The deep state is no longer deniable — thanks to Tulsi Gabbard



The term “deep state” has long been dismissed as the province of cranks and conspiracists. But the recent declassification of two critical documents — the Durham annex, released by Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa), and a report publicized by Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard — has rendered further denial untenable.

These documents lay bare the structure and function of a bureaucratic, semi-autonomous network of agencies, contractors, nonprofits, and media entities that together constitute a parallel government operating alongside — and at times in opposition to — the duly elected one.

The ‘deep state’ is a self-reinforcing institutional machine — a decentralized, global bureaucracy whose members share ideological alignment.

The disclosures do not merely recount past abuses; they offer a schematic of how modern influence operations are conceived, coordinated, and deployed across domestic and international domains.

What they reveal is not a rogue element operating in secret, but a systematized apparatus capable of shaping elections, suppressing dissent, and laundering narratives through a transnational network of intelligence, academia, media, and philanthropic institutions.

Narrative engineering from the top

According to Gabbard’s report, a pivotal moment occurred on December 9, 2016, when the Obama White House convened its national security leadership in the Situation Room. Attendees included CIA Director John Brennan, Director of National Intelligence James Clapper, National Security Agency Director Michael Rogers, FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe, Attorney General Loretta Lynch, Secretary of State John Kerry, and others.

During this meeting, the consensus view up to that point — that Russia had not manipulated the election outcome — was subordinated to new instructions.

The record states plainly: The intelligence community was directed to prepare an assessment “per the President’s request” that would frame Russia as the aggressor and then-presidential candidate Donald Trump as its preferred candidate. Notably absent was any claim that new intelligence had emerged. The motivation was political, not evidentiary.

This maneuver became the foundation for the now-discredited 2017 intelligence community assessment on Russian election interference. From that point on, U.S. intelligence agencies became not neutral evaluators of fact but active participants in constructing a public narrative designed to delegitimize the incoming administration.

Institutional and media coordination

The ODNI report and the Durham annex jointly describe a feedback loop in which intelligence is laundered through think tanks and nongovernmental organizations, then cited by media outlets as “independent verification.” At the center of this loop are agencies like the CIA, FBI, and ODNI; law firms such as Perkins Coie; and NGOs such as the Open Society Foundations.

According to the Durham annex, think tanks including the Atlantic Council, the Carnegie Endowment, and the Center for a New American Security were allegedly informed of Clinton’s 2016 plan to link Trump to Russia. These institutions, operating under the veneer of academic independence, helped diffuse the narrative into public discourse.

Media coordination was not incidental. On the very day of the aforementioned White House meeting, the Washington Postpublished a front-page article headlined “Obama Orders Review of Russian Hacking During Presidential Campaign” — a story that mirrored the internal shift in official narrative. The article marked the beginning of a coordinated media campaign that would amplify the Trump-Russia collusion narrative throughout the transition period.

Surveillance and suppression

Surveillance, once limited to foreign intelligence operations, was turned inward through the abuse of FISA warrants. The Steele dossier — funded by the Clinton campaign via Perkins Coie and Fusion GPS — served as the basis for wiretaps on Trump affiliates, despite being unverified and partially discredited. The FBI even altered emails to facilitate the warrants.

RELATED: Durham annex proves Russiagate was a coordinated smear

Photo by ROBYN BECK/AFP via Getty Images

This capacity for internal subversion reappeared in 2020, when 51 former intelligence officials signed a letter labeling the Hunter Biden laptop story as “Russian disinformation.” According to polling, 79% of Americans believed truthful coverage of the laptop could have altered the election. The suppression of that story — now confirmed as authentic — was election interference, pure and simple.

A machine, not a ‘conspiracy theory’

The deep state is a self-reinforcing institutional machine — a decentralized, global bureaucracy whose members share ideological alignment and strategic goals.

Each node — law firms, think tanks, newsrooms, federal agencies — operates with plausible deniability. But taken together, they form a matrix of influence capable of undermining electoral legitimacy and redirecting national policy without democratic input.

The ODNI report and the Durham annex mark the first crack in the firewall shielding this machine. They expose more than a political scandal buried in the past. They lay bare a living system of elite coordination — one that demands exposure, confrontation, and ultimately dismantling.

