Rubio, Vance outline the 'work of a generation,' next steps for the American renewal: 'This is a 20-year project'



Vice President JD Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio discussed ways forward for the country under the Trump administration and beyond at the American Compass New World Gala on June 3.

Although the two Republicans, who appear to be contenders in the 2028 presidential election, hit different beats, they were largely singing the same tune about prioritizing Americans, strengthening the country, and abandoning the failed globalist thinking that has undermined security, prosperity, and dignity in the United Sates.

Their outlooks on the future provided some indication of the staying power of President Donald Trump's vision as well as how it might evolve in the years to come.

Returning to reality

Rubio kicked off his speech by countering the progressive notion that human nature changes over time, stressing that "technologies change, the clothes we wear change, even languages change, governments change — a lot of things change, but the one thing that is unchanged is human nature."

Rubio suggested that this static nature accounts for why history often repeats itself and helps explain humans' unshakable "desire to belong," which naturally scales up to nationalism, despite nationhood being a relatively "new concept" in the grand scheme of things.

"If you put humans anywhere — a handful of people anywhere — one of the first things they start doing is trying to create things that they can join or be a part of," said Rubio. "The advent of the nation-state is a normal evolution of human behavior because people think it's important to belong to something, and being part of a nation is important. And I think that's really true, obviously, increasingly in how geopolitical decisions are made."

'We've undermined our position in the world.'

Despite man's immutable desire to belong and the naturalness of this desire's expression in nationalism, Rubio suggested that many in the West nevertheless entertained the fantasy that the dissolution of the Soviet Union meant the inevitable and imminent universalization of liberal democracy — that "the entire world is going to become just like us"; that "nationhood no longer mattered when it came to economics"; "that right now the world would no longer have borders"; and that it didn't matter where things were made.

Rubio noted that this idealistic outlook "became part of Republican orthodoxy for a long time," which accounts for why the GOP long proved indifferent to the outsourcing of labor and the offshoring of productive capacity.

RELATED: Liberals freaked out over Vance's Munich speech. Just wait till they read the State Department's Substack.

Photo by Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images

The decades-long flirtation with liberal globalism "robbed a nation of its industrial capacity, of its ability to make things," thereby hurting the economy, hurting the country, robbing people of jobs, and eating away at the social fabric of the nation, suggested Rubio.

"What you find is because of all of those years of neglect, because of the loss of industrial capacity, we didn't just undermine our society, we didn't just undermine our domestic economy — we've undermined our position in the world," said the secretary of state, whose department recently signaled an interest in taking up the mantle of Western civilization.

'You can never be secure as a nation unless you're able to feed your people.'

Now that America and the rest of the world are facing a "crunch," the days of illusion are over, and geopolitics are adjusting accordingly.

Rubio indicated that the Trump administration is undertaking a reorientation of domestic and foreign approaches "to take into account for the fact that you can never be secure as a nation unless you're able to feed your people and unless you're able to make the things that your economy needs in order to function and ultimately to defend yourself."

Accordingly, Rubio suggested that the country moving forward needs to:

  • make decisions with the nation-state in mind and engage the world "in a way that prioritizes our national interest above all else";
  • guarantee America's access to the requisite "raw material and industrial capacity that is at the core both of the decisions that we're making and the areas that we're prioritizing"; and
  • rectify trade imbalances with fully developed countries.

While this direction is possibly good news for the American people, it bodes poorly for stubborn champions of the globalist dream.

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Photo by Kayla Bartkowski/Getty Images

New York Times opinion columnist Jamelle Bouie, for instance, recently complained about the MAGA vision for the future.

The MAGA movement is waging war on the nation's economic future, rejecting two generations of integration and interdependency with the rest of the world in favor of American autarky, of effectively closing our borders to goods and people from around the world so that the United States might make itself into an impenetrable fortress — a garrison state with the power to dictate the terms of the global order, especially in its own hemisphere. In this new world, Americans will abandon service-sector work in favor of manufacturing and heavy industry.

After presenting the possibility of a powerful, indomitable, and reindustrialized America as a terrifying prospect, Bouie stumbled upon the truth of the project under way, stating, "The aim, whether stated explicitly or not, is to erase the future as Americans have understood it and as they might have anticipated it."

Kicking bad habits

Oren Cass, founder of American Compass, pressed Vance about the project of "reshoring and reindustrialization" that the Trump administration is pursuing.

Vance noted that at its core, the project is about addressing "stagnating living standards" affecting normal Americans "who just want to start a family, work in a decent job, earn a livable salary, and have dignified work."

