Equal treatment makes a comeback



There is something almost touching about the astonishment with which American universities are discovering that racial discrimination is illegal.

The Justice Department announced Monday that it is investigating the College of William & Mary over scholarships and student benefits that allegedly discriminate according to race. The Civil Rights Division says it is examining whether those programs violate Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits racial discrimination by recipients of federal funding.

Universities spent years teaching America that racial discrimination could cure racial discrimination. They may now receive an expensive lesson in return.

One might have supposed that this was not a particularly difficult statute for universities to understand. These are, after all, institutions populated by people who pride themselves on detecting racism in places where ordinary mortals see friendship and community.

And yet when discrimination appears in their own programs, their racial acuity suddenly fails them. Universities have spent years building programs around concepts such as “whiteness,” “decolonizing,” privilege, and equity. The problem is not that administrators forgot the Civil Rights Act. It is that many convinced themselves they had discovered a morally superior exception to its basic rule.

The old civil-rights principle was admirably simple: Do not discriminate on the basis of race.

The newer DEI principle often works differently: Unequal treatment may be justified if it is meant to correct an earlier inequality.

The distinction is the whole game.

Under the older understanding, the injustice consisted in treating an individual differently because of his race. If a university told an applicant, “You cannot have this opportunity because you are black,” we knew what to call it. If it told another applicant, “You cannot have this opportunity because you are white,” we also knew what to call it.

The genius of DEI was to make the second sentence sound morally different from the first.

This required an impressive amount of academic labor. Entire vocabularies were constructed to explain why unequal treatment could become virtuous when practiced by the right institutions, against the right groups, for the right reasons. We learned about privilege, power, positionality, systemic racism, dominant identities, marginalized identities, intersectionality, and the rest of the lexicon.

RELATED: Trump’s Justice Department is shining a light on woke universities — finally

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The result was an ethical system of remarkable convenience. It condemned racial discrimination while supplying a vocabulary for practicing it.

The trick was accomplished by shifting the unit of moral judgment from the individual to the group.

Once people are sorted into historical categories of oppressor and oppressed, equal treatment begins to look suspicious. If Group A has enjoyed advantages and Group B has suffered disadvantages, treating individual members of A and B according to the same rules can be recast as perpetuating injustice. “Equity” then becomes a justification for unequal treatment today in the name of unequal treatment yesterday.

There is only one troublesome detail: The person standing before you today is an individual human being, not an installment payment on a historical debt.

A white 18-year-old applying for a scholarship did not write the Jim Crow laws. An Asian student applying to medical school did not build the transcontinental railroad with exploited labor. A black student is not the personal embodiment of several centuries of American suffering.

The civil rights tradition understood this. That is why the law speaks in the language of persons rather than assigning inherited moral credits and debits to racial castes.

The DEI worldview has spent years trying to reverse that achievement.

And now comes the awkward part.

The law is still there.

The Civil Rights Act does not contain an asterisk reading, “Discrimination permitted when performed in the service of social justice.” Title VI does not say recipients of federal money may discriminate according to race provided that a diversity consultant has explained why it is virtuous.

Last year, the Justice Department expressly warned recipients of federal funding that antidiscrimination laws apply regardless of whether discriminatory practices are packaged under the label of DEI. Now William & Mary is discovering what that warning means.

Nor is William & Mary alone. The Justice Department has been examining race-conscious practices across higher education. My own university, Arizona State, is under investigation. The Supreme Court’s 2023 decision in Students for Fair Admissions should already have alerted universities that the legal ground beneath racial preferences had shifted dramatically.

But something deeper than law is involved here. Universities are supposed to teach students how to reason. So let us try an elementary syllogism.

Racial discrimination is wrong. Denying someone a benefit because of his race is racial discrimination. Therefore, denying someone a benefit because of his race is wrong.

You don’t need a doctorate in critical theory to follow the argument. Indeed, a doctorate in critical theory may be an impediment.

RELATED: Warning: This college course may be bad for your brain

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The great moral achievement of the civil rights movement was not to rearrange the racial hierarchy so different people could enjoy their turn at discrimination. It was to attack the hierarchy itself. The principle was equality before the law — not equality before the law except when our preferred theory of historical oppression recommends otherwise.

There is a useful lesson here for universities accustomed to believing that noble intentions confer immunity from ordinary moral rules.

They do not.

