Ever endured a stomach bug so vicious you were certain nothing could possibly be left to vomit — only to feel the nausea return? That is what Republicans face after last week’s electoral gut-punch. They want relief. Instead, they have two more years of Donald Trump.

Conservatives are busy blaming tariffs, the Iran war, bad Senate candidates, feckless congressional leaders, and White House staff for the midterm collapse. Nearly everyone avoids the man who dominates the Republican Party and whose administration owns those decisions.

If we had a movement instead of a craven industry, we would be asking how to get the albatross off our neck.

Replacing the White House chief of staff or replacing Mike Johnson and John Thune will not change the face voters associate with the economy, the war, and corruption. A post-election Economist/YouGov poll found that 62% of registered voters disapproved of Trump’s job performance. My friends in conservative media may prefer to tiptoe around him. Voters will not. They know who signs the orders, makes the promises, starts the wars, and claims the credit. Somehow we have decided he should escape the blame.

Trump has effectively led the American right for 10 years. He controls its message, machinery, and public image. Even if he suddenly changed course, how would voters believe the change?

Since the election, he has bragged about his ballroom, defended the Iran war and tariffs, entertained claims of election fraud, and defended Nvidia’s Jensen Huang amid scrutiny over his adulterous relationship with a suspected Chinese spy. Every appearance reminds voters why they wanted to punish his party.

If this is the performance immediately after a historic defeat, why should anyone expect sobriety when the next crisis comes?

So I have seven questions for those on the right who think replacing a few aides, nominating the next man in line, or changing a policy or two will clear this wreckage.

1. How do we win younger voters while Trump insists that high stock prices and swelling 401(k)s prove the economy is wonderful? Young people struggling with rent and housing costs are not impressed by a Baby Boomer bragging about his portfolio. Nobody on the right can talk over Trump, much less persuade those voters that Republicans have heard them. The party cannot offer an affordability agenda while its leader treats a booming stock market as proof that families have nothing to complain about.

2. How do we loosen Trump's chokehold on candidate recruitment and the party apparatus? He will continue endorsing people based on personal loyalty rather than conservatism or electability. What mechanism allows a genuinely independent Republican movement to develop while he remains its center of gravity?

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3. What happens if the economy gets worse? The Iran war continues, and the housing and AI booms may not last. Another economic downturn could reproduce the electoral catastrophes Republicans suffered in 2006 and 2008. Democrats will control Congress, but Trump will still be the president. His party will own the consequences, whether the pundits think that fair or not. The blame will stick.

4. How can Republicans sell a fresh presidential nominee in 2028 when Trump will dominate the campaign until Election Day? Some colleagues want to clear the field for Vice President JD Vance, as if the best response to an unpopular administration is to nominate its second in command. Even the Bush-era GOP did not try to run Dick Cheney in 2008.

5. How do we win back the suburbs? Republicans cannot win 218 House seats without suburban districts, and the party's image there is toxic. It is not enough to say Democrats are worse. What could a Republican candidate offer suburban voters that they would actually hear over Trump's daily pronouncements?

6. What is the plan for recovering the Senate? Democrats have already flipped seven Republican-held seats, with two races still uncalled as of publication. That is an electoral map the GOP may struggle to reverse for years. Even a Republican presidential victory in 2028 could be crippled by a Democratic Senate blocking judicial nominees and Cabinet appointments. Simply waiting for the next red wave is not a strategy. Neither is assuming every blue seat will become competitive merely because Trump finally leaves office.

7. How do we survive the next two years legislatively? Democrats will investigate corruption and put Trump on defense. He is already floating an immigration compromise. What prevents him from trading away immigration enforcement, signing terrible spending bills, or making deals with Democrats while vetoing reforms conservatives actually want — on surveillance, stock trading by executive officials, or the data-center boom? Republicans could get the worst policy outcomes and still absorb the electoral punishment.

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We are losing by miles, not inches. The landscape is so bleak that if the 2027 off-year elections were held today — governorships in Kentucky, Louisiana, and Mississippi — Republicans would struggle to win those formerly solid red states.

This cannot be remedied by another reshuffling of Republican personnel or a few cosmetic changes in policy. Yet the same people who failed to anticipate the rout claim to have diagnosed it already. They have their preferred villains, their favored replacements, and their fundraising pitches. What they do not have is a believable path out of the hole.

I do not pretend to have all seven answers. I do know the one answer that will fail: asking voters to embrace the very image they just rejected.

If we had a real movement instead of a craven industry, we would be asking how to get the albatross off our neck. Instead, the people who refuse to confront Trump are preparing the next electoral convulsion — and another chance to govern flushed down the toilet.