Accountability or bust: Trump’s second term test



Republicans weren’t supposed to have a big night Tuesday — but they had a worse one than expected.

As usual, Democrats, who have had little to celebrate beyond street protests and government shutdowns, framed the results as a referendum on Donald Trump. That claim is exaggerated, but Republicans would be foolish to think the administration’s performance played no role. Weak candidates in blue states don’t explain everything. The message should be taken as a call for maintenance, not panic.

If the Trump administration restores trust through accountability and delivers tangible improvements to ordinary Americans, it will earn a political legacy that lasts generations.

The consensus takeaway is the right one: President Trump should return home and focus on his domestic agenda.

That shift already seems to be under way. Immediately after the election, the president summoned Republican senators to the White House to urge them to revoke the filibuster and pass a bold domestic program. Whether or not ending the filibuster is strategically sound, the impulse behind it shows Trump recognizes that his domestic agenda needs care and attention.

On Thursday, the president followed through by announcing a new affordability initiative, including a deal with Eli Lilly and Novo Nordisk to slash the prices of popular weight-loss drugs.

The missing element

Any serious domestic agenda must center on accountability. Trump’s original campaign gained enormous traction on that theme for a reason. Like affordability, accountability resonates because both expose a corrupt system that favors elites and leaves ordinary Americans powerless. The Epstein saga, still festering years later, stands as Exhibit A — another example of “the big guys getting away with it again.”

That resentment fueled Trump’s rise in 2016 and explains his staying power today. It also helps explain Mamdani’s massive win on Tuesday. Americans are sick of a rigged system, and they are rejecting that system.

Trump represents a chance to correct that system. His second administration has produced real accomplishments. But the obstacles remain daunting: a world in turmoil, an economy tilted against working people, a hostile bureaucracy protected by a conflicted judiciary, and a divided Republican Party that lacks a filibuster-proof Senate majority.

Many within that party seem more interested in positioning themselves for the post-Trump era than advancing his reforms. It’s a weak hand outside the executive branch — but it’s also why voters sent him back to Washington.

A coalition that needs proof

For Trump’s coalition to endure, voters must see results that affect their daily lives. They need proof that their votes produced meaningful change — not better conditions for elites or new foreign entanglements. They want to see powerful wrongdoers held to account and to believe the system can be fair again.

Foreign policy deals won’t secure that trust. Trump’s skepticism of interventionism can survive only so many “necessary” international arrangements. However worthwhile some of those efforts may be, domestic priorities must come first. Accountability and reform should lead.

That means confronting the deep state, disciplining the bureaucracy, and rewarding the citizens who put this administration in power. The ferocity of DOGE’s early efforts — once celebrated as a hallmark of domestic resolve — has largely evaporated. In its place, we’ve seen premature victory laps and deflections. The FBI supposedly reformed. The Butler assassination attempt, which nearly removed a political figure representing half the country, brushed aside as a bad day. The promise to deport illegal immigrants narrowed to the “worst of the worst.”

When government fails to deliver transparency and fairness, the people begin to question the entire system — and rightly so. Americans don’t separate political corruption from economic corruption. It’s all part of the same tilted playing field. Trump still embodies their hope of leveling it.

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Photo by Eduardo Munoz Alvarez / Contributor via Getty Images

Too much sizzle, too little steak

That mission is undermined, however, by the self-promotional drift of several administration principals. Americans see endless television hits, turf wars, and personal branding. They hear more about Attorney General Pam Bondi than about the Department of Justice, more about Secretary Kristi Noem than Homeland Security, more about Secretary Howard Lutnick than the Department of Commerce.

Most of these officials are countering a hostile media landscape — a necessary lesson from the first Trump term. But the result has been an overcorrection: too much personality, not enough policy. Americans didn’t vote for celebrity cameos. They voted for results.