If no one goes to jail, the coup was a success



Last week, Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard revealed evidence that the entire Russiagate hoax — a scheme to derail President Donald Trump’s first term — was manufactured by the outgoing Obama administration. At a press gaggle on Tuesday, Trump followed up by accusing Obama of “treason” for trying to rig the 2016 election and calling for severe consequences.

These revelations matter. But unless someone actually goes to jail, they won’t change anything.

MAGA supporters were furious over how the Epstein case was handled because they’re sick of elites skating free.

Democrats have shown they’re willing to jail political opponents — up to and including the president himself. Republicans, on the other hand, have proven utterly incapable of holding lawbreaking leftists accountable. Exposing treasonous acts is helpful, but if no one is punished, the corruption only deepens.

“Lock her up!” wasn’t just a chant at Trump rallies. MAGA supporters understood that the Clintons were deeply corrupt. They saw in Trump a candidate who might finally deliver justice. Elites gasped at the slogan, warning about the dangers of weaponizing the justice system. Then, with no sense of irony, they weaponized that very system against Trump to stop his re-election.

The lesson should have been obvious: Either cross the Rubicon, or don’t approach it at all. But don’t go fishing in it.

Americans are tired of watching the powerful get away with everything. In 2008, bankers crashed the economy and got bailed out. In 2020, Anthony Fauci and the biomedical regime imposed tyranny under the guise of public health. In 2020 and 2024, Joe Biden was propped up by a Democratic cabal that subverted the Constitution and jailed dissidents. The southern border was thrown open to reshape the electorate and lock in leftist power.

Kamala Harris nearly extended that reign — had she not turned out to be the dumbest, most tone-deaf, and most unlikable candidate ever smuggled onto a national ticket.

Yet through all of it, no one in power has paid a serious price for their crimes.

Major revelations come and go. But with no accountability, they become little more than distractions. There may have been a time when shame alone could bring a public reckoning — but our current ruling class is incapable of shame. They don’t resign in disgrace. They don’t retreat. They wait for the news cycle to move on.

The scandals pile up like grains of sand in a desert, each one indistinguishable from the next.

RELATED: Rule by the people? Not anymore in the Western world

Blaze Media illustration

In this environment, exposing corruption becomes just another way to tranquilize the public. People think, “At least the truth is out there — maybe voters will care.” But what if the scandal is about rigging the vote in the first place? If Democrats can open the border, fabricate intelligence, and collude with media to tip elections, then what good is the ballot box?

Exposure, without punishment, doesn’t deter. It emboldens.

The left doesn’t hesitate to jail its enemies. January 6 protesters were locked up for years — including some who never entered the Capitol. Trump officials like Steve Bannon and Peter Navarro were arrested and imprisoned. Pro-life activists got comically inflated sentences for silent protests. The FBI threatened parents who challenged school boards. Douglass Mackey was convicted for making memes. Trump himself faced fabricated charges that could’ve put him behind bars for life — all to stop his return.

So why are Republicans so cowardly?

If what Gabbard alleges is true, then Barack Obama, James Clapper, John Brennan, Susan Rice, John Kerry, Loretta Lynch, and Andrew McCabe conspired to destroy the American electoral system. They manufactured intelligence for the express purpose of overturning a legitimate election.

That is treason, plain and simple.

If these people are allowed to walk, they’ll know they’re untouchable. And they’ll act like it. Again.

Trump seemed genuinely surprised and angered by the backlash to Attorney General Pam Bondi’s handling of the Epstein files. Some speculated it was because Trump himself was implicated, but that was always unlikely. If real dirt on Trump existed, the people fabricating charges against him would’ve used it. Instead, Trump kept comparing Epstein to Russiagate — and now it’s obvious why.

RELATED: Why the Epstein story cannot be buried

Photo by Yuri Gripas/Abaca/Bloomberg via Getty Images

He knew the Russiagate disclosures were about to drop and didn’t want them overshadowed by Epstein.

Still, the connection matters.

