Vance tells Glenn Beck Congress needs to 'get serious' about codifying DOGE cuts



While President Donald Trump greenlit a flurry of executive orders in the first 100 days of his second term, Congress has been struggling to keep up.

In the first few months of his presidency, only five bills from Congress have made it to Trump's desk and been signed into law. Meanwhile, Louisiana Republican Speaker Mike Johnson's "big, beautiful bill" has been the focal point of Capitol Hill drama with promises to codify the MAGA mandate Trump was overwhelmingly elected for.

Although the mandate is reflected in certain provisions in the bill, Vice President JD Vance himself said that Congress needs to do more to codify DOGE cuts and rein in spending.

'We're going to have to do it and get serious about it.'

.@VP Vance assures me major spending cuts are coming in the FINAL “Big, Beautiful Bill”:

“We’ve already had conversations with House leadership that we want to see some more significant efforts to rein in spending.”

“When I talk to @elonmusk and I talk to the DOGE folks, where… pic.twitter.com/CyyJRt1zZ4
— Glenn Beck (@glennbeck) May 15, 2025


"I will say the big, beautiful bill text just came out last week," Vance told Glenn Beck on "The Glenn Beck Program" Thursday. "That's going to change a lot from now until then. We've already had conversations with House leadership that we want to see some more significant efforts to rein in spending here."

"The president also believes, Glenn, and he's right about that, that if you cut the trade deficit or you raise revenue through tariffs, that you actually go a long way to making the country on a more sustainable fiscal pathway as well," Vance added. "But you're right. You can't do it without cutting domestic spending."

Up until this point, the United States has racked up over $36 trillion in national debt. Despite the desire from certain Republicans to actually control spending, Johnson's bill is expected to add roughly $3.3 trillion to the deficit through fiscal year 2034.

"We're going to have to do it and get serious about it," Vance told Beck. "We're making that as clear to congressional leaders as possible. But look, knock on wood here, I think that once we get the final package out of the House and the Senate, we're going to have something that's serious on budget-cutting."

RELATED: Exclusive: Why Chip Roy can't support the 'big, beautiful bill': 'The swamp does what the swamp does'

Photo by Andrew Harnik/Getty Images

Vance noted that one of the easiest ways to chip away at the nation's mounting debt is to begin by eliminating mismanaged spending and fraudulent benefits.

"What no one talks enough about, and when I talk to Elon, and I talk to the DOGE folks, where they think they're going to get the most cuts is in taking people, illegal aliens and other people, who are defrauding the Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security system," Vance added.

"Think about two people, right? A guy who's paid into Social Security for 40 years. Obviously we want that guy to get his Social Security benefits," Vance told Beck. "You compare that person to an illegal alien who's engaged in Medicaid fraud. Obviously we don't want that person to get their benefits."

RELATED: Big, beautiful bill advances after 18-hour markup marathon while SALT talks go south

Photo by Kayla Bartkowski/Getty Images

Medicaid reform has been a hot-button issue as reconciliation talks escalate. In its current state, the bill amended work requirements so that ineligible recipients would have a harder time defrauding the Medicaid system, protecting vulnerable people the service was intended for. Although this is a step in the right direction, some Republicans say it doesn't go far enough and have pointed out that the changes won't be enforced until 2029, after Trump has left office.

"I think Democrats are going to fight us on this, but this is such an important point," Vance added. "We cannot allow people to defraud the Medicare and Medicaid system, or it's going to bankrupt this country. It's also just fundamentally unfair."

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Home solar isn’t woke — it’s conservative common sense



Four Republican senators have taken an unexpected but welcome stand for American energy independence. They sent a letter to Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) urging him to protect the investment tax credit, a key program that helps American families install rooftop solar panels and battery storage systems. They join 21 House Republicans who signed a similar letter defending energy freedom for U.S. homeowners.

As a lifelong conservative, I’m glad to see it. The ITC isn’t a government handout. It’s a tax credit that helps homeowners cover the up-front cost of installing solar panels and battery backups. It empowers Americans to generate their own power, lower their energy bills, and reduce reliance on bloated utilities. Since its creation nearly two decades ago, every president — Democrat and Republican, including Donald Trump — has supported it.

The investment tax credit puts power — literally and figuratively — back in the hands of individuals while reducing America’s dependence on foreign energy.

But some in Congress want to kill the ITC. That would be a costly mistake, especially as tariffs and other pressures push prices higher. Eliminating the ITC would put rooftop solar and home batteries out of reach for most families.

Without these tools, more Americans will remain tied to an aging, overburdened electric grid — just as demand surges and threats like wildfires, blackouts, and cyberattacks multiply. It would also expose families to the unchecked rate hikes of monopoly utilities and weaken a policy that has fueled job growth in red states like Texas and Florida, where home solar is booming.

The conservative case for the ITC is straightforward. Conservatives believe the tax code should reward behavior that strengthens the country — buying a home, raising a family, investing in a small business. Generating your own electricity during a grid failure should be no different.