Trump’s cabinet would do well to follow his lead and return focus to the work at hand. Fewer cameras, more control. Roll up sleeves, reassert authority over agencies, and push through systemic reforms that prove Washington can change — permanently.

The road to renewal

If the Trump administration restores trust through accountability and delivers tangible improvements to ordinary Americans, it will earn a political legacy that lasts generations.

America could use that kind of durability — and that kind of hope.

Tucker Carlson, Nick Fuentes, and the war for the conservative soul



'Tis the season for disputations and theses nailed on doors. Reform movements simmer for years, then a single act draws a bright red line. Last week, one of our most influential platforms chose to give one of the right’s most infamous fiends a mainstream showcase. For many, though, Tucker Carlson’s interview with Nick Fuentes didn’t just cross a line. It obliterated it. Now we have a choice: Either take Fuentes seriously or seriously reconsider anyone who does.

I criticized Carlson’s interview with Fuentes on my show last week. The next day, I defended Tucker’s larger legacy against calls to “cancel” him. After taking a few more days to watch, think, and pray, here’s a fuller accounting — organized as a thread of theses, but shaped into a single argument.

Because if we’re going to have a debate, then let’s have a real one.

How we got here

Fatherlessness in the home and timidity in the pulpit have produced a generation of young men who never learned how to shoulder responsibility — preserve, provide, protect — or to wield authority with Christ-like meekness — power under control.

Anger among young men, especially young white men, over the wreckage handed to them is justified. The right now faces a generational reckoning over decades of failure. Attempts by older leaders to bottle that reckoning will only push exasperated men toward Fuentes and his imitators.

We can keep this coalition together if we hold fast to truth, reject bigotry, and refuse to platform malevolence.

On Nick Fuentes

Fuentes is a malignant satanic force. He speaks the language of slander and accusation. Unless he repents, he offers nothing we need. We can address the real grievances of young men without creating our own Louis Farrakhan.

Mainstreaming Fuentes would splinter our already fraught coalition, poison donors and advertisers, and make us politically impotent.

On Tucker Carlson

Fuentes gained so much oxygen and wreaked so much internal havoc because Carlson chose to do a largely softball interview that amplified him. Tucker owns that choice. If you worry about distractions from the mission, take it up with the person who booked the guest. He could have been talking about Arctic Frost. He chose Nick Fuentes instead.

The tone contrasted sharply with Tucker’s tough interview of Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) over Israel. Extending more empathy to Fuentes than to Cruz sends the wrong moral signal and understandably raised suspicions about Tucker’s recent editorial choices.

Also true: Over the last seven years, no one on our side has produced a more important body of work than Tucker Carlson.

On the rules of engagement

A generational reckoning will color outside the lines. Don’t cancel people willing to go there. The last generation’s political strategy failed often enough that we should err on the side of hard reassessment.

But disagreement — even sharp disagreement — is not “cancel culture.” If you want to replace a narrative, expect scrutiny. That’s a reckoning, not a psyop.

On the Heritage Foundation

Kevin Roberts is one of the finest salt-of-the-earth patriots I know, and Heritage under his leadership has fought real anti-Semitism. Reasonable people can critique Heritage’s handling of this moment, but the institution must equip itself for the fights in front of us, not yesterday’s battles. Some in and around Heritage want to rewind the clock to 2005 and used this episode to try.

On the Jewish reaction

Conservative Jewish friends have reasons to feel skittish given history’s lessons. I will oppose anti-Semitism and the mainstreaming of Fuentes and his copycats down to the last molecule.

On who this is really about

I’m not worried about Israel’s ultimate fate. If modern Israel plays a prophetic role, God will protect and preserve it. If not, God will judge it.

No, I’m worried about us — our souls and our movement. No culture descends into “it’s the Jooooos” and comes back stronger.

On what should unite us

As Charlie Kirk said, “Islam is not compatible with Western civilization.” People who fixate more on Jews and Israel than on the threat from political Islam reveal their priorities.