MAGA supporters were furious over how the Epstein case was handled because they’re sick of elites skating free. They’re sick of being ruled by people who break the law with impunity. Fauci. Epstein. The Clintons. Americans know they’re governed by some of the worst people on the planet, and they’re done pretending otherwise.

The country is crying out for justice.

But frankly, I don’t think the Trump administration will deliver it. I hope I’m wrong. But I doubt there will be any serious action taken against Obama or the rest of his old guard. Republicans talk tough but never follow through. Even after the left tried to jail and then attempted to assassinate the president, the GOP still wrings its hands over setting a bad precedent.

It’s a bad joke. And everyone knows it.

Revelations are fine. But none of this will matter until the Trump administration grows a spine and puts these people in prison where they belong.

Obama White House, Deep Staters Prove To Be The Real Threats To Democracy

Skeletons are exploding from the closet of team Obama in the wake of declassified and damning documents from the Russia collusion hoax.

Justice at last? Obama intel chiefs face fallout from Russia hoax



The FBI has launched a criminal investigation into former CIA Director John Brennan and former FBI Director James Comey for perjury and potentially other crimes related to the Trump-Russia hoax. This comes shortly after a CIA tradecraft review revealed their manipulation of a December 30, 2016, intelligence community assessment that Russian President Vladimir Putin favored Donald Trump in the 2016 election. And on Friday, Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard reported that former President Barack Obama, former Director of National Intelligence James Clapper, Brennan, and others participated in the deception.

Gabbard said:

The information we are releasing today clearly shows there was a treasonous conspiracy in 2016 committed by officials at the highest level of our government. Their goal was to subvert the will of the American people and enact what was essentially a years-long coup with the objective of trying to usurp the president from fulfilling the mandate bestowed upon him by the American people. ... As such, I am providing all documents to the Department of Justice to deliver the accountability that President Trump, his family, and the American people deserve.

In the words of President Obama’s pastor, Jeremiah Wright, the chickens may be finally coming home to roost.

The report and documents issued by Gabbard demonstrate that the intelligence community consistently assessed that Russia probably was not using cyber means to influence the election.

On December 9, 2016, Obama’s National Security Council principals, including Clapper, Brennan, Susan Rice, John Kerry, Loretta Lynch, Andrew McCabe, and others, met to discuss Russia. After the meeting, Clapper directed an email to intelligence agency leaders, instructing them to work up an intelligence community assessment “per the president’s request” that detailed the “tools Moscow used and actions it took to influence the 2016 election.”

The tradecraft review and the information released by Gabbard on Friday show a systematic breach of oath, duty, and honor by Barack Obama and the nation’s highest-ranking intelligence officials.

Even before the assessment began, Obama officials leaked false statements to media outlets that the IC had “definitively concluded” that Russia had used cyber means to intervene in the election, specifically to help Trump win.

Responding to Gabbard, Sen. Mark Warner (Va.), the top Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee, issued the following statement:

The years-long Russia investigation carried out by the Senate Intelligence Committee reaffirmed that the ‘Russian government directed extensive activity against US election infrastructure’ ahead of the 2016 election, and that it ‘used social media to conduct an information warfare campaign’ in order to benefit Donald Trump. This conclusion was supported on a unanimous basis by every single Democrat and Republican on the committee.

The rushed preparation of the intelligence community assessment ordered by Obama, conclusions reversing six months of intelligence analysis, and reliance on the discredited Steele dossier all suggest that Gabbard likely has the better of this argument, though calling the former Obama administration’s actions a “treasonous conspiracy” may be a step too far.

Setting the stage

John Brennan served as Barack Obama’s CIA director from March 2013 until just before Trump took office in January 2017. Since leaving office, he has been an outspoken Trump critic. In October 2020, he was one of 51 intelligence analysts who signed the intentionally misleading letter that Hunter Biden’s laptop “has all the classic earmarks of a Russian information operation.”

Brennan and the other intelligence analysts used their training in deception to trick American voters just before the 2020 presidential election. As many signatories were aware at the time, the FBI had already vetted the legitimacy of the laptop and its contents. The oblique allegation was intended to convey that its content was fake, while preserving the analysts’ ability to deny that was their conclusion.

