Can populism break America’s two-party system?



On a recent episode of “Kibbe on Liberty,” Matt Kibbe sat down with nationally recognized political changemaker Steven Olikara, senior fellow for political transformation at the USC Schwarzenegger Institute and the founder of Millennial Action Project (now Future Caucus), the largest nonpartisan organization of young elected leaders in the U.S.

In their conversation, the two expressed their hopes that populism — a political approach that aims to represent the interests of commoners against a perceived elite or establishment — will eventually conquer the two-party system that crushes the voice of the people.

The current political culture in America, says Olikara, has both Republicans and Democrats saying, “We know what's best for you,” but what they should be saying is, “We want to hear from you.”

Kibbe, a self-described “libertarian populist,” agrees, arguing that populism is "the right side of history because the other side is the machine” — “a collusion of government power and corporate power.”

The question is, can populism garner enough support to break the political establishment?

The answer, says Olikara, is yes. Support for populism is high. The issue is the entrenched elites who rig the system to snuff out any non-establishment opponent.

In his experience campaigning in the 2022 U.S. Senate primary in Wisconsin as a Democrat with a strong bent towards populism, his team would “get the most applause out of all the candidates” at campaign events, and yet they could rarely secure a debate to get their “ideas out to a statewide audience” because “all the other campaigns in the party were making an extra effort to make sure there were no debates.”

On the rare occasion he did secure a debate, he was often declared the winner. However, “just as those sparks were flying, the Democratic establishment effectively ended the race 10 days before the election,” says Olikara. “They said, ‘We don't want to wait to hear what the people have to say. We're going to violate our bylaws and endorse the establishment candidate."’

Despite Olikara’s popularity, Mandela Barnes, a well-known Democrat with strong party support, was endorsed by key figures, making his win in the primary nearly certain.

“I got phone calls from a number of senior Democratic leaders calling to apologize to me why they're not only breaking their bylaws but breaking their promise that they had made to me to be neutral in the primary,” says Olikara, noting that these leaders will admit they’re more concerned about money and control than the people’s voices being heard.

“If you just let ideas breathe a little bit, if you let people express their voices, that's the kind of democracy I believe in,” he says.

Kibbe shares Olikara’s sentiments, comparing the current two-party system to having “Taylor Swift” or “the most obnoxious country musician” as your only options for music. “I like the democracy that is Spotify, where I can listen to my weird, very fringy ... versions of music that I like,” he analogizes.

Unfortunately, for now it’s Swift or honky-tonk. “They make it so that you have to choose their candidate or that really bad guy on the other side,” Kibbe laments. “We go through this cycle every two to four years, and it's pretty disheartening for anybody that imagines that we could give people in democratic America choices that they would actually be proud of.”

However, President Trump’s 2016 rise to power as a system-breaker is proof that populist movements can challenge the two-party establishment.

“He's the first guy to sort of take over a party, at least since maybe since Abe Lincoln,” says Kibbe. “Now he is the party, so it was impossible to run against him in his last primary.” But even though Trump proved the system could be broken, “the Democrats seem still hell-bent on preventing a real primary.”

Olikara is hopeful that in 2028, Democrats will allow “the first truly open democratic primary since 2007 and 2008,” when Barack Obama — “not the establishment candidate” — “emerged and defeated the Clinton machine,” a victory he says is “on par with Trump winning the 2016 Republican primary against the establishment.”

“The moment is perfect for it — like there's clearly no field-clearing candidate. It's wide-open. Democrats are in the wilderness now, which usually means a new voice, a new movement, can emerge,” he says. “It's all set up for them, and yet there's a good chance they still shoot themselves in the foot.”

To hear more of the conversation, watch the episode above.

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‘Don’t kill the survivors’: Why killing chickens won’t stop the bird flu



Highly pathogenic avian influenza has spread to all 50 states, and the number of commercial birds that have died — or have been killed under the Biden administration — is over 166 million.

This is not only driving up the price of eggs but destroying the ability for chickens to adapt.