'The complete disconnect between their views on foreign policy and economic policy made me realize, again, that we're governed by people who aren't up to the job.'

The vice president suggested that the offshoring of industry, an under-investment in technology, heavy industrial regulation, and high energy costs are among the factors that have made it difficult for "normal people who work hard and play by the rules to have a good life."

He also identified a "misalignment between the ... normal Americans and the talking heads in Washington" and an unworkable separation of the making of things from the innovating of things — a issue he raised in his March speech at the American Dynamism Summit — as problems warranting remedy.

RELATED: Vance: Trump’s growth plan ditches cheap labor for real jobs that will fuel American greatness

Photo by Kayla Bartkowski/Getty Images

Blaze News previously noted that in his American Dynamism speech, Vance suggested that the Trump administration plans to help innovators wean off cheap foreign labor and begin on-shoring industry, partly by incentivizing manufacturing and investment inside the United States with tax cuts and other policy instruments; by erecting tariff walls around critical industries; by reducing regulations and the cost of energy; and also by enforcing immigration law and securing the border to drain the pool of cheap illegal alien labor.

In his conversation with Cass on Tuesday, Vance reiterated that America needs to effectively get innovators and labor back on the same page and in the same country and to ensure that educational institutions are equipped to supply them with talent.

Vance also criticized "pro-globalization" elements of the leadership class who are indifferent to "whether a given part of the supply chain existed here, or China, or Russia or somewhere else" yet frequently champion foreign entanglements fought with outsourced munitions and technologies.

"The complete disconnect between their views on foreign policy and economic policy made me realize, again, that we're governed by people who aren't up to the job," Vance told Cass, "until four months ago when the American people actually gave the country a government it deserved. And obviously we're in the very early days, but I think that we've done more in four months to solve these problems. But this is not a five- or a 10-year project. This is a 20-year project to actually get America back to common-sense economic policy."

When asked by NBC News' Kristen Welker last month whether he figured the MAGA movement could survive without him as its leader, President Donald Trump said, "Yes, I do. ... I think it's so strong. And I think we have tremendous people. I think we have a tremendous group of people. We talked about a number of them. You look at Marco, you look at JD Vance, who's fantastic."

Trump added that Vance is "a fantastic, brilliant guy" and "Marco is great."

A straw poll conducted at the Conservative Political Action Conference in February reportedly found that 61% of the over 1,000 attendees said they would support Vance as the future GOP standard-bearer.

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Majority of US employers polled say immigration enforcement will impact their workplaces, cause staffing shortages



The employment law firm Littler recently surveyed 349 executives, in-house lawyers, and senior human resource professionals across various industries about their chief concerns in view of the federal government's shifting priorities. The Trump administration's clampdown on illegal immigration was apparently top of mind — a potential wink at big business' reliance on illegally imported labor.

When asked how great an impact the expected "enforcement by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement/Homeland Security Investigations and the Department of Homeland Security, and compliance with their respective requirements" will have on their workplace over the next 12 months, 26% of respondents said they anticipate a "significant impact," and 44% said they anticipate a "moderate impact." The remainder suggested there would be no impact at all.

When asked to what extent their organizations were concerned about "workforce staffing challenges as a result of the Trump administration's immigration policies," 32% of respondents answered "slightly concerned," 20% answered "moderately concerned," and 6% said "very concerned."

"Large employers are more concerned than their counterparts about ICE/DHS enforcement (84% expect a significant or moderate impact on their workplaces) and workforce staffing challenges (69% expressed concern, versus 58% overall)," said the report.

Employers in manufacturing and retail/hospitality were apparently the most concerned about the other shoe dropping when it comes to the administration's enforcement of federal immigration law.

'There is no shortage of American minds and hands to grow our labor force.'

Eighty-three percent of employers in manufacturing, compared with 75% of all employers, listed immigration at the top of the policy changes that would impact their businesses over the next year.

Where retail/hospitality employers were concerned, 89% indicated ICE and DHS enforcement will have a significant or moderate impact on their workplaces.

The Pew Research Center indicated that as of 2022, there were roughly 8.3 million illegal aliens in the workforce. The largest share of illegal aliens in the workforce reportedly serve in construction.

"Though employers have reasonable cause for worry — it is anticipated, after all, that Trump 2.0 will increase ICE/HSI I-9 audits to up to 15,000 a year and ICE raids to more than 100 a year — workplace enforcement actions as of the writing of this report have not yet resulted in any formal ICE raids of employer worksites," said the report.