Criticizing Israeli policy does not equal anti-Semitism; I criticized Israeli COVID policy at the time. We may even need more policy criticism to sustain the Arab realignment President Trump helped forge. Your prophetic view of Israel is irrelevant. Without a Jewish state, Islam would focus all its energy on Christendom — as it did for the first 1,300 years of its existence. From a foreign-policy standpoint, a Jewish state functions as a strategic buffer between Islam and the West.

On false choices and narratives

October 7 followed the neoconservative script: Israel granted more “agency” to the so-called Palestinians as a proto-two-state solution. The Palestinians then elevated Hamas, the architects of October 7, right on Israel’s doorstep. Some on our side now demand more of the same and unknowingly converge with the neocons they denounce.

People who were dead wrong about the risks of striking Iran earlier this year should come clean, as Vice President JD Vance said recently. Their silence exposes them.

Yes, some of the Tucker-Fuentes noise is a pre-emptive proxy fight over the 2028 presidential election, given Tucker’s friendship with Vance. We cannot afford to let 2028 maneuvering fracture the coalition before the midterms. Lose the midterms and much of the Trump agenda stalls and 2028 gets much harder.

It’s too early for primary shenanigans.

On the fallout

If Tucker had dropped that interview a year from now, Democrats would have used it as a midterm wrecking ball. They’d spend untold sums to make Fuentes the face of the right. It would devastate us.

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Photo by Angela Weiss/Getty Images

On the future

None of this feels random. After Charlie Kirk’s martyrdom, the dam broke. I can attest he worked to keep Fuentes and the Groypers on the margins. A month before he died, he invited me into a one-on-one Signal chat to build a strategy to keep malignant forces from gaining a foothold in our movement. He believed God would never bless their darkness and that it would destroy us spiritually and politically.

Now we see: our apostolic leader murdered, Democrats embracing Islamist politics through Zohran Mamdani, and a sudden internal split over Fuentes. Consider it a spiritual counterattack to the revival seeds we saw at Charlie’s memorial.

Pat Buchanan had insights. Bill Buckley had insights. Both had blind spots. Trump, perhaps unintentionally, kept the best of Buchanan’s realism without the worst. We can keep this coalition together if we do the same: Hold fast to truth, reject bigotry, and refuse to platform malevolence.

Come, let us reason together.

Trump can’t call it ‘mission accomplished’ yet



With a divided Congress and the clock likely running out on GOP control, President Trump’s decision to forgo a second budget reconciliation bill is puzzling. Reconciliation is the only tool available to pass major priorities without a filibuster. So why refuse another chance to make the America First agenda permanent?

At a recent meeting with Senate Republicans, Trump told lawmakers, “We don’t need to pass any more bills. We got everything” in the big, beautiful bill earlier this year. “We got the largest tax cuts in history. We got the extension of the Trump tax cuts. We got all of these things.”

The first Trump presidency showed what executive courage can do. The second must prove what lasting law can achieve.

Really? That answer ignores reality. Tax cuts were never the full measure of the Trump revolution. The movement promised structural reform — from securing the border to dismantling bureaucracies. Limiting the victory to tax relief leaves unfinished the hard work of codifying executive policies into law before the next Democrat in the White House wipes them out with the stroke of a pen.

Biden’s first weeks in office in 2021 proved how fragile executive action can be. Nearly every Trump-era reform — on immigration, energy, education, and national security — vanished within days. The same will happen again if core policies remain tied to presidential discretion instead of actual statutes.

Immigration is the clearest example. Trump moved the country in the right direction, but many key policies remain blocked by courts or enjoined indefinitely. These include:

• Ending birthright citizenship for children of illegal immigrants,
• Defunding sanctuary cities,
• Cutting federal assistance for noncitizens,
• Requiring states to verify lawful status for benefits under the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act,
• Expanding expedited removal of gang members under the Alien Enemies Act,
• Authorizing ICE arrests at state courthouses,
• Deporting pro-Hamas foreign students,
• Returning unaccompanied minors to Central America,
• Suspending refugee resettlement, and
• Ending “temporary” protected status for long-term illegal residents.