You may call discrimination “equity.” You may put it in a strategic plan. You may hire a vice president to administer it. You may surround it with the soothing language of “belonging” and “inclusion.” You may even persuade yourself that treating students differently according to ancestry is the latest advance in American civil rights.

But eventually somebody will ask the embarrassingly primitive question: Did you treat this person differently because of his race?

If the answer is yes, all the fashionable vocabulary in the world cannot make the question go away.

Universities spent years teaching America that racial discrimination could cure racial discrimination. They may now receive an expensive lesson in return.

The Civil Rights Act never learned DEI.

And the next shoe may be even more expensive: lawsuits from students who say they were denied scholarships, admissions advantages, or other benefits because of race. Once universities concede that race determined access to an opportunity, the legal question becomes much harder to explain away with the language of equity.

If Trump is insider trading, he’s terrible at it



At first glance, President Donald Trump’s latest financial disclosures look like a major scandal.

CBS News recently released an interactive dashboard analyzing what it called Trump’s “unprecedented” volume of investment activity during the first quarter of 2026: 1,296 sales and 2,346 purchases worth somewhere between $212 million and $695 million.

Calling it ‘potential insider trading’ is easy. Proving it requires something more than trades that sometimes came before favorable news.

The report emphasized that much of the activity involved individual stocks rather than index funds and noted that some purchases “preceded policy moves” or public statements by Trump that could affect the companies involved.

“The concern is he is in a position to make all kinds of decisions that can affect stock prices,” one government ethics expert told CBS.

“In the meantime, he could have bought or sold stocks that are affected by these decisions.”

It certainly sounds suspicious. That is exactly what Democrats are counting on. Senator Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) has already demanded an investigation into “potential insider trading” as her party tries to cast Trump as an out-of-touch oligarch before the midterms.

But the scandal starts to look much thinner once you move past the insinuation and examine what actually happened.

For one thing, Trump is not personally making these trades. CBS News included a statement from the Trump Organization saying that “independent third-party investment managers” handle the president’s stock transactions without direction from Trump or his family.

Vice President JD Vance put it more colorfully: Trump “doesn’t sit at the Oval Office on his computer on his, like, Robinhood account, buying and selling stocks. That’s absurd.”

Fine. But what about the timing? Doesn’t that suggest some coordination between Trump and his money managers?

Not much, judging from CBS News’ own charts. If Trump is insider trading, he is doing a remarkably bad job of it.

Take Nvidia. CBS noted that Trump’s financial managers bought between $500,001 and $1 million of Nvidia stock on January 6. The following week, the administration relaxed export controls on some of Nvidia’s AI chips, allowing sales to China.

RELATED: Trump has media and left panicking over election national emergency threat

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That sounds explosive until you look at the stock price. Nvidia closed at $187.24 on Jan. 6. After the policy change, it closed the following week at $186.23.

The next two purchases shown by CBS came after — not before — brief but significant drops in Nvidia’s share price. Trump’s disclosure also shows sales totaling between $1.8 million and $3.6 million in Nvidia stock during March. The stock then climbed sharply the next month.

That is not what a clean insider-trading narrative looks like.

It looks much more like ordinary portfolio management: buying dips, trimming positions, missing upside, and generally doing what professional money managers do every day — often while charging clients handsomely for the privilege.

Palantir and Eli Lilly transactions cited in the report show a similarly messy pattern rather than some obvious sequence of privileged information followed by perfectly timed trades.

One investment professional quoted by CBS even speculated that Trump’s managers may have been realizing losses for tax purposes. Maybe. If not, Trump might want to ask what exactly he is paying them for.

Either way, that theory does not establish insider trading. And neither does the mere fact that a trade happened before a policy announcement affecting the same company.

To make the case, you need evidence that Trump possessed material nonpublic information, that he communicated it to the people managing his portfolio, and that they traded on it. The disclosures and timing highlighted by CBS do not establish that.

The simplest explanation remains the least cinematic one: Trump pursues policies he believes are good for the country while outside money managers invest his fortune without his input.

If you want to understand what genuinely suspicious political trading can look like, consider the Pelosi family.

In 2024, Paul Pelosi sold roughly $500,000 in Visa stock. The following month, the Justice Department sued Visa on antitrust grounds, and the stock fell.

That timing naturally attracted scrutiny. But timing alone is not proof there, either. We do not know that former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi tipped off her husband, and the public evidence does not establish insider trading.