The report strongly insinuated that these concerns pertain to the impact of the administration's targeting of illegal aliens, as it notes "employers may be underestimating the impact of Trump 2.0 on legal immigration, which declined by about 40% during the president's first term and could have costly consequences for employers that are unable to bring in the necessary talent."

Jorge Lopez, chair of the firm's immigration and global mobility practice group, told Axios, "I was just flabbergasted by how high the concern was among our clients."

White House spokesman Kush Desai framed the potential staffing shortages as an opportunity to draw from neglected depths of the American talent pool.

"Over 1 in 10 young adults in America are neither employed, in higher education, nor pursuing some sort of vocational training," Desai told Axios. "There is no shortage of American minds and hands to grow our labor force, and President Trump's executive order to modernize workforce training programs represents this administration's commitment to capitalizing on that untapped potential."

The survey also found that nearly 85% of respondents anticipate that changes to workplace regulations and policies regarding DEI will impact their businesses during President Donald Trump's first year back in office.

According to Littler, 60% of organizations with over 10,000 employees are concerned about DEI-related litigation.

Despite these concerns, only 55% of respondents are considering making some changes to their DEI policies and programs, and the remainder are not contemplating new or further rollbacks.

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How St. Joseph reveals the true meaning of work — and exposes the emptiness of socialist ideology



Many of us in the West are familiar with May Day, and most of us would say we are opposed to it.

When asked why, we might say that it promotes communism, or that the evil regime of the Soviet Union enforced its celebration. These arguments may be perfectly reasonable, but I do not believe they are sufficient.

'There could not be a better protector to help you to let the spirit of the gospel penetrate your life.'

To understand fully why Christians ought not to celebrate May Day, we should look at what the holiday is really about: the socialist understanding of work and the worker.

Challenging May Day

In response to the growth of socialist power and influence throughout the first half of the 20th century, the Catholic Church repeatedly pushed back against the ideology, especially under the leadership of Leo XIII (1878-1903), Pius XI (1922-1939), and Pius XII (1939-1958).

In 1955, as a direct challenge to May Day, Pius XII established May 1 as the feast of St. Joseph the Worker. It's through the figure of Joseph that the Church exposes the emptiness of the socialist idea of work.

“Cursed is the earth in thy work;” God tells Adam in Genesis 3. “With labor and toil shalt thou eat thereof all the days of thy life.”

Man will always need to "labor and toil." Any hope for a work-free, earthly utopia rests on the fundamental ignorance of this basic fact. To be human is to work; it is an essential and permanent aspect of any human society.

Meaningful work

The question then becomes: What is the purpose of our work? What makes it meaningful?

According to the socialists — best exemplified by the massive labor force of the Soviet Union — the purpose of work was simply the betterment of the state. The “rights of the worker" exist only to allow each individual to contribute to the good of the collective.

For Pius XI, this negation of man's true purpose was the fundamental problem of socialism. In his 1931 encyclical Quadragesimo Anno, he admits that while communism produces the the evils of unrelenting class warfare and the total abolition of private ownership, less extreme versions of socialism cannot be as broadly condemned.

'Utterly foreign to Christian truth'

This is because some of the concerns expressed by socialists are not unfounded. The central example Pius XI points to is Western capitalism's tendency to allow the market to seize “sovereignty over society."

In contending that such sovereignty belongs “not to owners, but to the public authority,” the pope emphasizes that socialism's opposition to Western capitalism is not in itself enough to dismiss it. Instead, he cuts to the real issue — that socialism's very "concept of society itself is utterly foreign to Christian truth.”

Man is placed on earth so that he might order his life “unto the praise and glory of his creator.” Man derives happiness in this life and the next from seeking to do what is pleasing to God.

Socialism, writes Pius XI, is “wholly ignoring and indifferent to this sublime end of man.” In the socialist view, human society exists “for the sake of material advantage alone.” We can clearly see how an ideology devoid of supernatural meaning cannot possibly possess a correct understanding of work and its purpose.

When Pius XII established the Feast of Saint Joseph the Worker, he showed why socialism and the socialist celebration of May Day are incompatible with the Christian understanding of work.

In speaking to workers' associations, he reminded them, “Your first concern is to preserve and increase the Christian life of the worker.” This prioritization of the divine is in direct conflict with the materialist worldview of socialism.

Capitalism's excesses

Like his predecessor, Pius XII did not dismiss the concerns of socialists without due consideration. He warned against the excesses of unchecked capitalism (which could also become an oppressive system if not properly subordinated to Christian charity) and declared that the worker must be “supported and sustained in his legitimate demands and expectations.”