Self-described "Christian libertarian environmentalist capitalist lunatic farmer” Joel Salatin believes the government is handling this situation the opposite of how it should be.

“All of life is adapting, trying to adapt to new attacks that are coming, mutations, and trying to survive,” he tells BlazeTV host James Poulos on “Zero Hour,” adding, “We could talk about that in regard to bird flu.”


“Here we are in this big bird flu thing, 166 million chickens killed in the last 24 months, and probably only one or two million were actually sick,” he continues. “All the rest of them were fine. But we have this eradication idea that if one in a hundred thousand is sick, we kill all, we sterilize everything.”

But when you sterilize the world, animals as well as humans won’t be equipped to handle new strains of viruses as well as they could.

“And so the virus is trying to adapt, to become more virulent, more deadly, if you will,” Salatin explains. “And so the chickens that either don’t get it or got it and got over it, and they're many that do, to kill them, we deny chickens the chance for the most vibrant, virulent, immunological ones to adapt, to give us progeny, that is now keeping up with the virus.”

“If your immune system never gets a chance to work, then it’s not an immune system,” Poulos chimes in.

“This extermination policy is just insanity,” Salatin agrees, adding, “When you have a disease, you don’t kill the survivors.”

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Milei’s Argentina: Free markets, high stakes, and a bold gamble



During my visits to Argentina in 2022, 2023, and 2024, I saw firsthand the movement that propelled anarcho-capitalist Javier Milei to the presidency. His leadership has drawn significant attention from both left-wing anti-capitalists and libertarians. Some critics argue that his policies are deepening poverty, while his supporters view him as a beacon of hope.

Argentina holds a grim distinction. No other country has experienced such a dramatic economic decline over the past century. In the early 20th century, Argentina’s per capita income ranked among the highest in the world. The phrase riche comme un Argentin — “rich as an Argentine” — was commonly used at the time.

What can Argentina’s experience teach us? Economic conditions often must deteriorate dramatically before capitalist reformers can gain traction.

During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Argentina’s per capita income surpassed that of Italy, Japan, and France. By 1895, some estimates ranked it as the highest in the world. The country also recorded an extraordinary 6% annual GDP growth for the 43 years leading up to World War I — the largest sustained growth in recorded history.

Argentina’s economic success was not solely driven by raw material exports. Between 1900 and 1914, the country’s industrial production tripled, achieving growth comparable to Germany and Japan. This boom coincided with remarkable social progress. In 1869, only 12% to 15% of the workforce belonged to the middle class. By 1914, that figure had climbed to 40%. During the same period, the illiteracy rate dropped by more than half.

However, Argentina’s success story gave way to a century of unprecedented decline. The country’s real GDP per capita in 2018 had barely risen from its 1913 level — the lowest growth among all nations with available data for both years.

From Peronism to deregulation

During my visit, I met Fausto Spotorno, chief economist at the Centro de Estudios Económicos at consultancy firm OJF. He shared a striking statistic: Since 1945, Argentina has almost continuously faced double-digit inflation, with one major exception. In the 1990s, President Carlos Menem pegged the currency to the U.S. dollar, eliminating inflation for a decade. However, the move made Argentine goods uncompetitive, severely hurting exports.

For decades, Argentina remained deeply committed to statism. Peronism, a government-centered ideology, functioned as the country’s national religion. But by 2022, I could already sense a shift in public sentiment.

I traveled to several cities, including Corrientes, a place that reminded me of Southern France with its palm trees and proximity to one of the world’s largest rivers. There, I met Eduardo Tassano, the city’s mayor. Though he identified as a social democrat, he surprised me when asked what he would change about Argentina. Without hesitation, he called for labor market deregulation and tax cuts — clear signs that libertarian ideas were gaining traction.

When my survey on perceptions of the market economy was conducted in 2022, the results showed a major shift in public sentiment. More than a year before Milei’s election victory, a majority of Argentines viewed the market economy more favorably than people in most other countries.