RELATED: Nancy Pelosi's post-Congress plan: A 'nonpartisan' $50 million institute at Berkeley

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What it does show is why these stories require more than a suggestive chart. A suspicious-looking sequence is a reason to ask questions, not a substitute for evidence.

That standard should apply to Trump too.

Democrats need voters to believe Trump is using the presidency to enrich himself, his family, and his friends. That is why every financial disclosure becomes an invitation to imply corruption before proving it.

Maybe investigators will eventually uncover evidence that Trump directed trades around government policy. If they do, investigate it.

But the material CBS News has presented so far does not get us there.

Calling it “potential insider trading” is easy. Proving it requires something more than trades that sometimes came before favorable news, sometimes after price declines, and sometimes before the portfolio missed a rally altogether.

For now, there is plenty of insinuation and remarkably little proof.

The Justice Department finally has a grown-up in charge



The Senate finally voted Saturday to confirm Todd Blanche as President Donald Trump’s new attorney general. Anyone who wants a Justice Department that enforces the law instead of bending it to politics can breathe a little easier.

Blanche is unusually well-suited for the job. He has seen the justice system from both sides — first as a federal prosecutor and assistant U.S. attorney in the Southern District of New York, then as a defense attorney, including as one of Trump’s lead lawyers during the prosecutions he faced before returning to the White House. Few incoming attorneys general have had a more personal view of what prosecutorial power can become when politics infects the justice system.

Trump’s effort to reform the Justice Department is not complete, but the direction is a stark improvement over what came before.

A new era at the Justice Department has now officially begun, but the turnaround started before Blanche’s confirmation. Speed bumps aside, the direction under Trump’s team is unmistakable: order restored at the southern border, an end to lawfare, and a saner approach to antitrust enforcement. Blanche’s job is not to start that work. It is to finish it.

A timely reminder arrived last week, when the Department of Justice reached a settlement with Paul Vaughn days before Blanche was confirmed.

The Biden Justice Department charged Vaughn, a pro-life father of 11, under the Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act after he participated in a sit-in at a Tennessee abortion clinic in 2021.

FBI agents staged a predawn raid at his home and arrested him in front of his wife and children. Vaughn ultimately received three years of supervised release and no prison time, but other pro-life defendants were not so lucky.

Lauren Handy was sentenced to 57 months in prison. Jonathan Darnel received 34 months. Seventy-six-year-old Joan Andrews Bell got 27 months, and 75-year-old Paula Harlow received 24 months.

When Harlow’s husband pleaded for leniency because of her age and declining health, the judge replied that she should “make every effort to remain alive” in keeping with “the tenets of your religion.” All four were later pardoned by Trump.

The FACE Act protects access to abortion clinics, but it also protects pregnancy centers and houses of worship. Yet the Biden administration’s aggressive prosecution of pro-life demonstrators contrasted sharply with the much thinner record of prosecutions after extremists firebombed and vandalized pregnancy centers following the Supreme Court’s Dobbs decision.

Attorney General Merrick Garland once explained the difficulty by noting that many of the attacks happened at night. Apparently darkness is now a federal jurisdictional problem. Good to know. Garland was almost on the Supreme Court.

RELATED: The Biden tapes blow open the autopen scandal

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The pro-life cases were among the most visible abuses of the Garland years, but hardly the only ones. His department drew justified outrage over its treatment of parents protesting school policies; House Republicans later accused the DOJ of having labeled parents as terrorist threats. The FBI also came under fire after an internal memo contemplated cultivating sources in traditionalist Catholic communities — what critics described as a plan to send spies into parishes. And special counsel Jack Smith pursued Trump through the heat of the 2024 campaign.

Even antitrust enforcement became an exercise in questionable priorities. The Justice Department blocked JetBlue from acquiring Spirit Airlines in 2024. Spirit later collapsed, removing a low-fare competitor from an already concentrated airline market. Regulators claimed to be protecting consumers; consumers ended up with one fewer discount carrier.

The Biden administration also moved to block Hewlett Packard Enterprise’s acquisition of Juniper Networks, a deal the intelligence community reportedly deemed vital to national security. The Trump team ultimately allowed the transaction to proceed, strengthening an American competitor in a market where China’s Huawei remains formidable.

RELATED: The right needs a public defender network for lawfare

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Anti-Christian, anti-conservative, anti-business, and heedless of national-security concerns: We have seen what happens when partisan priorities seep into the Justice Department. Trump’s effort to reform the Justice Department is not complete, but the direction is a stark improvement over what came before.