The letter also gave the FBI cover to deny knowledge of the laptop, allowing it and other federal agencies to influence and coerce the media into suppressing coverage. Numerous surveys suggest that wider knowledge of Hunter’s laptop could have changed the outcome of the 2020 election, sparing America the Biden-Harris administration.

Three years later, when the FBI introduced the laptop into evidence in the Hunter Biden prosecution, it publicly confirmed that its contents were authentic. Asked how that squared with the analysts’ letter, Brennan disingenuously asserted they had never suggested the content was false, but merely observed there were similarities to a Russian intelligence operation.

Mirrors within mirrors. Just days after again taking office, Trump revoked Brennan’s security clearance.

Brennan was just the beginning

Brennan wasn’t the only high-profile Obama appointee targeting Trump. Obama’s FBI director Comey and Director of National Intelligence Clapper were integral to the effort.

In mid-2016, Comey opened an FBI criminal investigation of the Trump campaign, at least partially motivated by the Steele dossier. No later than January 2017, the FBI knew that much of the information in the dossier was false. Shortly after, it learned the dossier was disinformation funded by the Clinton campaign using the law firm Perkins Coie and Fusion GPS as cutouts to engage the putative author, erstwhile British spy Christopher Steele.

At the start of the first Trump administration, Comey apparently lied to Trump and then misled congressional committees by denying he was under investigation. On March 20, 2017, he finally revealed the FBI investigation to the House Intelligence Committee. The Justice Department’s inspector general and special counsel John Durham criticized Comey’s handling of these matters, and, as a result of Durham’s investigation, former FBI lawyer Kevin Clinesmith pled guilty to falsifying information in a surveillance warrant request targeting Trump campaign advisor Carter Page.

They quickly learned the dossier was disinformation funded by the Clinton campaign to engage the putative author, erstwhile British spy Christopher Steele.

When Trump fired Comey on May 9, 2017, Comey retaliated by disclosing confidential information, depicting Trump in an unfavorable light, to Columbia Law professor Daniel Richman for delivery to the press. Comey became a Trump critic only somewhat less vitriolic than Brennan. Trump then revoked Comey’s security clearance.

Though Democrats and the media have savaged the criminal investigation of Brennan and Comey as political retribution, it’s evident — while in their Obama-appointed positions atop the world’s premier law enforcement and espionage agencies — they broke their oaths, exceeded their authority, ignored the Constitution, and investigated, harassed, and sought to prosecute Trump and his campaign team for their opposition to the deep state. Both lied in testimony to congressional committees about the status, origins, process, and findings of the FBI investigation and related intelligence community activities.

Shattering norms

When, just six weeks before the end of his term, Obama ordered the intelligence community to prepare a predetermined assessment of Russia’s attempts to influence the 2016 campaign, the CIA completed the effort in just one week, over the Christmas holiday. The IC assessment concluded with “high confidence” that Russia sought to undermine public faith in the U.S. democratic process and damage Hillary Clinton’s campaign. Analysts buckled to pressure and included the claim that Putin “aspired” to help then-candidate Trump win the election but applied the reduced “moderate confidence” standard to that inference.

The CIA’s Directorate of Analysis routinely conducts internal after-action reviews of its work on controversial and high-profile intelligence topics, but no review was conducted after the intelligence community assessment’s publication, because it was considered “too politically sensitive,” according to analysts involved in the process.

Current Trump-appointed CIA Director John Ratcliffe rectified that failure two months ago, ordering the Directorate of Analysis to undertake a tradecraft review of the ICA. The review shed considerable light on the politicization of the intelligence community at the behest of Obama, Clapper, and Brennen — and the likelihood that agency heads repeatedly perjured themselves in congressional testimony. It also provides a view into the tortured abuse of facts that undergirds the lawfare waged against Trump by the Biden-Harris administration and Democratic prosecutors.

RELATED: Bombshell documents referred to DOJ expose Obama’s direct role in Russia hoax

Photo by Spencer Platt/Getty Images

The tradecraft review concluded that the intelligence community generally — and the CIA specifically — violated norms for the development, drafting, and issuance of similar assessments. Work that usually occurs over many months was compressed into one holiday week, during which the agency heads were unusually and intensely involved in drafting the IC assessment in a “chaotic,” “atypical,” and “markedly unconventional” process. Strict compartmentalization prevented team members from accessing the information required to evaluate the proposed findings.