That same year, I met several key politicians from Milei’s movement. Their innovative marketing strategies stood out. Milei gained widespread attention by launching a lottery: Anyone who registered via social media had a chance to win his final month’s congressional salary. The payout — 350,000 pesos, or about $1,800 in May 2022 — was significant, considering Argentina’s average income was around 60,000 pesos.

The idea resonated. Within three months, two million Argentines signed up for the lottery. Milei wanted to send a clear message: “I didn’t go into politics for the money.”

Skepticism turns to confidence

I returned to Argentina immediately after Milei’s election. When I arrived on Nov. 19, 2023, I found two WhatsApp messages waiting on my phone.

“We won,” a representative of Milei’s party wrote. For the past year and a half, I had often discussed Milei’s rise and believed he had a strong chance of winning.

The second message came from José Fucs, editor at large of O Estado de S. Paulo, Brazil’s leading newspaper. “You were the first one to tell me he had huge support in Argentina, mainly among younger people, and could win the election,” he wrote.

I wondered whether Argentines would continue supporting Milei, even if his free market reforms initially worsened conditions. Historically, other successful capitalist reforms — such as those under Margaret Thatcher in the United Kingdom and Leszek Balcerowicz in Poland — caused short-term economic pain before delivering long-term gains. Would the people have the patience and resilience to endure this lean period?

By August 2024, I returned to Argentina for the third time. Public sentiment remained pro-Milei, with polls showing that more than 50% of the population supported him.

In Córdoba, Argentina’s second-largest city, I spoke at length with Mayor Alfredo Cornejo. A member of the Radical Party, he initially doubted Milei’s approach. But he told me his skepticism had turned into confidence. In his view, Argentina was now moving in the right direction.

A bracing dose of liberty

In Buenos Aires, I met Agustin Etchebarne, general director of the libertarian think tank Libertad y Progreso. He noted that Milei continued to enjoy strong support from young people and the poor — his core voting bloc.

“If they criticize him at all,” Etchebarne explained, “it’s only because they believe he isn’t being radical enough. They want him to take even tougher action against the despised Casta that brought the country to ruin.”

When Milei took office, Argentina’s inflation rate stood at nearly 26% per month. Now, it has fallen to 2.3%. The poverty rate initially increased, as I expected, but by the end of 2024, it had dropped below its pre-Milei level.

One of Milei’s most significant reforms involved bypassing intermediaries. Instead of funneling funds through left-leaning political organizations that claimed to support the poor but siphoned off money, his government now allocates aid directly to those in need.

“Milei gives the money directly to the poor, while the left-wing organizations are left empty-handed,” Etchebarne told me.

This marks a key difference between Milei and former conservative President Mauricio Macri. Macri unintentionally strengthened his left-wing opponents by distributing massive cash payments during his administration. By eliminating those intermediaries, Milei has ensured that Argentina’s poorest citizens receive more direct assistance than before.

What can Argentina’s experience teach us? Similar to the United Kingdom in the 1970s, economic conditions often must deteriorate dramatically before capitalist reformers like Thatcher or Milei can gain traction. But even that is not enough. A shift in public opinion must precede meaningful reform.

Before Thatcher’s rise, influential think tanks such as the Adam Smith Institute and the Institute for Economic Affairs helped shape public discourse. In Argentina, libertarian think tanks played a similar role in laying the groundwork for Milei’s presidency. Now, he is reaping the benefits of their efforts.

Editor’s note: This article is an excerpt from Rainer Zitelmann’s new book, “The Origins of Poverty and Wealth: My World Tour and Insights from the Global Libertarian Movement.”

Argentina's 'chainsaw' president tells the UN to shove its 'socialist' 'Pact for the Future'



Javier Milei, Argentina's self-proclaimed "anarcho-capitalist" president, took office in December 2023. In the months since, he has taken a "chainsaw" to his predecessors' failed leftist policies as well as to some critics' doubts.