And the danger of backsliding is obvious. If a Democrat wins the White House in 2028, expect pressure for an attorney general even more aggressive than Garland. Biden himself reportedly regretted choosing Garland and wished he had listened to advisers who preferred the more partisan Doug Jones. That should tell you something.

Todd Blanche is infinitely preferable. He knows prosecutorial power from both sides of the courtroom, and he has every reason to understand how quickly discretion can become abuse.

The Justice Department does not need revenge. It needs restraint, consistency, and equal treatment under the law. Blanche has the experience — and now the authority — to deliver it.

Trump's Fraud Division takes the gloves off in fight against foreign nationals, others



The Justice Department’s National Fraud Enforcement Division has now released its first comprehensive enforcement strategy.

Assistant Attorney General Colin McDonald circulated the memo on Thursday to all Fraud Division personnel, highlighting five focus areas: public trust, health care fraud, internal revenue scams, global trade subversion, and corporate misconduct.

‘For too long, lax oversight allowed bad actors — often foreign nationals — to exploit these programs for personal enrichment at the expense of hard-working Americans and their financial security.’

President Donald Trump announced the division in January and formally launched it in April after Somali fraud scams began to dominate headlines and highlight the staggering costs of fraud. The Government Accountability Office puts annual losses from fraud somewhere between $233 billion and $521 billion.

McDonald called the numbers “shocking” and said the damage hits “the hearts and souls of Americans” just as hard as their wallets.

“Fraudsters perpetrating these schemes are not just isolated actors; they form criminal conspiracies, often spanning international borders,” McDonald said in the memo.

“For too long, lax oversight allowed bad actors — often foreign nationals — to exploit these programs for personal enrichment at the expense of hard-working Americans and their financial security.”

RELATED: ICE officers will have 'shocking' new glove to pacify targets

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Health care is a particularly ripe sector for fraudsters. Lavish public benefits at federal and state levels incentivize those willing to take advantage.

“By supercharging the historically successful Health Care Fraud Strike Force model with greater resources, data analytics support, and best-in-class technology, the Fraud Division will prosecute the most significant cases involving health care in the United States,” McDonald said.

The Health Care Fraud Strike Force has prosecuted over 6,200 defendants over $45 billion in total fraud since it was launched in 2007. The Fraud Division in April spun off a West Coast-specific force designed to root out fraud across Arizona, Nevada, and Northern California.

The Fraud Division will also be going after tax cheats and those who conspire to rip off unsuspecting American taxpayers.

“For example, unethical return preparers include false claims on individuals’ tax returns and often charge higher fees to do so. … Abusive promoters line their pockets while selling their unsuspecting clients on illegal tax schemes,” McDonald said. “In each instance, these wrongdoers lie to the IRS, cheat the federal government out of lawful revenue, and steal money that would otherwise fund national priorities.”

Foreign adversaries seeking to subvert American trade laws have also been put on notice. The Fraud Division is expanding its investigations into international commercial wrongdoing.

“This includes prioritizing the investigation and prosecution of, among others, illicit transshipment schemes, country-of-origin fraud, the undervaluation of imported goods designed to evade duties, sanctions evasion, and foreign forced labor schemes,” according to McDonald.

McDonald also reiterated the DOJ’s long-standing commitment to holding Big Business accountable. “Prosecutors will prioritize anti-fraud corporate enforcement and work closely with our Corporate Enforcement Section,” the assistant attorney general said.

Some note that while the effort is a good start, it may not go far enough to fix the U.S.’ financial woes.

“I'm happy to see the Fraud Division being built out in such a serious manner. One way to help the goal would be for Congress to stop sending so much out the door without strings attached,” Oversight Project President Mike Howell told Blaze News. “Alaska and Senator [Lisa] Murkowski's insatiable appetite for slush is a good place to look, particularly in the context of her potentially trying to leverage votes in exchange for slush.”

Sen. Murkowski (R-Alaska) has been criticized for seemingly wielding her swing vote to extract public dollars, most recently amid Attorney General Todd Blanche’s confirmation battle, Politico reported.

Though the fight against fraud is in its infancy, McDonald closed his memo on an optimistic note.

“With the Division’s expansive mission and national presence, we are aggressively and meticulously repairing the damage inflicted on our social fabric by criminal fraudsters.”