The conclusion that Putin “aspired” to help Trump win was largely based on one classified CIA report that Brennan refused to share with most team members. From the outset, Brennan and Clapper excluded the National Intelligence Council. In his book “Undaunted,” Brennan acknowledges that the agency heads and Obama White House agreed on this process prior to initiating the assessment.

The tradecraft review noted:

The decision by agency heads to include the Steele dossier in the ICA ran counter to fundamental tradecraft principles and ultimately undermined the credibility of a key judgment. ... FBI leadership made it clear that their participation in the ICA hinged on the dossier’s inclusion and, over the next few days, repeatedly pushed to weave references to it throughout the main body of the ICA.

The IC assessment authors and multiple senior CIA managers — including the two senior leaders of the CIA mission center responsible for Russia — strongly opposed including the dossier, asserting that it did not meet even the most basic tradecraft standards. The CIA’s deputy director for analysis warned in an email to Brennan that including it in any form risked “the credibility of the entire paper.”

The review shed considerable light on the politicization of the intelligence community at the behest of Obama, Clapper, and Brennan.

Brennan overruled their objections, insisting that narrative consistency was more important than accuracy. As the tradecraft review explained:

Brennan showed a preference for narrative consistency over analytical soundness. When confronted with specific flaws in the dossier by the two mission center leaders — one with extensive operational experience and the other with a strong analytic background — he appeared more swayed by the dossier’s general conformity with existing theories than by legitimate tradecraft concerns.

Brennan issued written instructions to include the Steele dossier in the report. A summary was attached as an appendix, though it was expressly referenced in the main body of the intelligence community only once.

The tradecraft review determined that the intelligence community assessment not only relied on information from the problematic Steele dossier, but excluded “credibly sourced” differing reports.

Brennan’s perjury?

Contrary to the intelligence community’s assessment and Brennan’s written instructions to its authors, Brennan claimed in congressional testimony under oath on May 23, 2017, that the Steele dossier “wasn’t part of the corpus of intelligence information that we had. It was not in any way used as a basis for the intelligence community assessment that was done.”

In January 2017, the Office of National Intelligence issued a statement from Clapper that “we did not rely upon [the dossier] in any way for our conclusions.” Several months later, Clapper assured Congress the dossier was “not a formal part of the intelligence community assessment.”

More recently, during a May 2023 House Judiciary Committee interview, Brennan asserted that “the CIA was very much opposed to having any reference or inclusion of the Steele dossier in the intelligence community assessment.” Though Brennan was apparently the intelligence community assessment’s architect and gave specific instructions to use the Steele dossier, he testified he was “not involved in analyzing the dossier at all.”

Paul Sperry of RealClearInvestigations reported that Clapper swore in the same May 2023 House Judiciary Committee interview that the Steele dossier was not used “in” the intelligence community assessment or “for” the intelligence community assessment, and the team “didn’t draw on it.”

The tradecraft review and the information released by Gabbard on Friday show a systematic breach of oath, duty, and honor by Barack Obama and the nation’s highest-ranking intelligence officials.

The statute of limitations has likely run out on the initial wrongdoing and most efforts to cover it up, though not the 2023 testimony. A congressional investigation should bring clarity to the American public, while the FBI focuses on prosecutable crimes.

The standards for perjury should be those applied to former White House strategy chief Steve Bannon and White House trade adviser Peter Navarro, both of whom were prosecuted and imprisoned for their testimony before congressional committees. To the extent other wrongdoing can be prosecuted, the standards should be those applied to senior government officials who betrayed their oaths in an effort to subvert the country.

Editor’s note: This article was published originally at the American Mind.