In highlighting these concerns and how Christianity might best address them, Pius XII reveals the utter incapacity of socialism to respect the inherent dignity of man as well as the true dignity and purpose of the worker.

Instead of seeking solace in the empty promises of socialism, Pius XII urges Christians to order their lives and work toward God. To that end, he recommends St. Joseph as a model and patron, pointing out that “there could not be a better protector to help you to let the spirit of the gospel penetrate your life.”

A tangible example

In placing workers under the patronage of St. Joseph, the pope gives them a tangible example on which to model their labor and their lives and a visible counter to the socialist idea of work as a merely material endeavor.

Today, we may no longer be threatened by the looming behemoth of the Soviet Union, but we still contend with the rise of communist China and the rampant secularization of our own workplaces. We can still look to St. Joseph as an example of “the dignity of the worker.”

It is as important now as ever to recall that our work is, above all else, in service to God. It is from this service that we draw pleasure and meaning in our work. Do not fall for the empty platitudes and vain anthems of the socialists and their May Day. We know that true solidarity and true meaning in our work and in our lives are found in joyful service to Christ our Lord.

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Tech elites warn ‘reality itself’ may not survive the AI revolution



When Elon Musk warns that money may soon lose its meaning and Dario Amodei speaks of an AI-driven class war, you might think the media would take notice. These aren’t fringe voices. Musk ranks among the world’s most recognizable tech leaders, and Amodei is the CEO of Anthropic, a leading artificial intelligence company developing advanced models that compete with OpenAI.

Together, they are two of the most influential figures shaping the AI revolution. And they’re warning that artificial intelligence will redefine everything — from work and value to meaning and even our grasp of reality.

But the public isn’t listening. Worse, many hear the warnings and choose to ignore them.

Warnings from inside the machine

At the 2025 Davos conference, hosted by the World Economic Forum, Amodei made a prediction that should have dominated headlines. Within a few years, he said, AI systems will outperform nearly all humans at almost every task — and eventually surpass us in everything.

“When that happens,” Amodei said, “we will need to have a conversation about how we organize our economy. How do humans find meaning?”

Either we begin serious conversations about protecting liberty and individual autonomy in an AI-driven world, or we allow a small group of global elites to shape the future for us.

The pace of change is alarming, but the scale may be even more so. Amodei warns that if 30% of human labor becomes fully automated, it could ignite a class war between the displaced and the privileged. Entire segments of the population could become economically “useless” in a system no longer designed for them.

Elon Musk, never one to shy away from bold predictions, recently said that AI-powered humanoid robots will eliminate all labor scarcity. “You can produce any product, provide any service. There’s really no limit to the economy at that point,” Musk said.

Will money even be meaningful?” Musk mused. “I don’t know. It might not be.”

Old assumptions collapse

These tech leaders are not warning about some minor disruption. They’re predicting the collapse of the core systems that shape human life: labor, value, currency, and purpose. And they’re not alone.

Former Google CEO Eric Schmidt has warned that AI could reshape personal identity, especially if children begin forming bonds with AI companions. Filmmaker James Cameron says reality already feels more frightening than “The Terminator” because AI now powers corporate systems that track our data, beliefs, and movements. OpenAI CEO Sam Altman has raised alarms about large language models manipulating public opinion, setting trends, and shaping discourse without our awareness.

Geoffrey Hinton — one of the “Godfathers of AI” and a former Google executive — resigned in 2023 to speak more freely about the dangers of the technology he helped create. He warned that AI may soon outsmart humans, spread misinformation on a massive scale, and even threaten humanity’s survival. “It’s hard to see how you can prevent the bad actors from using [AI] for bad things,” he said.

These aren’t fringe voices. These are the people building the systems that will define the next century. And they’re warning us — loudly.

We must start the conversation

Despite repeated warnings, most politicians, media outlets, and the public remain disturbingly indifferent. As machines advance to outperform humans intellectually and physically, much of the attention remains fixed on AI-generated art and customer service chatbots — not the profound societal upheaval industry leaders say is coming.

The recklessness lies not only in developing this technology, but in ignoring the very people building it when they warn that it could upend society and redefine the human experience.

This moment calls for more than fascination or fear. It requires a collective awakening and urgent debate. How should society prepare for a future in which AI systems replace vast segments of the workforce? What happens when the economy deems millions of people economically “useless”? And how do we prevent unelected technocrats from seizing the power to decide those outcomes?

The path forward provides no room for neutrality. Either we begin serious conversations about protecting liberty and individual autonomy in an AI-driven world, or we allow a small group of global elites to shape the future for us.

