Memo to Hegseth: Military education needs a strategic makeover



Watching the swarm of active and former officers on TV and across social media in the wake of the Iran operation, one thing becomes painfully clear: We are not educating the American officer corps for 21st-century war.

In almost every case, these officers — regardless of service — stay locked in the tactical weeds. They can tell you the circular error probable of a Tomahawk missile, the engagement envelope of a JDAM, and the close-quarters choreography of a SEAL platoon. They can talk gear, ranges, platforms, and “capabilities” until your eyes glaze over.

Too many mid-level officers can operate tactically and, at best, think in an operational frame. Few can function in the strategic register.

What they cannot do — with a few exceptions — is think strategically.

Gen. Jack Keane stands out because he can talk operational and strategic moves as a ground commander sees them. But the larger pattern points to a flaw baked into our professional military education system: It produces tacticians who struggle to connect the fight in front of them to the history behind it and the policy goals above it.

That flaw shows up as a shallow understanding of American history, American military history, and the U.S. role in the world since World War II. Even with Iran — a country that has loomed in U.S. policy for decades — many younger officers appear hazy on basic context.

They don’t know, for example, that Iran aligned with the United States during World War II. They don’t know the long arc of American involvement with the Shah (reinstalled in 1948, uninstalled at the fumbling behest of Jimmy Carter in 1979), or the 1979 revolution, or the Reagan-era gamesmanship, or the diplomatic failures and half-measures that followed. They don’t grasp how those chapters shape the threat environment we are dealing with right now — or why “Iran” is never just Iran.

That ignorance produces a second-order problem: a lack of situational awareness about almost any contemporary politico-military challenge.

Too many mid-level officers can operate tactically and, at best, think in an operational frame. Few can function in the strategic register. Fewer still can explain the principles of grand strategy — or, more accurately, war policy: what the nation wants, what it will pay, and what it must prevent.

Without that understanding, senior officers cannot give clear, disciplined advice to a president or a White House staff that may lack military experience. The armed forces become a machine that can execute missions brilliantly while remaining uncertain about the “why.”

There is another cost to this historical and strategic illiteracy: a warped sense of time.

Military operations do not unfold on cable-news timelines. Understanding the implications of a wartime environment takes time. Reshaping an adversary’s behavior takes time. Consolidating a political outcome takes time. If officers making decisions lack a working understanding of the history of that environment, they will miss opportunities that could save lives and treasure — and they will overestimate the speed at which results can be achieved.

I say this as someone who has lectured for decades at military institutions, including the U.S. Air Force Academy, the National Defense University, and the National Intelligence University.

In recent years, I have watched what can only be described as intellectual sludge: more than 20 years of forced social engineering and liberalization within the military academic ecosystem. Diversity, equity, and inclusion became more important than producing officers who are not risk-averse and who understand the hard realities of war — including destruction and death — and the grim imperative to minimize our casualties while maximizing the enemy’s. Brutal, yes. Also true.

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Photo by JIM WATSON/AFP via Getty Images

Gen. Curtis LeMay put it plainly: “I don’t mind being called tough, because in this racket, it’s tough guys who lead the survivors.”

There is hope on the horizon, at least in the Air Force. Through what looks like a deus ex machina, the Air Force Academy has rapidly changed its top leadership — installing a new superintendent, commandant, and dean in a single sweep. The new dean, Col. James Valpiani, has a résumé you could shorthand as “Clark Kent in blue.” USAFA has also begun reversing the overly civilianized faculty model, replacing it with Air Force officers who have the appropriate degrees and the right instincts.

That is a start.

Now comes the core reform: The academy must make U.S. history, U.S. military history, and U.S. Air Force history — from World War II forward — a central, non-negotiable part of the curriculum. Young officers need to understand not only what America can do, but what America is trying to do — and why. They need a strategic rationale, not just a technical one.

That kind of grounding also restores a concept the services once prized: meritocracy. The smartest and most aggressive should lead, and they should lead with a strategic understanding worthy of the responsibility.

Gen. George Patton liked to say, “A good plan, violently executed now, is better than a perfect plan next week.” A good plan depends on something deeper than PowerPoint. It depends on a commander with history embedded in his soul — history understood as lived reality, not as trivia.

I would sure like to help plant it there.