This week, he shredded globalist hopes that the Argentine Republic would be party to the United Nations' "Pact for the Future," telling the General Assembly, "Argentina will not back any policy that implies the restriction of individual freedoms or trade, nor the violation of the natural rights of individuals."

Milei — whose debut address to the U.N. took place within hours of reports indicating that Argentina's economic activity beat estimates, growing 1.7% in July — invited other nations to join him not only in "opposing this pact, but in the creation of a new agenda for this noble institution: the freedom agenda."

After noting that the U.N. served a noble purpose in the wake of World War II, Milei stated it has since "stopped upholding the principles outlined in its founding declaration and begun to mutate" — from an organization that once defended human rights to "one of the main drivers of the systematic violation of freedom."

Milei dragged the U.N. for its support of "global quarantines during the year 2020," which he suggested qualify as crimes against humanity, as well as its appeasement of "bloody dictatorships," such as Venezuela, and criticism of Israel.

According to the Argentine president, the U.N. was created "as a shield to protect the realm of men" but has "transformed into a multi-tentacled leviathan that seeks to decide not only what each nation-state should do but also how all the citizens of the world should live."

'It is basically an attempt to build a totalitarian system of conformity across the business sector.'

Milei suggested that instead of seeking peace, the U.N. now seeks to impose an ideology on its members.

Distinguishing himself from a great many onlookers as a "libertarian liberal economist" rather than a politician, Milei warned of the threat posed by "collectivist policies" baked into the U.N.'s doomed 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

The U.N.'s 2030 agenda includes 17 interlinked global goals designed to "transform the world."

Paul Tice, an adjunct professor of finance at the Leonard N. Stern School of Business at New York University, indicated in his recent book, "The Race to Zero: How ESG Investing Will Crater the Global Financial System," that:

Climate action (SDG #13) provides the intersectional glue for the entire progressive agenda embedded in the UN's sustainability program, with each individual cause drawing strength and further validation from the moral imperative of saving the planet from fossil fuels because, in the UN's telling, climate change also affects global health, poverty, hunger, and national security, and 'its adverse impacts undermine the ability of all countries to achieve sustainable development.

Tice emphasized that sustainability is part of a broader anti-capitalist campaign that "borrows elements from both the totalitarian and reformist approaches of the past."

"It is basically an attempt to build a totalitarian system of conformity across the business sector based on moral suasion, thereby avoiding the administrative cost and public sector responsibility associated with outright state ownership or direct government intervention," wrote Tice.

'[The sustainability agenda] is nothing more than a super-national socialist government program.'

The professor noted further that "it embraces both state and progressive priorities but is mainly the fabrication of a permanent supranational bureaucracy of technocrats residing at multilateral agencies led by the UN and international NGOS such as the WEF, which effectively insulates it from accountability at the ballot box."

Sharing similar concerns about the U.N. agenda and its broader sustainability push, Milei suggested that the U.N. is now effectively a model of "super-national governance by international bureaucrats who intend to impose a certain way of life on the citizens of the world."

According to Milei, the "Pact for the Future," which 143 countries approved Sunday, is par for the course.

The pact overlaps with the 2030 sustainability agenda, laying out objectives for a multilateral approach to addressing changing weather patterns, so-called reproductive rights, and digital cooperation.

"Although well-intentioned in its goals, [the pact] is nothing more than a super-national socialist government program that aims to solve the problems of modernity with solutions that undermine the sovereignty of nation-states and violate the right to life, liberty, and property of individuals," said the Argentine president. "It is an agenda that aims to solve poverty, inequality, and discrimination with legislation that only deepens these issues."

Milei suggested that the pact is another poorly conceived utopian program that will not withstand or tolerate humans' incompatible nature and choices.

"We want to officially express our dissent regarding the 'Pact of the Future' signed on Sunday," said Milei, concluding with a version of a quote from Thomas Paine: "Those who wish to reap the blessings of freedom must, as men, endure the fatigue of defending it."