The creators of AI are sounding the alarm. We’d better start listening.

America's 'melting pot' was never more than a covenient myth — here's why



A viral moment on a recent episode of Jubilee Media's "Surrounded" reignited one of the most contentious discussions in American history: What exactly is the “melting pot”? And has it ever even really existed?

Journalist Sarah Stock confronted progressive commentator Sam Seder on the topic, challenging his claim that America has always been a multicultural melting pot rather than a nation fundamentally built by white Europeans.

By the mid-20th century, the every-man-for-himself jungle of immigrant striving had more or less succeeded in turning white ethnics into generic 'whites.'

The exchange set off a firestorm online, with even conservative commentators like Matt Walsh and Michael Knowles acknowledging Stock’s point that America’s foundational identity was, in fact, shaped by European settlers and their descendants.

And Stock is right.

Melting-pot myth

For over a century, Americans have been sold the myth that this country is a “melting pot,” a place where diverse peoples come together, mix, and magically form a singular national identity.

Stock has subsequently clarified her views via posts on her X account. The U.S. used to be predominantly white and Christian, which meant that the dominant American culture worked within the white Anglo-Saxon Protestant framework, and the demographic displacement of its native population has caused this cultural framework to erode.

Which would naturally lead you to ask yourself: What even is America at this point?

If you ask me, the America I knew from only 20 years ago doesn’t even exist any more.

But I think the conversation that Sarah Stock initially ignited has actually begun to stall.

We need to answer this question, and to do so, I think we need to go even deeper into the mechanisms that have dictated immigration in America since its inception. We need to know why immigration is the way it is in America.

Huddled masses

Circa 1905: Immigrants waiting in line to pass through customs at Ellis Island, New York City. Photo by Hulton Archive/Getty Images

You see, yes, the country was built by white Europeans, but that is only half the story. The other half (the dark, inconvenient truth) is that immigrant labor has always been a crucial, required component of America’s economic system.

Bleeding-heart liberals like Seder like to see the “melting pot” as a descriptor of America’s almost magical social fabric, that the melting pot stands as a symbol for liberty, cultural harmony, and economic opportunity.

Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses.

But the reality that fully grown adults actually acknowledge is that immigration in America has been about a ruling class using waves of cheap, foreign labor to fuel economic growth while preventing working-class solidarity. Always has been. Always will be. This has been the American strategy for centuries, since the country’s founding.

A brief history of American immigration

Chinese railroad workers in California, late 1800s. George Rinhart/Getty Images

To understand what I’m talking about, we need to look at America’s long history of using immigration as an economic tool. Each major wave of immigration was not some organic, spontaneous movement. It was an intentional policy designed to fill labor shortages and prevent native-born workers from gaining too much power. And they’ve come in generational waves.

  • Indentured servants and early labor (1600s-1700s): Before African slavery became dominant, colonial elites relied on indentured servants from Britain, Ireland, and Germany. These workers were bound by contracts but could eventually gain freedom.
  • African slavery (1600s-1865): The Southern economy was entirely dependent on slavery, while Northern industry also profited indirectly.
  • Chinese immigration (1840s-1882): During the California Gold Rush and the construction of the transcontinental railroad, Chinese laborers were brought in because they were cheaper and more expendable than white workers. But their presence led to backlash from white laborers, especially Irish immigrants, who saw them as unfair competition. This led to the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, the first explicit restriction on immigration.
  • The Ellis Island Wave (1880s-1924): Italians, Poles, Irish, and other Catholic immigrants flooded America’s industrial centers, providing cheap labor for factories, shipyards, and mines. These were the people who actually built what we know as modern America.
  • The Bracero Program and Latino immigration (1940s-present): During World War II, the U.S. needed agricultural labor, so it brought in millions of Mexican workers under the Bracero Program (1942-1964). Even after the program ended, Latino immigration continued, filling roles in construction, agriculture, and service industries.
  • The Hart-Celler Act and mass immigration (1965-present): The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 removed national quotas, opening the floodgates to mass immigration from non-European countries. This was framed as a moral correction to past racial restrictions, but in practice, it served the same economic function as every previous wave: importing cheap labor to replace an increasingly expensive native workforce.

Why the Hart-Celler wave is different

The Hart-Cellar wave is the one affecting us today. But what makes this wave different from the past ones is that the cultural expectations have completely changed. The newest wave of immigrants are simply populating, not assimilating.

But what does it mean to assimilate?

The Ellis Island wave of immigrants is the key factor here that provides us the crucial perspective on this issue. They were the white ethnics, or Europeans, who came to America in search of a better opportunity at the turn of the 20th century.