Trump gave Americans a choice, not an echo



The American Enterprise Institute is an unlikely place to be reminded of why Donald Trump was necessary 10 years ago and is no less needed now. But a comment by Yuval Levin on a recent AEI panel succinctly brought out the difference Trump has made. Criticizing today’s populist, Trump-led Republican Party, Levin said, “The right has to ground its approach to the public in a more conservative message, in a sense that this country is awesome. It is not a festering, burning garbage pile — that is a strange way to talk to the next generation, and it’s not true, even a little bit.”

Trump has never used the words “festering, burning garbage pile,” but he’s used similarly strong language to describe America’s condition in this century under administrations other than his own. Trump’s slogan “Make America Great Again” implies that America hasn’t been great lately, although he and his voters can change that. Whenever Trump alludes to what Levin calls “a festering, burning garbage pile,” he’s referring to the poor leadership our country has suffered from in the not-too-distant past and the results of its misgovernance.

Trump’s task is clear: Restore the people’s power over the elite. Only then will the elite feel compelled to reform.

But that’s not what Levin or other AEI types hear. To them, Trump’s criticisms of the ruling class sound like criticisms of the country.

He upended the system

It would be unfair to guess that Levin simply believes the nation’s elite and the institutions they run are what count as the country itself, but there are precedents for such a view. In traditional monarchies and aristocracies, the rulers are the embodiment of the realm. Our Declaration of Independence was quite radical in breaking away from that understanding, asserting that the people are the realm and that all its institutions are answerable to them, not the other way around.

Levin and other intelligent non-populist conservatives know this, and they’re well aware of the failings of the pre-Trump Republican Party and the country’s political establishment as a whole. But knowing and feeling are different things.

Much of what survives of the pre-Trump conservative movement even now feels that the virtues rather than the vices of the old elite (and the institutions with which they are almost synonymous) ought to be emphasized.

For reasons that are easy to understand, many temperamental conservatives have an abiding fear of demagogues and an irreverent public. However corrupt or incompetent Ivy League-educated leaders may be, they should not be criticized too harshly — likened to flaming rubbish, for example — lest Ivy League education itself be stripped of its mystique. That mystique is part of the decent drapery of republican life, instilling a proper attitude of deference among the public toward those who have the education and lifestyle preparation to lead them.

From the moment he came down the escalator a decade ago, Trump upended this system. He pays no heed to the norms that distinguish America’s leadership class from the rabble the way noble bloodlines distinguished leadership in traditional hierarchical societies.

Elite confusion

Trump draws strength from the weakness of America’s elites and the widening public awareness of their vices. This is why, again and again, he has been rewarded for violating the very norms the elites consider sacrosanct, even to the point of winning the Republican nomination and then the White House last year despite a slew of criminal convictions and many more pending charges.

In three consecutive elections, Trump has not offered voters only a choice of leaders but a choice between systems of government. The capaciousness of our republican Constitution is such that within its framework, more than one kind of regime is possible. The “informal regime” can be considered the regime of society as well as government, or a regime that in operation reflects the real dispensation of authority within the country.

Most Americans have sadly little familiarity with even the letter of the written Constitution, and even most educated Americans have never entertained the thought of an informal regime. Much of the country’s elite (think about the typical writer for the Atlantic, for example) suffers paroxysms of panic over Trump’s words and actions because its members conceive of the informal regime under which they’ve lived their whole lives — and under which people like themselves flourish — as being the only natural outcome of the written Constitution.

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Bonnie Cash/UPI/Bloomberg via Getty Images

To violate the “norms” of this regime is to violate the Constitution itself, as far as their understanding can conceive.

It’s rare that voters get to make a choice not just between candidates but between regimes. The greater and lesser George Bush, the male and female Clinton, Bob Dole, John McCain, Mitt Romney, Al Gore, John Kerry, Barack Obama, Joe Biden, and Kamala Harris all represented the same regime and norms. Trump differs from them all not only in policy but in the relationships he represents between the people, elected power, and institutional elites (both inside and outside government).

They delegitimized themselves

Trump at last gave the American people a choice of regimes, with one regime — represented by his enemies, not just in the general election but in the Republican Party, too — operating on aristocratic presumptions and the other being a reassertion of popular self-government, including its characteristic parrhesiaand even vulgarity.