The DOJ did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Editor's note: Mike Howell is a contributor to Blaze News.

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Former Southern Poverty Law Center official INDICTED and ARRESTED



The Justice Department's criminal lawsuit against the Southern Poverty Law Center has expanded to an indictment against a former official.

Heidi L. Beirich served as director of the SPLC's Intelligence Project from 2012 until 2019, as previously reported by Blaze News, and is accused of overseeing a field agent who "infiltrated" a neo-Nazi group called the National Alliance.

'This FBI will find anyone who exploits the trust of the American people and our financial system.'

Beirich was also allegedly in a romantic relationship with the field source.

Her attorney, Michael Proctor, confirmed that she was indicted Wednesday and was scheduled to appear in court in Riverside, California, later that day, according to the Associated Press.

Beirich is charged with wire fraud conspiracy, conspiracy to submit false statements to a federally insured bank, and conspiracy to commit concealment money laundering, according to the DOJ.

Federal Bureau of Investigation Director Kash Patel posted on social media about the superseding indictment.

"As alleged, Heidi Beirich was at the center of our ongoing investigation into SPLC and their previously alleged criminal activity — where SPLC knowingly misled donors, who believed their money was being used to dismantle violent extremist organizations — when in fact, part of those donations were instead being used to pay senior leadership within those extremist groups," he wrote.

"This is an ongoing investigation. This FBI will find anyone who exploits the trust of the American people and our financial system," he added.

"A free and fair society does not use the justice system to silence its political opponents," said Proctor.

The SPLC, based in Alabama, has denied the allegations and accused the Trump administration of weaponizing the federal government against its political enemies.

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After leaving the SPLC in 2020, Beirich co-founded the Global Project Against Hate and Extremism and has testified before Congress about right-wing extremism. She has also appeared on numerous news programs to opine as an expert on political extremism.

A statement from the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Middle District of Alabama indicated that Beirich lives in Palm Springs, California.

Newly confirmed Attorney General Todd Blanche said Wednesday that more arrests are expected in the case.

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Violent Anti-ICE Protesters Are Sentenced, Convicted

One man threw chunks of cinderblock at a border patrol agent. Another poured two bottles of lighter fluid on a police car. Another threw a large rock that hit an Immigration and Customs Enforcement officer in the head, then used a stop sign as a battering ram against the door of an ICE building. Another attempted to murder a police officer at an immigration detention center.

The post Violent Anti-ICE Protesters Are Sentenced, Convicted appeared first on .

Federal judge REJECTS the victim narrative pushed by the criminally charged SPLC



The Southern Poverty Law Center's bad year just got a whole lot worse.

Besides facing congressional scrutiny, the liberal organization whose bread and butter is smearing law-abiding conservatives as "extremists" was federally charged in April with 11 counts of wire fraud, false statements to a federally insured bank, and conspiracy to commit concealment money laundering.

'The American people deserve to see this hate racket exposed in court.'

The SPLC — now under the leadership of CEO Ryan Haygood — tried to play the victim in hopes of having the case thrown out. The federal judge overseeing the case did not, however, buy what the professional concern-mongers were selling.

Tyler O'Neil, author of "Making Hate Pay: The Corruption of the Southern Poverty Law Center," told Blaze News, "The SPLC just tried to weasel its way out of accountability for allegedly propping up the Ku Klux Klan by complaining about President Trump’s mean social media posts. Judge Marks rightly saw through this charade."

"Abbe Lowell’s legal team must have known it was a stretch to ask a judge to dismiss the case for vindictive prosecution before trial, but to do so without any evidence tying alleged animus directly to prosecutors required real chutzpah," continued O'Neil. "The motion may have been catnip to the legacy media, but it was dead on arrival in court."

How it started

Prosecutors have accused the SPLC of secretly pouring several million dollars in donated funds to individuals linked to various extremist groups, including the Ku Klux Klan, the National Alliance, Aryan Nations, and National Socialist Party of America — groups the liberal organization was supposedly fighting against.

According to the superseding indictment filed by the Justice Department in June, which charges the SPLC with the same 11 counts, some of the donor funds were dumped into "fictitious accounts" and used ultimately to pay for so-called field sources "who were either leading or affiliated with multiple violent extremist organizations."

Field sources allegedly used SPLC donor money for numerous questionable activities, including creating racist paraphernalia that extremist groups sold at rallies; publishing extremist literature for recruitment purposes; purchasing materials for cross burnings and Ku Klux Klan hoods; and creating new chapters of extremist groups.