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Milei is defying expectations and pulling the Argentinian economy out of a leftist-engineered death spiral



Since taking office in December, Javier Milei, Argentina's self-proclaimed "anarcho-capitalist" president, has taken a "chainsaw" to his predecessors' failed leftist policies and increasingly to critics' doubts.

Recent economic signals out of the South American nation indicate Milei's free market reforms could ultimately usher Argentina from ruin to renaissance.

Background

Argentina was one of the world's richest nations in the early 20th century. However, it was reduced to a shambles after six major military coups and several decades of unchecked spending. A 2016 paper in the Journal of Development Studies indicated that Argentina, which has defaulted on its sovereign debt nine times, was the only country in the world considered to be "developed" in the year 1900 but "developing" in 2000.

When the country's former leftist President Alberto Fernandez left office late last year, Argentina owed $44 billion to the International Monetary Fund; had a trade deficit of $43 billion; had international creditors knocking at the door; had nearly half of its population stuck in abject poverty; and was poised to see inflation exceed 211%.

Milei had no plans of seeing his socialist predecessors' destructionist campaign through to its inevitable conclusion. After all, he had campaigned instead on executing his so-called Chainsaw Plan.

"The thievery of politics is over. Long live freedom, damn it!" said Milei.

Blaze News previously reported that this plan entailed selling off state-owned companies, slashing public spending, reducing and simplifying taxes, and eliminating various government agencies. He also suggested the country would adopt the U.S. dollar and shutter Argentina's central bank.

In a video that went viral before the election, he excitedly ripped the names of various government ministries off a white board, stating, "The thievery of politics is over. Long live freedom, damn it!"

Voters ultimately decided to give Milei more than a white board to work with.

Milei goes to work

As promised, the 53-year-old former right-wing economist who regards climate change to be a "socialist plot" kicked things off in December with an executive order cutting the number of government ministries from 18 to nine and relieving over 5,000 bureaucrats of their duties.

Milei's government subsequently allowed for its peso currency to devalue by 54%, and then his economic minister, Luis Caputo, indicated the country would be cutting spending by at least 3% of GDP.

While making strides toward dollarizing the currency, Milei's government also purchased over $5 billion in dollars to build up its reserves and issued "Bopreal" bonds to tackle import debts.

Late last month, Argentina's lower house signed off on key chapters of Javier's omnibus bill, including the privatization of some public companies as well as the granting of expanded executive powers on administrative, financial and economic matters the president, reported Bloomberg.

If the country's Senate approves of the plans this month, Milei will be able to fire more state workers, cut costly subsidies, and eliminate various government bodies.

Despite facing caltrops in the nation's Congress where his allies do not enjoy a majority as well as challenges from both provincial governments and unions, Milei has continued to implement his chainsaw strategy whilst signaling increasing alignment with the United States — to the great disappointment of the China-led BRICS intergovernmental organization.

Beginning to see results

Milei announced last week that the country had recorded its first quarterly budget surplus since 2008, reported the Telegraph.

Although 0.2% of GDP is a relatively small surplus, it was a herculean feat for Argentina, granted it has reportedly run up a deficit in 113 of the last 123 years.

This week, the country's central bank — which has yet to be shuttered — cut interest rates for the third time in three weeks, down to 50%.

"The Argentine leader is providing a blueprint for how to break free," wrote financial columnist Matthew Lynn.

Although inflation rates reached a cumulative figure of 287% in March, USA Today reported Milei's shock measures have resulted in lower inflation rates every month for the past three months.

Ian Bremmer, the founder of the Eurasia Group, reportedly indicated Wednesday that contrary to the collapse expected by so-called experts, "Monthly inflation has come down every month for the past three months, from 25% in December to nearly 10% in March, with forecasters expecting the April figure to come in at single digits."

Bremmer explained that the "[Milei] government did this by turning the 5.5% budget deficit it inherited into the country's first surplus in over a decade, while boosting the central bank's reserves, lowering its benchmark interest rates, and reducing the money supply — all without destabilizing currency and financial markets."