Crude materialists who understand power only in terms of wealth struggle to interpret Trump, because he and many of his associates obviously belong to the same affluent class as his enemies. Yet just as Christ said the poor will always be with us, so too does every regime, formal or informal, have its rich men. The regime is not defined by the existence of a wealthy group; it’s rather about relationships and authority, and that is what Trump has changed.

This change was necessary because the old regime had already destroyed its own legitimacy. It performed poorly for millions of ordinary Americans, but beyond that, it had also grown arrogant. Its norms were not a limitation on its power or abuses but rather a gag stifling criticism from within or below.

The new regime that’s in the making will have its own defects and will need various corrections, but the test of a regime lies precisely in its ability to correct itself. The old elite had lost that ability and would hardly have had the will to exercise the capability even if it had still been there.

Trump is not a revolutionary who has overthrown a healthy order. Rather, he, like the American revolutionaries of 250 years ago, has given the people a chance to be healthy again by ridding themselves of a debilitating regime. Americans had been tricked into living under an aristocracy within the form of a democracy.

Against the phony aristocracy

Thomas Jefferson hoped that voters would freely choose natural aristocrats — leaders of wisdom, virtue, and ability. But in recent decades, the country fell under the rule of an aristocracy against nature: a self-perpetuating elite that governed through institutions immune to the ballot box. Universities, nonprofits, media outlets, the permanent bureaucracy, judges, and political operatives in both parties — each aligned ideologically, broadly liberal — formed a web of power that shut down any real challenge.

Until Trump.

He offered the people a radical choice, and they took it. They rejected the aristocracy.

If America’s ruling class had actually resembled the natural aristocrats Jefferson envisioned, the people might not have turned to Trump. But the elite they faced was an aristocracy of privilege: smug mediocrities, not public-spirited heroes or genuine geniuses. Swapping one set of insiders for another would have changed nothing. Trump gave them a worthwhile alternative.

Even conservatives like Yuval Levin — who value the role of a well-formed elite in a healthy republic — should recognize this moment. America can only return to true aristocracy, the kind America’s founders hoped for, by becoming more democratic and more populist. The people must want an elite — and they will only want one that serves them faithfully, competently, and without arrogance.

Trump’s task is clear: Restore the people’s power over the elite. Only then will the elite feel compelled to reform.

That path won’t destroy American institutions. It will save them.

Editor’s note: A version of this article was published originally at the American Mind.

Trump 'was right' on immigration, admits John Kerry



John Kerry made an astounding admission in the ongoing debate on border enforcement, and it is not going to make Democrats happy.

The former climate czar in the Biden administration admitted that Democrats had fumbled border enforcement and said that President Donald Trump had been right. He made the comments in an interview on the "Reflections" podcast on BBC.

'If you're going to define your nation, you have to have a border that means something.'

"The first thing any president should say, any president, or anybody in public life, is, without a border protected, you don't have a nation — I believe that. If you're going to define your nation, you have to have a border that means something," Kerry said.

"We have a system," he added. "I wish President Biden had been heard more often saying, 'I'm going to enforce the law.'"

When the host said the president was likely to take Kerry's comments to mean that he was right, Kerry agreed.

"He was right," Kerry replied. "The problem is, we all should have been right. Everybody should have been right, doing the same thing, all moving in the same direction."

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He went on to say Democrats should have done more to shut down the border, which was one of Trump's most repeated campaign promises.

"They just allowed the border to continue to be sieged, under siege," he said.

The president has been able to virtually shut down the U.S.-Mexico border to illegal crossings, and he has significantly increased the number of deportations, despite pushback by local lawmakers and challenges in court.

Kerry also served as the secretary of state under former President Barack Obama and lost a presidential campaign to former President George W. Bush in 2004. He had been previously lambasted for bemoaning that First Amendment rights prevented the government from squelching disinformation.

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A post shared on social media purports that John Kerry’s daughter Vanessa Kerry claimed that billions of people must die for the ‘New World Order.’ You first bitch pic.twitter.com/AMMG20O6mz — illuminatibot (@iluminatibot) January 9, 2025 Verdict: False The claim is inaccurate. Fact Check: The death toll has risen to 24 in the California wildfires. NBC News reports that evacuation […]