RELATED: SPLC director allegedly used donor cash to fund secret romance with neo-Nazi informant: Indictment

SPLC President Ryan Haygood. Elizabeth Frantz/Bloomberg/Getty Images

A former SPLC director is also alleged, among other things, to have used donor cash to fund her secret romance with a neo-Nazi informant.

Blaze Media did not immediately receive a response from the SPLC.

In May, the SPLC, which denies any wrongdoing, filed a motion in the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Alabama to dismiss the federal charges, claiming that it is the victim of "a vindictive prosecution" launched in response to speech protected under the First Amendment — the "latest manifestation of a top-down, retributive campaign."

The SPLC claimed that it has been "falsely accused" by the Trump administration of being anti-Christian, aiding the Biden administration's weaponization of the DOJ, participating in political violence, and helping rig the 2020 election.

The SPLC claimed further that the administration's supposed animus "culminated in the criminal charges against the SPLC — an indictment premised on conclusory accusations but devoid of provable facts or a proper statement of the law."

Should the court refuse to dismiss the charges, the SPLC asked that it at least require discovery into the government's prosecutorial motives.

How it's going

U.S. District Court Judge Emily Marks, a Trump appointee, delivered some bad news to the SPLC on Friday.

"The SPLC is not entitled to discovery or dismissal of the indictment," Marks said in her order. "The SPLC has failed to offer some evidence tending to show animus on the part of the prosecutors involved in bringing this case and that such animus resulted in the prosecution, the showing required for discovery. Because it cannot satisfy that standard, it necessarily fails to satisfy the higher standard that would entitle it to dismissal of the indictment."

In her order, Marks also highlighted the inevitable fallout of presuming vindictiveness on the part of the government just because the SPLC was bashing the Trump administration prior to its indictment.

"It is true that before its indictment, the SPLC extensively criticized the Trump administration," wrote the judge. "But if that were sufficient to warrant a presumption, then the Government's fears would be realized, and an entity could effectively immunize itself from prosecution simply by engaging in protected speech, such as criticizing political figures and their policies."

Marks stressed that the "Court cannot license a fishing expedition based on innuendo or speculation."

"It is the SPLC’s, not the Court’s, burden to show that the Government’s prosecution was improperly motivated," continued the judge. "The SPLC cannot merely provide the rough outline of a theory — the President is out to get it — and expect the Court to fill in the blanks."

An SPLC spokesperson said in a statement obtained by The Hill, "While the Southern Poverty Law Center is disappointed with the outcome of the motion, we will continue to vigorously defend ourselves, our staff, and our work."

The spokesperson for the group accused of reviving at least one hate group and bankrolling the creation of KKK garb added, "SPLC will continue to fight hate, and we will continue to envision and create a safer and more just world."

"The SPLC can scream to high heaven about FBI Director Kash Patel calling the group a 'partisan smear machine,' but that doesn't make it any less true," Tyler O'Neil told Blaze News. "The SPLC scares donors and demonizes its opponents by putting mainstream conservative and Christian nonprofits on a 'hate map’ with Klan chapters. Now it stands accused of reimbursing cross-burning materials and paying for KKK hoods. The American people deserve to see this hate racket exposed in court — and Marks’ ruling brings this case one step closer to trial."

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DOJ goes to special court to send mother of terrorists back to Afghanistan



The Biden administration admitted — at an accelerated pace — thousands of Afghans into the United States following the collapse of Kabul, despite warnings from Donald Trump, then-Sen. JD Vance (R-Ohio), and others about the likelihood of extremists slipping through the cracks.

Among the extremists ultimately admitted into the U.S. under Biden was a jihadist who, with the help of other radicals in his family already in the U.S., plotted to slaughter as many Americans on Election Day 2024 as possible on behalf of ISIS.

'NAZIRA worked with TAWHEDI to radicalize the family and to conceal their pro-ISIS teaching,' the DOJ claims.

The Trump Justice Department announced on Thursday that it has filed the first-ever case in the U.S. Alien Terrorist Removal Court — to remove the matriarch of that terrorist family, Nazira Haji Zada.

U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement noted in its July 15 declaration in support of Zada's removal that she was first admitted to the U.S. as a lawful permanent resident in March 2018 as the spouse of a Middle Easterner employed by the U.S. at Bagram Air Base from 2009 to 2016. It notes further that she "meets the definition of alien terrorist as used in 8 U.S.C. § 1533(a)(1)(D)(i)."