During blackouts in Texas, wildfires in California, and hurricanes in Florida, families with solar and batteries kept the lights on when it mattered most. They didn’t wait on utility companies or FEMA. They had peace of mind because they had power.

And as we saw after Hurricane Milton, it’s often conservative, Trump-voting communities that land last on the disaster recovery list.

Monopoly utilities, backed by state regulators, have no incentive to treat customers fairly. At best, they see us as ATM machines. Last year, Pacific Gas and Electric hiked rates, tacked on new fees, and raked in $2.2 billion in profits. Millions of Californians have no choice but to pay up — unless they generate their own power.

Backing the ITC isn’t a betrayal of conservative values. It’s a reaffirmation of them. It puts power — literally and figuratively — back in the hands of individuals while reducing America’s dependence on foreign energy.

I applaud the Republicans in Congress who have taken a stand for the ITC. More should join them. Because defending the ITC isn’t just good policy.

It’s good for America.

Trump’s budget battle plan can’t be all bark, no bite



If Republicans keep squandering opportunities like budget reconciliation and other must-pass bills, they still have one more tool to cut spending without facing a Senate filibuster: the rescissions process.

To make it work, though, Trump must wield his influence more effectively. He needs to pressure establishment Republicans to support spending cuts with the same intensity he uses to push Freedom Caucus members into backing bloated budgets and debt-ceiling hikes.

If the rescissions process is going to matter, Trump must treat it like a weapon — not a bargaining chip.

Under sections 1012 and 1017 of the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974, the president may submit a request to Congress to rescind budget authority from specific accounts he deems unnecessary. That request triggers expedited consideration in Congress, with debate protected from filibuster once the proposal hits the calendar.

In the meantime, the president can freeze spending in the targeted account for up to 45 days while Congress considers the request.

Administration officials have begun dangling the rescissions process in front of conservatives as a consolation prize — hoping to win support for bloated budget bills, a record debt-ceiling hike, and a likely toothless reconciliation package. Their pitch: Whatever passes now can be clawed back later through presidential rescission requests, coordinated with House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) and Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.), and without Democratic input.

On paper, the strategy has logic. Trump wants to avoid shutdowns and default drama but believes he can trim spending quietly on the back end. The problem? The same GOP establishment that resists spending cuts during appropriations will still stand in the way after the fact — unless Trump finally targets the left flank of his own party instead of the right.

In early May, the House plans to vote on the Trump administration’s first rescissions package — $9.3 billion in cuts, mostly from foreign aid and defunding NPR and PBS. That’s a good start. It should be applauded.

But let’s be honest: $9.3 billion is pocket change compared to what Congress plans to spend. The upcoming budget reconciliation bill could add $5 trillion in new debt. Even defense spending alone is set to grow by more than $150 billion.

If the rescissions process is going to matter, Trump must treat it like a weapon — not a bargaining chip. And he must finally pressure the real problem in Washington: Republicans who talk like conservatives but vote like Democrats.

Unless Trump applies real pressure on Republican holdouts — especially in the Senate — most of the rescissions package will stall. Cutting NPR and PBS may be a layup, but $8 billion of the proposed cuts target USAID and other foreign aid programs. Those enjoy bipartisan backing, including from Republicans like Senate Armed Services Chairman Roger Wicker of Mississippi.

We’ve seen this dumb movie before. In 2018, Trump sent Congress a $15 billion rescissions package. Nineteen House Republicans defected, but the bill passed 210-206 thanks to a larger GOP majority. The Senate, however, killed it — 48-50 — after just two GOP defections.

Trump tweeted about the bill two days before the House vote. But nowhere in the public record did he threaten consequences for Republican dissenters. He never punished the defectors, and he quickly abandoned the rescissions strategy. Debt piled up for the rest of his term. The moment passed. History rolled on.

This time must be different.

Trump must match the pressure he puts on conservatives — urging them to swallow bad front-end budget deals — with equal, if not greater, pressure on Republican incumbents who oppose back-end spending cuts. No more free passes.

He should submit a rescissions package targeting climate slush funds and dare any Republican to oppose it. Then name names. If they side with green energy programs over fiscal responsibility, they should face the threat of a primary challenger. No exceptions.

If Trump refuses to campaign forcefully for his own priorities, the rescissions process will yield nothing more than symbolic cuts — token reductions that don’t even come close to offsetting the deficit spending he’s already signed off on.

Take the current request. It proposes clawbacks like $6 million for energy-efficiency programs in Mexico, $4 million for migrants in Colombia, $4 million for legume systems research, $3 million for Iraqi Sesame Street, nearly $1.2 million for LGBTQ initiatives, and $1 million for a voter ID program in Haiti.

Sure, Republicans will hold press conferences, wave these absurd line items in front of cameras, and vote to rescind them. But let’s not kid ourselves: Shaving a few million dollars from programs no one knew existed doesn’t even approach the scale of the problem.

When Congress passes trillion-dollar deficits and then touts million-dollar cuts, it’s not leadership. It’s performance.

And the country can’t afford another act.