The Telegraph indicated that if Milei is able to execute on his plan to get the country's shale oil and gas out of the ground using tried and proven technologies, the economy may make further leaps and bounds.

Matthew Lynn, a financial columnist who writes for Money Week and the Telegraph, noted, "the Argentine leader is providing a blueprint for how to break free. The global economic elite keeps lecturing us on why we need more government and a more powerful state despite the painful lack of results. Argentina is challenging it in dramatic fashion."

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Trump to speak at 2024 Libertarian National Convention: 'WE WILL WORK TOGETHER AND WIN!'



Former President Donald Trump is slated to speak at the 2024 Libertarian National Convention later in May.

"The Libertarian National Party, the Party of Principle, announced today that President Donald J. Trump has responded to an invitation, and challenge, from the Libertarian Party to speak at its National Convention, and directly address concerns voiced by its members," a press release reads.

The presumptive 2024 GOP presidential nominee described libertarians as "some of the most independent and thoughtful thinkers in" the nation, according to the press release.

"We must all work together to help advance freedom and liberty for every American, and a second Trump Administration will achieve that goal. I look forward to speaking at the Libertarian Event, which will be attended by many of my great friends. We all have to remember that our goal is to defeat the Worst President in the History of the United States, BY FAR, Crooked Joe Biden. If Libertarians join me and the Republican Party, where we have many Libertarian views, the election won't even be close. We cannot have another four years of death, destruction, and incompetence. WE WILL WORK TOGETHER AND WIN!" Trump said, according to the press release.

Libertarian National Committee chair Angela McArdle has indicated that the move to include Trump is not "a secret plot to make Trump our candidate." She has noted, "Our invitation to President Biden still stands."

The Libertarian Party opposes "the administration of the death penalty by the state" and "supports the decriminalization of prostitution," according to the party's platform, which also states, "we favor the repeal of all laws creating 'crimes' without victims, such as gambling, the use of drugs for medicinal or recreational purposes, and consensual transactions involving sexual services."

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Voters — And One Alleged Signature Gatherer — Say Their Names Were Forged For Arizona Candidate

At least four voters say their signatures were forged, and now a man listed as one of the signature gatherers claims his name was also forged.

Investors optimistic about Milei's ability to bring Argentina back from the brink



In the early 20th century, Argentina was one of the world's richest nations. After six major military coups and decades of reckless spending, the nation was reduced to a shambles such that when libertarian economist Javier Milei replaced outgoing leftist President Alberto Fernandez on Dec. 10, 2023, inflation was set to reach 211%; 45% of the population was impoverished; and Argentina owed $44 billion to the International Monetary Fund.

The South American country's problems have not gone away — inflation, for instance, reportedly reached a 12-month rate of 254.2% in January and poverty now affects nearly 60% of the populace — but investors have begun expressing newfound optimism about Argentina's future.

"It seems the market is starting to believe," financial analyst Mariano Sardans of FDI Argentina told Reuters.

This belief is fueled in part by the apparent efficacy of Milei's shock measures and his committment to seeing them through.

Within hours of taking power, the self-proclaimed "anarcho-capitalist" took his metaphoric "chainsaw" to half of Argentina's government ministries; his government allowed for its peso currency to devalue by 50%; and his economy minister Luis Caputo revealed Argentina would be cutting spending by 3% of GDP.

Extra to cutting government spending and making strides toward dollarizing the currency, Milei's government has purchased over $5 billion in dollars to build up their reserves and issued "Bopreal" bonds to tackle import debts. In discussions with the IMF over Argentina's debt, the Milei government has also advocated pursuing even tougher fiscal measures than those deemed reasonable by the international body.

"The market is becoming very optimistic about Javier Milei's conviction," Javier Casabal, a fixed income strategist at Adcap Grup Financiero in Buenos Aires, told Reuters. "It's a real shift worth celebrating, given that most investors did not have confidence in his ability to reduce the deficit just a few weeks ago. If anything, perhaps he's going overboard in some ways."