Zada, who has been residing in Fort Worth, Texas, was arrested this week and will appear before ATRC's Chief Judge Joan Ericksen on Thursday.

The ATRC is a special court created by Congress in 1996. Congress authorized the chief justice of the United States — presently the head of the U.S. Supreme Court, John Roberts — to designate five U.S. district court judges to review removal applications for individuals identified as alien terrorists.

"This is a historic step asking this court for the first time to remove an individual from the United States who supported a plot by ISIS-sympathizing family members to commit an act of terrorism in America," said FBI Director Kash Patel. "No one should be allowed to come into our country and then betray it."

RELATED: Democrat crashes out AGAIN, threatens ICE with 'day of reckoning' for catching suspected terrorist

AHMAD AL-RUBAYE/AFP/Getty Images

Zada is the mother of Abdullah Haji Zada and the mother-in-law of Nasir Ahmad Tawhedi, both of whom were arrested on Oct. 7, 2024, after buying guns and ammo from an undercover FBI employee for use in their thwarted Election Day massacre.

Abdullah Zada, an Afghan national who came to the U.S. with Zada in 2018, pleaded guilty in April 2025 to knowingly receiving, attempting to receive, and conspiring to receive a firearm and ammunition to be used to commit a federal crime of terrorism. He was handed down the maximum sentence of 15 years in federal prison, after which he will be deported.

Tawhedi, an Afghan national who entered the U.S. on Sept. 9, 2021 — nearly 20 years to the day after the 9/11 attacks — pleaded guilty to the same charges as well as to conspiring and attempting to provide material support and resources to ISIS. He has not yet been sentenced.

According to the original criminal complaint, Tawhedi immersed himself and his family members in jihadist propaganda and communicated with an ISIS facilitator about his efforts to procure weapons for use in the terror plot.

Footage taken on July 20, 2024, and later obtained by the FBI allegedly shows Tawhedi reading to his daughter and nephew about the supposed benefits of martyrdom, including a harem of 72 virgins and a crown of jewels.

Abdullah Zada and Tawhedi planned to sell Zada's home in Moore, Oklahoma, for $185,000 — Zada allegedly signed off on the sale — as well as other property owned by the family to fund both the terrorism plot and the repatriation of their family, including Zada but not her husband, back to Afghanistan on on Oct. 17, 2024, according to the complaint.

It appears the Afghan matriarch played a big role in helping her son and son-in-law advance their plot.

In an unclassified submission to the ATRC, the DOJ claimed:

The FBI has developed information that NAZIRA is a supporter of ISIS, has formally pledged loyalty to ISIS, and supported TAWHEDI and ABDULLAH's conspiracy. The FBI is further aware that NAZIRA, in collaboration with TAWHEDI, worked to indoctrinate her children with ISIS ideology and have them pledge loyalty to ISIS. NAZIRA worked with TAWHEDI to radicalize the family and to conceal their pro-ISIS teaching and planned family relocation to ISIS-controlled territory from her unsuspecting husband Abdul Haji Zada.

Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche said that "the allegations in this case show the matriarch of an ISIS-sympathizing family aiding in a plot to launch a mass casualty attack on American voters on Election Day."

"The ATRC embodies the recognition that the government should not have to choose between allowing a dangerous alien to remain in the United States and disclosing sensitive classified information in a traditional removal proceeding," stated Assistant Attorney General for National Security John Eisenberg. "We will use all the tools at our disposal, including this court, to remove foreign nationals who betray our values and exploit our goodwill by supporting ISIS and terrorist plots."

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The Biden tapes blow open the autopen scandal



Two summers ago, our team at the Oversight Project sat in a conference room asking the same question as the rest of the country: How were they running the government with a broken president?

That was before Joe Biden’s complete malfunction on the debate stage. Even then, we were confident he could not sustain a full re-election campaign. We began examining whether state election laws would permit Democrats to replace him after key ballot deadlines. Leaked Democratic National Committee memos showed that the prospect had already alarmed both pro- and anti-Biden factions.

The silence on the tapes speaks loudly. It suggests knowing and willful conduct, not an innocent paperwork mistake.

As a clip of Biden stumbling played on the television, someone asked the lawyer’s question: How were they moving paper through the White House, and could Biden even sign it?