The rise of 'unmeltable ethnics'

In his book "Unmeltable Ethnics," Michael Novak describes what he calls the “Nordic Jungle” to paint a picture of America from the perspective of the white ethnic immigrant.

When white ethnics (Italians, Irish, Poles, and Jews) came to America in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, they were forced to assimilate into a rigid Anglo-Protestant system. Catholics were expected to adopt Protestant work habits. Eastern Europeans were discouraged from maintaining their languages and traditions, and over time, even within their own communities, their cultural markers faded.

The Catholic and Eastern European presence in America was heavily policed by WASP elites, who demanded cultural submission in exchange for social and economic advancement.

Beyond cultural assimilation, Anglo-American industrialists used another strategy: the intentional division of the working class.

Novak highlights how factory owners purposely staffed their workplaces with a mix of Italians, Irish, Poles, and Jews, ensuring that linguistic and cultural barriers would prevent them from organizing effective labor movements. An Italian worker and an Irish worker might both be exploited by the same employer, but if they could not communicate, they could not unionize.

Sound familiar?

Creating 'whites'

This was not incidental. It was by design. The ruling class knew that a fractured labor force was a controllable labor force. By keeping workers divided along ethnic lines, employers maintained low wages and suppressed worker power, all while reaping enormous profits.

By the mid-20th century, the every-man-for-himself jungle of immigrant striving had more or less succeeded in turning white ethnics into generic “whites.” The price of admission into mainstream America was the erasure of their cultural distinctiveness. By the time their descendants reached the 21st century, they were left with a diluted identity: part of the undifferentiated category of “white,” yet stripped of the distinctiveness their ancestors once had.

But if it had remained this way, it could have worked. The Ellis Island immigrants became American. They were ultimately able to find upward economic mobility with the sacrifices they made. They made the idea of “assimilation” legitimate and credible.

But here’s the rub. America’s economic system doesn’t stop churning. It needs more immigrants. It needs cheaper labor. It needs wider margins of profit. America’s reliance on imported labor will simply never change.

But tragically, one critical factor has: The dominant Anglo-Protestant culture that once forced assimilation is gone.

Breeding resentment

And so we find ourselves in an unprecedented situation. Immigrants (especially non-European ones) are still being brought in as cheap labor, but they are not being pressured to conform to a singular national identity. Instead, they are maintaining their distinct and often conflicting cultures, with encouragement from the ruling class, which now views “diversity” as both a moral good and an economic strategy.

This creates resentment among two groups:

  • WASPs
  • Descendants of white ethnics

For generations, immigrants were expected to “melt” into American society, but now there is no singular identity to assimilate into. Instead of the melting pot, we now have a multicultural patchwork, where new arrivals are encouraged to retain their distinct identities rather than blend into a larger national fabric.

This shift has created a unique tension. The descendants of white ethnics (Italians, Irish, Poles) who were forced to abandon their cultural roots in order to “become American” now see today’s immigrants maintaining their identities with no pressure to assimilate. Meanwhile, old-stock WASPs, who once dominated American culture, find themselves increasingly alienated. The two groups, once set against each other generations ago, now share a common grievance.

A Haitian man carries his daughter in a stroller during a caravan en route to the United States in Escuintla, Mexico, on January 17, 2025. Anadolu/Getty Images

However, if I were to look into my crystal ball, it won’t make any difference how aware white Americans become of the gradual loss of WASP culture (and the necessary social pressure it created), because this strand of awareness ultimately does not address America’s economic need for generational immigrant imports … even if there are immigration restrictions set in place.

A larger cycle

You must remember that while America requires mass immigration, there have also been periods where immigration was dramatically restricted. But these restrictions were never a rejection of the system itself. They were merely an ebb in the larger cycle, a temporary pullback before the inevitable next wave.

Take the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. For decades, Chinese laborers were brought in to build railroads and work in mining, but their presence led to backlash from white laborers, especially Irish immigrants, who saw them as unfair competition. Once their labor was no longer needed, they were scapegoated and banned.

Similarly, the Immigration Act of 1924 imposed strict quotas on those same Southern and Eastern European white ethnics we were talking about before, largely in response to fears that America was changing too quickly.

The Great Depression saw another contraction in immigration, as the country simply had too many unemployed workers. But as soon as the economic system required more labor, the floodgates opened once again. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965, which overturned restrictive quotas, wasn’t an accident. It was the system swinging back into expansion mode, just as it had before.