Milei's follow-through on his austerity scheme has pushed Argentina's risk index to a two-year low and driven some bonds to four-year highs. However, to succeed in his turnaround of the Argentine economy, Milei will likely have to overcome street opposition, provincial protests, and legislative setbacks.

Milei's economic reform bill was, for instance, thwarted in the nation's Congress earlier this month, preventing Milei from privatizing various state entities, reworking myriad regulations, and reducing state subsidies outright.

Reuters reported that the oil-rich province Chubut recently threatened to cut off the nation's energy supply because the Milei government withheld roughly $16 million to pay down some of Chubut's outstanding federal debt.

Extra to the caltrops laid before his austerity agenda by lawmakers and provincial leaders, leftist groups have worked to further paralyze the country. Late last month, the General Confederation of Labor, Argentina's largest trade union, organized a 12-hour general strike to voice anger at the country's rescue from oblivion.

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Argentina's 'anarcho-capitalist' president revs up chainsaw strategy, cuts over 5,000 bureaucrats loose



Javier Milei, Argentina's self-proclaimed "anarcho-capitalist" president, continues to make good on his pledge to take a "chainsaw" to government spending and to what he has termed his country's "political caste."

Milei evidently kept the chainsaw running after signing an executive order earlier this month to cut the number of government ministries from 18 to nine, announcing Tuesday that his administration would be cutting over 5,000 bureaucrats loose. Those government employees now on their way out were hired this year, prior to Milei's inauguration on Dec. 10.

A labor union representing public sector workers suggested the number of departing bureaucrats actually exceeds 7,000, reported Bloomberg.

The new president's administration indicated other government employees hired in previous years may similarly have their contracts reviewed.

The Associated Press indicated the decision not to renew the contracts of thousands of government employees in the new year is part of a broader strategy to reduce the size and expenses of the state in a nation of 46 million where inflation is expected to reach 200% by the end of the year.

"The goal is [to] start on the road to rebuilding our country, return freedom and autonomy to individuals, and start to transform the enormous amount of regulations that have blocked, stalled, and stopped economic growth," said Milei.

Extra to trimming the fat in Buenos Aires, the administration has set out to execute a number of shock measures to address the country's economic crisis resultant of past leftist governments' ruinous policies. These shock measures include cutting energy and transportation subsidies for residents; devaluing the Argentine peso by 54%; and halting new infrastructure projects.

While some leftists and media outfits have characterized Milei's economic strategy as extreme, various economists have recognized austerity and fiscal restraint as absolutely necessary to stabilize Argentina.

"It was a good start," Ivan Werning, an economist at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, told the Associated Press. "If the [Argentine] economy were a house, it is already burning."

One in four Argentines are living in poverty. The country has a trade deficit of over $43 billion and a $45 billion debt to the International Monetary Fund.

A November report from the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development stressed that the "new government from December 2023 will need to consolidate public finances to rebalance the economy. ... Continuous and decisive reductions in monetary financing will be key to stabilise the economy, and this will also require further fiscal restraint."

The New York Times acknowledged that various economists agree "severe reforms," such as those under way now, are necessary. However, the process will not be painless.

Martin Rapetti, an economist at the University of Buenos Aires, suggested the chainsaw initiatives "will increase inflation, will reduce income, will reduce activity and employment and it will increase poverty."

"The question is, what is society's tolerance for these measures?" added Rapetti.

While the measures may seem intolerable, Milei is of the mind that temporary pain is preferable to total collapse.

In his inaugural address, Milei said, "We will make all the necessary decisions to solve the problem caused by 100 years of profligacy of the political class. Even if it is difficult at first. We know that the situation will get worse in the short term."

Milei stressed that gradualism was a failed project and that there was "no alternative to shock."