After a brief silence, someone answered: Probably an autopen. Let’s find the documents and calendars and figure it out.

The rest became what President Trump has called the scandal of the century: congressional investigations, Justice Department and White House inquiries, evidence of the extraordinary lengths Biden’s aides took to conceal his condition, and even the rearrest of violent felons who should never have received autopenned commutations.

Accountability, however, has remained elusive.

Which is infuriating. What happened during the Biden years was wrong, harmful, and in many instances unlawful. The Constitution vests presidential authority in one person. That person must possess both the capacity and the awareness to authorize official acts. The entire system depends on fixing responsibility on the president whom the voters chose.

That did not happen. For a country that has spent decades lecturing the world about democracy, the Biden presidency became an embarrassment at home.

Monday brought a measure of accountability. After more than two years of litigation, the Biden tapes were released to the American people.

Joe Biden and his well-funded legal team fought us in federal district court and on appeal. We won both times. Biden could have asked the Supreme Court to intervene, but he finally surrendered. His lawyers had so much time and money that they devoted pages of legal filings to posts from my X feed and that of my colleague Jeff Clark, apparently hoping to discredit us before the court. I will always enjoy knowing that the Biden team paid an aspiring left-wing lawyer to study my unvarnished thoughts.

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What does the release of the tapes mean?

First, it pushes the timeline of Biden’s decline back to 2016 and 2017.

The recordings capture Biden’s interviews with ghostwriter Mark Zwonitzer while the two worked on Biden’s memoir, “Promise Me, Dad.” They were made within six months of Biden leaving the vice presidency. On the tapes, Biden forgets the name of Rep. Jim Clyburn, the man who would later rescue his 2020 campaign. He repeatedly says, “I’m so confused” and, “I can’t remember.”

The good days and bad days that defined his presidency were already apparent in 2017. The recordings contain so many pauses and verbal stalls that Biden sounds like a dial-up connection trying to buffer.

That helps explain why the 2020 campaign used COVID-19 as cover to keep him in the basement. Had Biden been forced to speak publicly and off the cuff throughout that campaign, his decline might have become as obvious then as it was during the 2024 debate. Democratic leaders knew they were selling damaged goods long before the public finally saw the label.

Second, the tapes raise serious questions about special counsel Robert Hur’s investigation into Biden’s handling of classified information.

Hur declined to prosecute, concluding that a jury would view Biden as a “sympathetic, well-meaning, elderly man with a poor memory.” Yet the recordings reveal conduct more serious than Hur’s public account suggested.

At several points, Biden acknowledges that the material before him may be classified. The audio then cuts to long stretches of silence redacted for national security reasons. These are not isolated interruptions. Classified redactions cover substantial portions of the recordings.

The transcripts indicate that Biden disclosed information involving the CIA, the Defense Department, and other sensitive national security matters to a ghostwriter who lacked both a security clearance and authorization to receive it. Biden made those disclosures while pursuing a book deal worth $8 million.

The silence on the tapes speaks loudly. It suggests knowing and willful conduct, not an innocent paperwork mistake. The recordings justify a fresh examination of whether Hur’s investigation was designed to uncover the full truth or to contain a politically explosive scandal.

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Third, the tapes open the door to criminal inquiries.

Biden told the American people that he “did not share classified information” with his ghostwriter. The tapes contradict that statement. Knowing and willful disclosure of national defense information to an unauthorized person can constitute a federal crime. Unlike a witness with a failing memory, a recording does not need to testify.

The inquiry should not stop with Biden. His White House mobilized in 2024 to discredit Hur for accurately describing the president’s mental condition. Officials who knew the truth attacked the special counsel for saying it aloud. The autopen scandal was institutional, and accountability must extend to the aides who enabled, concealed, and benefited from it.

Investigators must reconstruct the timeline carefully. Biden was plainly diminished in 2016 and 2017, though he deteriorated further by 2024. What was his mental state when he removed classified documents from secure facilities? Did he understand that he was disclosing protected information when he said as much on tape? How did Hur evaluate intent at the time the alleged offenses occurred rather than at the time of his later interview?

Those questions demand answers.

The tapes always belonged to the American people. The Oversight Project merely delivered them to their rightful owners.

America can never again permit a presidential administration to operate by mechanized fiat. Only one person may exercise the powers of the presidency. That person must know what he is authorizing, accept responsibility for it, and actually possess the confidence of the voters who put him there.

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