Each of these reforms can and should be codified through legislation. Courts can’t enjoin what Congress writes into law.

The same applies beyond immigration. Critical Trump policies remain trapped or reversible, including:

• Abolishing the Department of Education,
• Keeping male inmates out of female prisons,
• Blocking federal funding for hospitals that perform gender “transitions” on minors,
• Removing Federal Reserve governor Lisa Cook, and
• Requiring proof of citizenship to vote and restricting mail-in ballots in federal elections.

All of these measures would fulfill campaign promises. All of them will vanish the instant Democrats reclaim the White House — unless Republicans act now to make them permanent.

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Photo by Celal Gunes/Anadolu via Getty Images

Meanwhile, the economic front remains unsettled. Inflation continues to crush families, and Washington’s spending addiction keeps prices high. Health care remains broken, with no Republican alternative to stop Democrats from reinstating Biden’s Obamacare subsidies. The challenges are mounting, not receding.

The reconciliation process exists precisely for moments like this. It allows a governing majority to bypass the filibuster and pass budget-related priorities with a simple majority — the same procedure Democrats used twice under Biden to jam through massive spending and climate legislation. Refusing to use it again would be an act of political negligence.

Trump has accomplished much, but claiming “mission accomplished” now risks repeating the failures of his first term — executive orders that were erased within weeks and policies undone overnight.

The task ahead is to legislate the revolution. Codify the border. Dismantle bureaucratic strongholds. Rein in judicial activism. Secure election integrity. Cement economic reform.

The first Trump presidency showed what executive courage can do. The second must prove what lasting law can achieve. If Trump wants his achievements to outlive his term, he must act now — not by declaring victory, but by legislating it.

Trump suggests Republican convention before midterm elections



President Donald Trump issued a novel suggestion for the pivotal midterm elections at the same time that Democrats are considering a similar option.

The president said that his policy successes have been so great that they merit a national convention to celebrate before voters return to the ballot box in November 2026.

'It has never been done before.'

"The Republican Party is doing really well. Millions of people have joined us in our quest to MAKE AMERICA, GREAT AGAIN," Trump wrote on Truth Social.

"We won every aspect of the Presidential Election and, based on the great success we are having, are poised to WIN BIG IN THE MIDTERMS,” he added.

He cited a recent campaign finance report that showed the Republican National Committee defeating the Democratic National Committee by a massive margin in donations. The RNC ended up with nearly $81 million in cash in June, while the DNC had only $15.2 million.

"The results are incredible, a record pace!!! In that light, I am thinking of recommending a National Convention to the Republican Party, just prior to the Midterms," he added. "It has never been done before."

The statement might have been in response to a report Wednesday from Axios confirming that Democrats are considering a return to a midterm convention, a practice which the DNC ended in the mid-1980s.

"To showcase our tremendous candidates running up and down the ballot and harness the amazing grassroots energy we're already seeing, several options are on the table for next year, including hosting a large-scale gathering before the midterms," a spokesperson for the DNC said.

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The pivotal midterms will determine which party controls Congress and whether the president's agenda will be supported or opposed by the vote of the legislature.

State lawmakers in Republican-controlled Texas are looking to redistrict the state map in order to tip the scales in the midterm elections, and lawmakers in Democrat-controlled states like California and New York are threatening to do the same to counteract those efforts.

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Kamala, Hillary champion Texas Democrats who camped out at statehouse, engaged in 'bad Kabuki theater'



Texas House Democrats fled the Lone Star State earlier this month to deny their colleagues the necessary number of bodies for a quorum, thereby temporarily preventing Republicans from passing new congressional lines and gaining five more congressional pickup opportunities ahead of the midterm elections.