"Of course, this will hurt the level of activity, employment, real wages, on the number of poor and destitute people. There will be stagflation, it is true, but it will not be very different from what has happened in the last 12 years," said Milei. "Let us remember that in the last 12 years GDP per capita has fallen by 15% in a context where we have accumulated inflation of 5,000%."

In an apparent effort to help relieve inflationary pressure and advance Milei's free trade agenda, Argentina also lifted import restrictions Tuesday.

Economy Minister Luis Caputo wrote on X Tuesday, "Starting today we are normalizing the import process that was absolutely blocked, generating greater inflationary pressure and shortages. ... On the flow side, today, after 15 years, SIRAs and any other import permits cease to exist."

"The state bureaucracy will no longer have the power to decide who imports a good and who does not," continued Caputo. "This measure has a direct impact on SMEs, which will have predictability in their operations, saving time and costs, since they will have certainty when importing. Starting today, it will be possible to import without quotas or product prohibitions."

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Javier Milei eliminates half of Argentina's government ministries on first day as president



Javier Milei, Argentina's new libertarian president, has wasted no time amputating various bureaucratic tentacles.

Within hours of being sworn into office on Sunday, Milei made good on his vow to take a "chainsaw" both to government spending and to what he called his country's "political caste," signing an executive order to cut the number of government ministries from 18 to nine.

What's the background?

Argentina is suffering 143% annual inflation. Four in 10 Argentines are living in poverty. The country has a trade deficit of over $43 billion and a $45 billion debt to the International Monetary Fund, reported the Associated Press.

Milei, keen to stop the bleeding, proposed his so-called Chainsaw Plan in June 2022, detailing how he would sell off state-owned companies, slash public spending, reduce and simplify taxes, and eliminate the various government agencies seen to be exacerbating the country's financial crisis. Additionally, he suggested the country would adopt the U.S. dollar and shut down Argentina's central bank.

Milei reiterated part of his plan in a video that went viral ahead of the election.

"Ministry of Tourism and Sports — out!" he said, tearing a ministry name tag off a whiteboard. "Ministry of Culture — out! Ministry of the Environment and Sustainable Development — out! Ministry of Women, Genders and Diversity — out! Ministry of Public Works — out, even if you resist!"

Milei also tore off the tags denoting the Ministries of Science, Technology, and Innovation; Labor, Employment, and Social Security; Education; Transportation; Health; and Social Development.

The president-to-be concluded the video by stressing, "The thievery of politics is over. Long live freedom, damn it!"

— (@)

Adios, big government

While convention dictates the newly elected president give his inaugural speech to an assembly of lawmakers, Milei instead addressed supporters outside the National Congress building in Buenos Aires, stressing that now is the time for austerity and tough love.

"There's no money," the economist told the crowd.

"We don't have margin for sterile discussions. Our country demands action, and immediate action," said Milei. "The political class left the country at the brink of its biggest crisis in history. We don't desire the hard decisions that will need to be made in coming weeks, but lamentably they didn't leave us any option.

"In the last 12 years, GDP per capita fell 15% in a context in which we accumulated 5,000% inflation. As such, for more than a decade we have lived in stagflation. This is the last rough patch before starting the reconstruction of Argentina," he continued.

Milei added, "It won't be easy; 100 years of failure aren't undone in a day. But it begins in a day, and today is that day."

A century of failure might take some time to undo, but Milei nevertheless got a decent head start Sunday. Milei issued a presidential decree titled "Decree of Necessity and Urgency," which eliminated eight government ministries.

DPA International reported that the Ministries of Social Development, Health, Labor, and Education will all be collapsed and rolled into a new Ministry of Human Capital. What remains of the Ministry of Women, Genders and Diversity will be subordinated to this new ministry.

According to the Buenos Aires Herald, a special commission will analyze whether the decree is valid. Afterward, it will go to a vote in the Argentine Senate and Chamber of Deputies. For the decree to be annulled, both chambers must vote to reject it.

The Milei administration characterized the cut as a means "to rationalize the actions of the nation-state and make them more efficient."

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