This is why purely restrictionist approaches to immigration never fully solve the problem. Even if the border were completely shut down today, the economic forces driving immigration would remain unchanged. Eventually, whether through legal or illegal means, labor would be imported again because the system requires it.

The restrictionist periods are not victories against mass immigration. They are merely the system catching its breath before resuming its natural course.

So to bring it full-circle, yes, America was built by white Europeans.

Yes, immigration has dramatically changed the country.

But the real question is why this process has unfolded the way it has.

The reality is that mass immigration was never about national identity. It was always about labor.

Cheap labor over social cohesion

The engine of the American economic system always prioritized cheap labor over social cohesion, bringing in new waves of workers every generation, forcing them to assimilate just enough to be useful but keeping them divided enough to prevent real solidarity.

Understanding this history is crucial. The melting pot was never real. It was just a myth designed to justify an economic system that thrives on perpetual labor replacement. And until that system is addressed, the cycle will simply roll on in perpetuity.

Vance: Trump’s growth plan ditches cheap labor for real jobs that will fuel American greatness



Vice President JD Vance outlined the Trump administration's plan for the nation's "great industrial comeback" Tuesday at the American Dynamism Summit hosted by the venture capital firm Andreessen Horowitz. In his speech, Vance identified precisely what must change in order to unbridle U.S. innovation without further dispossessing and deracinating American workers.

Vance, who spent years as a venture capitalist after distinguishing himself overseas in the Marines, acknowledged at the outset that the Trump administration's endeavor to lead the world in artificial intelligence and other potentially disruptive technologies has prompted concerns about the potential for tension between the "techno optimists and the populist right of President Trump's coalition."

"While this is a well-intentioned concern, I think it's based on a faulty premise," said Vance, identifying as a proponent of both tribes. "The reality is that in any dynamic society, technology is going to advance, of course. And speaking as a Catholic, I think back to Pope John Paul II's opening lines of the encyclical Laborem Exercens: 'Through work, man must earn his daily bread and contribute to the continual advance of science and technology and, above all, to elevating unceasingly the cultural and moral level of the society within which he lives.'"

The vice president underscored that, to the late pope's point, technology should not be inimical to labor; instead, it "should be something that enhances rather than supplants the value of labor" — something that improves productivity, increases wages, and "dignifies our workers."

The problem, suggested Vance, is that American firms grew addicted to the drug of cheap labor over the past four decades.

'Even if you replaced the financial element of their jobs — you would destroy something that was dignified and purposeful about work itself.'

This addiction, coupled with innovation's geographical divorce from manufacturing — a consequence of globalization and liberal economic thinking — has prompted some Trump-supporting populists to doubt the promised good of innovation. After all, populists witnessed the de-industrialization of America, an exodus of jobs, the gutting of the middle class, and an unprecedented stratification of wealth.

While foreign nations that Western elites figured for indefinite sources of cheap labor climbed the "value chain" and effectively ate America's lunch, populists watched as American workers at home were further alienated "from their jobs, from their communities, from their sense of solidarity," and from a sense of purpose, said Vance.

Vance intimated that compounding populists' skepticism is the cavalier attitude taken by some technologists and the leadership class' apparent belief that "welfare can replace a job and an application on a phone can replace a sense of purpose."

The vice president recalled a meeting in his venture capitalist days where he told a number of American tech leaders that "even if you had enough economic dynamism to provide the wealth to ensure [middle class families] could afford to buy a house and afford their food and so forth — that even if you replaced the financial element of their jobs — you would destroy something that was dignified and purposeful about work itself."

'We don't want people seeking cheap labor. We want them investing and building right here in the United States of America.'

Vance said that the CEO of a multi-billion dollar tech company suggested in response that Americans' loss of purpose would be remedied by "fully immersive gaming."

While concerns about the potential incompatibility between techno-optimism and rightist populism may be historically justified, Vance indicated that the current administration's "America First" policies can protect citizen labor and thereby reconcile the two camps.

"I'd ask my friends, both on the tech-optimist side and on the populist side not to see the failure of the logic of globalization as a failure of innovation," said Vance. "Indeed, I'd say that globalization's hunger for cheap labor is a problem precisely because it's been bad for innovation. Both our working people — our populists — and our innovators gathered here today have the same enemy, and the solution, I believe, is American innovation, because in the long run, it's technology that increases the value of labor."

Vance further indicated that the Trump administration is going to help innovators wean off cheap foreign labor and begin on-shoring industry, in part by incentivizing manufacturing and investment inside the United States with tax cuts and other policy instruments; by reducing regulations and the cost of energy; by erecting tariff walls around critical industries; and also by enforcing immigration law and securing the border to drain the pool of cheap illegal alien labor.