Following the Democratic lawmakers' departure, Texas House Speaker Dustin Burrows (R) signed arrest warrants for the absentee legislators and Gov. Greg Abbott (R) ordered their arrests by the Texas Department of Public Safety.

State Democrats — having likely recognized the futility of their flight — finally slunk back to Texas this week.

'You are among those who history will reveal to have been heroes of this moment.'

To leave the Texas Capitol building on Monday, Democrats apparently had to obtain written permission from Burrows and agree to be escorted by a DPS trooper. Rather than agree to the safeguard, some Democrats decided instead to engage in what Texas state Rep. Brian Harrison (R) referred to as "crocodile tears and bad, bad Kabuki theater" — throwing fits, tearing up their permission slips in front of reporters, and camping out in the statehouse.

State Rep. Nicole Collier really made a show of her sleepover — telling CBS News she refuses "to comply with this unreasonable, un-American, and unnecessary request" and sharing a photo online of her snug in a chair in the state House with a pillow, a sleep mask, and a blanket.

These theatrics attracted the attention of twice-failed presidential candidate Kamala Harris, who called to paint Collier's sleepover as heroic.

"You really are inspiring so many people, and I just want you to know that you are among those who history will reveal to have been heroes of this moment," said Harris. "So you just stay strong and do what you are doing. You have the right instinct. You are talented, and you are principled."

Harris noted further in a tweet, "Nicole, we are all in that chamber with you."

Taking the lead from Collier, Democratic Texas Rep. Mihaela Plesa and a handful of other Democrats returned to the chamber to virtue-signal and tear up their permission slips.

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Democratic Texas Rep. Mihaela Plesa tears her Department of Public Safety escort form. Photo by Brandon Bell/Getty Images

On Wednesday, another failed Democratic presidential candidate piped up in support of the sleepover Democrats.

Hillary Clinton stated, "I stand with state Rep. Nicole Collier and other Texas Democrats on the front lines of protecting American democracy. In a free country, state lawmakers don't get held hostage by the opposition."

Clinton's suggestion that the Democrats were protecting democracy misses the point of the confinement and police escort — namely that the Texas Democrats have been trying to thwart the democratic process and the people's will.

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Teamsters break one-party tradition to bet big on Republicans



The International Brotherhood of Teamsters, which has traditionally backed Democrat politicians, is increasingly directing its support toward Republicans ahead of next year's midterm elections.

For the first time in nearly 30 years, the Teamsters, representing 1.3 million members, did not endorse the Democratic Party's presidential candidate last year.

'Our members are working people whose interests cut across party lines.'

President Sean O'Brien claimed the union's decision not to endorse Vice President Kamala Harris was due to her failure to answer all of his members' questions during a roundtable discussion and her alleged arrogant remark that she would win "with you or without you," referring to the union.

Leading up to Harris' failed race against President Donald Trump last year, O'Brien openly declared that the Democratic Party had abandoned working-class Americans.

"I'll be honest with you, I'm a Democrat, but they have f**ked us over for the last 40 years," he remarked at the time.

While the union did not endorse either presidential candidate, O'Brien spoke last year at the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee.

RELATED: Union boss slams Harris for boasting she'd win election 'with or without' endorsement

Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

Following the presidential race, the Teamsters have continued to place more financial support behind Republican candidates, Politico reported.

The Teamsters' political action committee — Democrat, Republican, Independent Voter Education — reportedly donated $112,000 to Republicans, including $5,000 to the National Republican Congressional Committee and $50,000 to the Republican Attorneys General Association.

When asked for comment, Teamsters spokesperson Kara Deniz directed Blaze News to her previous statements made to Politico.

"Our members are working people whose interests cut across party lines," Deniz told the outlet. "And there's no value in living in a bubble … where you only talk to certain people to the exclusion of others."

