors who sought, through subterfuge and collaboration with the foreign enemy, to corrode Americans’ belief in their country and the principles of their nation’s founding. He praised some American labor unions for ridding themselves of communist subversion.

Defending President Eisenhower’s counter-subversion approach in 1957, Kennedy nonetheless chided his fractured and squabbling Republican opponents. Republicans, he said, “found that their chief concern was with questions of disloyalty and subversion — not within the Federal Government but within the Republican Party.”

That was just three weeks to the day after Joe McCarthy’s death. JFK never publicly criticized McCarthy, who had been a welcome guest of his father at the Kennedy Compound on Cape Cod. “Half my people in Massachusetts look on McCarthy as a hero,” he once said.

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Infiltration and subversion

Kennedy repeatedly warned of what he called “nonmilitary avenues of Soviet advance”: “I fear our emphasis on the dangers of missile attacks may cause us to forget. For their thrust is more subtle,” and “the task of opposing them more formidable.”

Among those threats were “economic and political penetration, intimidation, and subversion,” he said in 1958. “There is little value in rushing new billions in defense expenditures to fight total wars ... if we are unprepared to prevent continued Soviet advances through ... subversion and intimidation.”

As he was preparing his presidential run, Kennedy mused during a speech at a civil liberties conference that the public had been so subjected to subversive attacks that they no longer shared the civic principles that once united them.

On the campaign trail in 1960, Kennedy raised the topic of subversion even before audiences asked about it. As the Democratic nominee for president, Kennedy became more critical of the Eisenhower administration for focusing on massive military buildups at the expense of a predictable pattern of communist ideological conquest made easier by America’s weakness in counter-subversion:

In other words, there is every chance that the pattern of conquest of the communists will not be military action, but will be by subversion, by fear, by persuading the people of those countries and their leaders that the communist system represents the way of the future. I don’t believe the administration has recognized that danger. ... I don’t believe that our influence has increased as fast in recent years abroad as that of the communists.

In his last weeks of campaigning, Kennedy even called the communist threat more challenging than dealing with the Nazis. “I must say that the problems we will face in the next 10 years are far more complex than any that Franklin Roosevelt or Harry Truman faced, particularly in the field of foreign policy,” he said to supporters in Ohio. “What has happened in the last two years in the field of foreign policy indicates a whole technique of subversion and infiltration, which will be extremely hard to counter.”

That subversion, he continued, “will require a far great[er] subtlety, far more constant vigilance, far greater personnel, far greater foresight than we have ever shown before.”

Unaware of President Eisenhower’s plan for toppling the new Fidel Castro regime that he would inherit, Kennedy tore into U.S. unpreparedness that led to Cuba becoming “a base from which to carry communist infiltration and subversion throughout the Americas.”

Kennedy was alone in bringing up subversion during his fourth debate with Vice President Richard M. Nixon, which was striking since Nixon had become a national political figure while serving on the House Un-American Activities Committee.

What you can do

Kennedy hammered away at the threat of communist subversion in the first minutes of his presidency. In his inaugural address, he vowed “to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas” — the same speech in which he said, “Ask not what your country can do for you — ask what you can do for your country.”

He warned in a 1961 emergency address to Congress that “nuclear weapons cannot prevent subversion.”

He and his brother, Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, had no love for FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, but they worked closely with him to investigate and disrupt communist infiltration of the civil rights movement. JFK, like Eisenhower before him and Lyndon Johnson and Nixon afterward, treated it properly as a counterintelligence problem.

On the day of his assassination in Dallas, President Kennedy was ready once again to warn about subversion. The president’s remarks as prepared read:

I want to discuss with you today the status of our strength and our society because this question clearly calls for the most responsible qualities of leadership and the most enlightened products of scholarship. For this nation’s strength and security are not easily or cheaply obtained, nor are they quickly and simply explained. There are many kinds of strength and no one kind will suffice. Overwhelming nuclear strength cannot stop a guerrilla war. Formal pacts of alliance cannot stop internal subversion.

Kennedy understood that peace through strength was broader than deploying military power or international diplomacy.

But he never had the chance to deliver that warning. More than six decades later, President Trump and his team have fortunately picked up where he left off, reviving a neglected part of Kennedy’s legacy. It’s time to follow President Kennedy’s lead and uproot domestic subversion in America once and for all.

Editor’s note: This article appeared originally at the American Mind.

America Dodges Bullet: Congress To Remain Kennedy-Free After Jack Schlossberg Fails in New York

Against all odds, Manhattan voters made the right call on Tuesday.

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Leftists Replaced The Constitution With These Four Texts To Enable Mass Migration

If America is to ever experience a renewal, it must first understand not only what was taken from it, but the mechanisms, etched in American mythos, that allowed it to happen.

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Coups and Consequences

On November 2, 1963, South Vietnamese military officers murdered their president of nine years, Ngo Dinh Diem, and took control of the nation's government. The American hand was invisible at the time, but regime change came to fruition only because of active encouragement by the U.S. ambassador, who believed that a coup would improve South Vietnam's war effort. In the months that followed, however, South Vietnam experienced a succession of coups and countercoups, whose debilitating effects drew the United States further into the Vietnam war. As the crisis intensified, South Vietnamese and American participants raged against one another about the merits and consequences of deposing Diem. Although most of those individuals are no longer with us, the debate and some of its ardor have survived.