"You're making interesting new things here in America? Great. Then we're going to cut your taxes. We're going to slash regulations. We're going to reduce the cost of energy so that you can build, build, build," said the vice president. "Our goal is to incentivize investment in our own borders, in our own businesses, our own workers, and our own innovation. We don't want people seeking cheap labor. We want them investing and building right here in the United States of America."

The vice president distilled the fundamental premise of President Donald Trump's economic policy down to undoing "40 years of failed economic policy in this country," which he characterized as an addiction to cheap labor, both overseas and illegally imported into the country; the over-regulation of industry; the over-taxation of innovators; and the setting of caltrops before individuals seeking to build in the United States.

Vance indicated that by undoing these ruinous trends and wedding techno-futurism to rightist populism, America is destined for an industrial renaissance.

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Rift on the right: Entitlement vs. hard work revisited



A recent social media debate about the state of the American economy should make the GOP consider whether the party of self-empowerment should rebrand itself as the party of entitlement.

Christopher Rufo is a journalist who is well known for, among other things, his culture war crusades against critical race theory in K-12 schools and diversity, equity, and inclusion training in universities. But the goodwill he built up on the right began to evaporate quickly among his former supporters when he cited higher-than-expected salaries for managers at Panda Express and Chipotle as signs of a strong economy.

Life is hard, but part of being a man is doing hard things. Those bootstraps aren’t going to pull themselves up.

A descriptive point about the availability of work quickly morphed into accusations that right-wing influencers want young Americans — particularly white men — to accept the declining status brought on by unfettered immigration, the H-1B visa program, DEI, and other forms of anti-white discrimination.

As is often the case on social media — especially X — critics responded emotionally to the point they thought Rufo was making instead of replying logically to his actual words. One of the most illuminating aspects of the online chatter was the clear sense many people felt that working in the service industry was beneath young Americans today.

One popular account even suggested going to trade school was a sign that some conservatives want young men to willingly accept a life of mediocrity. In response, several commentators described having to struggle for years before becoming financially established — the same path every generation has had to take. The problem is that some people seem to think young people should have six-figure salaries within a few years of finishing college.

This debate is crucial for conservatives to hash out in public. While we all agree that elected officials must serve their constituents, opinions clearly diverge on the finer points of the deal.

This debate centers on a word that often makes conservatives uncomfortable: entitlement. Conservatives easily recognize entitlement when a newly graduated Ivy League student demands that co-workers respect his “she/they” pronouns. The same applies to progressives who insist on quotas in industries based on superficial identity traits like skin color, sex, or sexual preference. Yet expecting a specific type of job in an ideal location with a high salary is equally entitled.

This dynamic makes the current conservative debate especially compelling. For decades, liberals have argued that stagnant upward mobility in the working class — particularly for black Americans — stems from policy decisions, institutional bias, and market forces. They attribute disparities in unemployment rates and household income to employment discrimination. Similarly, they cite bias in banking as the reason for gaps in homeownership rates.

Conservatives often counter leftist critiques by emphasizing family, cultural norms, personal responsibility, and resisting self-pity. More people are starting to notice the heightened understanding conservatives display now that structural critiques are emerging from the right.

I hope policymakers and pundits in the MAGA era develop policies and cultural solutions that address the needs of all Americans, not just their favored groups. A hardworking young man should be able to pursue a meaningful vocation, find a good wife, raise a large family, support his community, and become part of a thriving local church. This vision applies equally to young black men in Brooklyn and young white men in Boise. Elected officials should consider both as constituents. At the same time, those men must work hard, seize every opportunity, and remain driven.

An entitlement mindset teaches people to focus on what they believe others owe them and encourages blaming external forces for personal failures. In contrast, an empowerment mindset fosters growth and the determination to make the most of available opportunities. Those who expect an ideal job in their desired location risk falling into envy, resentment, and self-pity. Meanwhile, those who take the job they can get and work diligently until a better one arises set themselves on the path to gratitude and fulfillment.

Yes, we should elect politicians who serve the interests of the American people. But even a booming economy doesn’t protect us from struggle. We can either respond with complaints about who owes us or get to work charting a path forward. Life is hard, but part of being a man is doing hard things. Those bootstraps aren’t going to pull themselves up.

Senate Democrats Move To Deny Trump A Labor Appointment By Installing A Union Patsy

Senators should reject Schumer’s last-minute attempt to pack the NLRB and allow Trump to nominate pro-worker advocates to the open positions.