Republican candidates who received Teamster contributions included Reps. Rob Bresnahan (Pa.), Mike Kelly (Pa.), Nicole Malliotakis (N.Y.), and Chris Smith (N.J.). The Teamsters also donated to several Republican senators, including Deb Fischer (Neb.), Lisa Murkowski (Alaska), Jon Husted (Ohio), and Dave McCormick (Pa.).

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Photo by Scott Olson/Getty Images

NRCC spokesperson Mike Marinella told Politico, "Hardworking men and women across the country are rallying behind Republicans up and down the ballot because we fight for their jobs, their families, and their future."

"Democrats have abandoned them for their deeply out-of-touch, radical policies. We're bringing these voters home, and they will be key in growing our House majority," Marinella said.

While the Teamsters' contributions to Republicans have significantly increased, the union still gives more donations to Democrats. The DRIVE PAC reportedly dished out $200,000 to the Democratic Attorneys General Association and $100,000 to the Democratic Governors Association during the second quarter.

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No country for angry young men



When one of Donald Trump’s strongest voting blocs starts to fall off after just six months of a largely successful second term, it’s time for some soul-searching.

Not just because the midterms loom or because 2028 is already on the horizon. The demographic in question — young men — will shape, defend, and lead this country well beyond the next election. If they’ve grown too cynical to bother, the rest of us may be left holding the bag.

When the past and present betray a generation, expect that generation to reshape the future.

Trump’s 2024 performance with 18- to 29-year-old men marked the best Republican showing since George W. Bush won that demographic in 2004 — the last time the GOP won the popular vote. Young men backed Ronald Reagan in the 1980s, then defected to Bill Clinton in the 1990s. Bush 43 pulled them back temporarily, but by the time Obama, Hillary, and Biden came along, Democrats had captured their hearts — and their votes.

Yikes. That’s no way to live. Yet today’s young men are angrier, more cynical, more disruptive — and more serious. They don’t want to “save” Social Security. They want to be saved from it. They aren’t starting out wide-eyed like the Boomers. They didn’t get the luxury of being idealists first and realists later. They started with realism, forged by debt, disillusionment, and betrayal.

These young men want a way of life back. They want accountability for the people who stole it from them.

The average 25-year-old white male is already more “based” than his Reagan-voting grandfather ever was or ever could be. And he’s not finding any comfort in Fox News. So the question is: Will anyone offer him a white pill before he plants the flag of “I just don’t care any more” at the 50-yard line of American life?

This generation won’t follow unless they’re given a mission worth sacrificing for. Trump’s brand won’t carry them forever. They can’t afford homes. They can’t find wives who aren’t steeped in feminist dogma. They can’t compete in a DEI-rigged job market. And now they’re expected to watch the people who ruined their future skate by without consequences?

That’s not how this works. That’s not how any of this works.

Young men like my son don’t want slogans. They want justice. They want our leaders to treat domestic traitors at least as ruthlessly as we’ve treated our allies in trade negotiations. They’ve seen enough memes. If the memes don’t end in prison time, they’ll see them as mockery. They want consequences — and they want them handed out with severe prejudice.

That’s the instinct of men who’ve been cornered for too long. Dread it, run from it — it’s coming. Unless we offer them something better, they’ll start making something worse.

Don’t count on them to keep voting Republican just because the Democrats are just that bad. That’s a losing bet. These young men reject the old paradigms — left, right, Reagan, Bush. Whatever. They’ve even begun questioning the biblical dispensationalism that guided American foreign policy for decades.

When the past and present betray a generation, expect that generation to reshape the future.

Our shot at shaping that future is now. If we fail to hold the deep state accountable yet again, then we’d better produce an economic boom big enough to distract from the urge to burn everything down.

We’ve convinced ourselves that soft, passive men define the modern male. But history — and nature — doesn’t work that way. Sooner or later, the animal comes roaring back — and a new generation rises, looking to settle scores.

Better get ready.