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Kennedy Scion Jack Schlossberg Had No 'Earned Income' in 2025 But Has Four Trust Funds, Disclosures Show

Jack Schlossberg, the only grandson of former president John F. Kennedy who is running in the Democratic primary for New York's 12th Congressional District, holds millions of dollars' worth of assets in four trust funds—and received no "earned income" in 2025, a Washington Free Beacon review of his financial disclosures found.

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Maine Democrat Graham Platner Boosts Holocaust-Denying White Supremacist

Maine Democratic Senate candidate Graham Platner, who recently covered up a tattoo of a Nazi symbol on his chest, promoted a notoriously anti-Semitic white supremacist who denies the Holocaust, Stew Peters.

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Where in the Constitution is ‘the interagency’ anyway?



Americans have some sense of how close the world came to a large-scale nuclear conflict during the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis. But today’s lapdog press has failed to tell the public how close the deep state dragged us to the jagged edge of conflagration through its proxy war with Russia in Ukraine.

Only after Joe Biden — and the autopen — left the White House last year did the New York Times tell some of the story. That account, “The Partnership: The Secret History of the War in Ukraine,” drawn from hundreds of interviews with military and intelligence officials, revealed what the deep state tried to conceal: just how perilous the global American military empire’s proxy war with Russia became.

Attacking the deep state case by case, one official at a time, department by department, will never be enough to get ahead of its lawlessness.

The escalation of the empire’s provocations and Russia’s evolving nuclear doctrine turned into a deadly pas de deux. “The unthinkable had become real,” the Times reported. “The United States was now woven into the killing of Russian soldiers on sovereign Russian soil.”

Now the Times has provided another look — fresh evidence long withheld — of the deep state’s efforts to subvert the Nixon White House. The essay, “Seven Pages of a Sealed Watergate File Sat Undiscovered. Until Now,” by reporter James Rosen, details a 13-month Pentagon spying operation against Nixon’s National Security Council.

Bristling at “policies they abhorred” — including détente with the Soviet Union, Vietnamization, Nixon’s China opening, and a reduced military share of federal spending — the deep state went straight to work.

Under orders from Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Admiral Thomas Moorer and others, a Navy enlisted man spied on the National Security Council, rifling through Henry Kissinger’s and Alexander Haig’s briefcases and desks, copying and stealing classified documents. “Any documents he touched, he copied; he dived into NSC wastebaskets and burn bags; what he couldn’t copy, he memorized.”

In all, an estimated 5,000 documents were delivered to the top brass.

Nixon learned of the Joint Chiefs’ espionage. The newly revealed material is evidence that, as Rosen writes, “Watergate had not arisen in a vacuum.”

Many informed people know that the deep state panicked when John F. Kennedy tapped the brakes on the Cold War. Among some, it remains an article of faith that his peace initiatives led to his assassination. In the Nixon case, Rosen writes, the lead federal investigator said what he was uncovering felt like “Seven Days in May,” the novel and film about a coup to stop a president pursuing détente.

It’s a mistake to think the deep state belongs only to history — to figures like Allen Dulles, the CIA chief who helped lead the subversion of Kennedy, or the Pentagon brass in this new Nixon account, or, even more recently, to John Brennan at the CIA and Director of National Intelligence James Clapper, both of whom lied to Congress about deep-state activities.

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Photo By Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call Inc. via Getty Images

Without number are the lesser officials and petty bureaucrats who serve the deep state. Lt. Col. Alexander Vindman, a National Security Council staffer in Trump’s first term, is one such. Instrumental in the effort to impeach Trump, Vindman testified before Congress that he was alarmed that the president was “promoting a false and alternative narrative of Ukraine inconsistent with the consensus views of the interagency.”

The “views of the interagency”? What is an interagency? By what constitutional means and process of deliberation does it arrive at its consensus? Who are its members? Whom do they represent, and how are they selected? Is there a vote — secret or otherwise? By whom? Does it require a plurality or a majority? Who profits from its decisions? Where can citizens find the rules by which it must abide?

By any other name, Vindman was talking about the deep state — which I detail in my new book, “Empire of Lies: Fragments from the Memory Hole” — as the executive arm of the global American military empire. Operating without rules, it is, as Arthur Schlesinger described the CIA to Kennedy, “a state within a state.” Its only consensus is the growth of the empire.

Like the mythical Augean stable, the deep state is a foul mess of illegality, waste, and corruption that has lingered for decades. Tasked with cleaning it as one of his 12 labors, Hercules knew better than to try to clean it bit by bit, shovelful by shovelful. Instead, he diverted rivers to wash away the overwhelming mess in a day.

Attacking the deep state case by case, one official at a time, department by department, will never be enough to get ahead of its lawlessness. The renewal of our free and prosperous republic awaits a diversion from our imperial trajectory. It awaits America coming home — and ending its global military empire of lies.