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Anti-American ideology still festers at West Point



Diversity, equity, and inclusion employees are still running amok in the hallowed halls of the United States Military Academy at West Point. President Trump and members of his administration have taken the first steps toward eliminating DEI in the military, but there won’t be lasting change until all traces of it are removed from our military’s oldest academy.

In 2024, Congress and watchdog groups started asking why cadets were being taught DEI and critical race theory ideology in West Point classrooms. Over the next several months, West Point was embroiled in controversy as the academy faced a barrage of congressional hearings, lawsuits, and Freedom of Information Act requests. But the school was able to successfully shield many of its woke policies through disingenuous public relations tactics.

As long as these officials remain in charge, any claims of returning to a pre-DEI, mission-focused ethos ring hollow.

More than six months into the new administration, it is clear that West Point’s “compliance” with President Trump’s “Restoring America’s Fighting Force” executive order and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s anti-DEI memo is merely perfunctory — and even deceptive. Their orders are being undermined by the continued presence of woke employees who continue to prop up a leftist regime that has embedded itself at West Point.

DEI by any other name

Dr. Morten Ender is a full professor of sociology at West Point whose work confirms his allegiance to DEI dogma. Before Congress became wary of DEI in the military, Ender worked as the co-chair of USMA’s Diversity and Inclusion Studies Minor. He was the point of contact for classes such as "Deconstructing Patriotism" and "The Evolution of Cross-dressing in the Military."

Ender also taught classes such as "Deviance and Social Control" and "Race, Class, Gender, and Ethnicity.” His work has included publications including “Dinner and Conversation: Transgender Integration at West Point and Beyond” and books like “Inclusion in the American Military: A Force for Diversity.” It’s absurd to believe that a person who so vigorously embraced the politicization of the military would simply give up that crusade in a new role, with a new title.

Since Congress took a harder line on DEI in the military, the DEI minor’s website has disappeared, and Ender’s bio has been cleaned up, removing any trace of his association with DEI. Originally, West Point’s site listed his many accomplishments, including his pro-DEI articles and woke classes.

West Point may try to cover up its history, but it will not fool us.

RELATED: ‘Get DEI and CRT out of the military’: Leftist media in shambles after Hegseth pick

Photo by Andrew Harnik/Getty Images

The continued employment of Lisa Benitez, another woke professor, is also puzzling in light of Hegseth’s clear directive to stop the inculcation of toxic ideologies like DEI and CRT in the military. The former chief diversity officer of West Point’s Office of Diversity, Inclusion, and Equal Opportunity, Benitez’s role has taken several new forms since 2024. In June of last year, she was given the title of Chief Engagement and Retention Officer and then became Equal Employment Manager only a few months later.

While Benitez no longer has an official presence on the academy’s website, her LinkedIn profile still lists her as a West Point employee, and her phone number matches that of the equal employment manager role.

Benitez organized the annual West Point Diversity and Inclusion Leadership Conference. This conference had been a bastion of woke ideology in our nation’s premier military academy, hosting talks on “The Evolution of Diversity” and “Corporate Diversity.” The name of the conference changed in January to “The Iris and Herman Bulls ’78 Family Legacy of Graduates and Leaders Forum” and was eventually canceled due to controversy. It’s clear, however, that the radical ideology it once openly promoted remains.

Col. Archie Bates III, the deputy director of West Point’s Behavioral Science and Leadership Department, attended one of those conferences. In addition to doing academic work on preferential college admissions, he touts himself as a skilled promoter of DEI and lists his many woke accomplishments. He also co-authored the military’s DEI policy, which authorized women for combat arms in 2011. Bates is currently the academy’s acting department head of Behavior Sciences and Leadership.

Another member of the DEI faculty still in place at West Point is Maj. Catherine Grizzle, who is currently an instructor for the Behavioral Science and Leadership Department.

Grizzle came up through the ranks when woke leadership was being openly promoted and praised. She has long been a poster child for DEI, becoming only the third female field artillery Basic Officer Leader Course gunnery instructor. Her LinkedIn profile showcases her full commitment to DEI, and she is the only West Point faculty member to have DEI listed as one of her research interests.

Fortunately, at least one faculty member who teaches DEI is leaving voluntarily. USMA history professor Anthony Guerrero, who has been at West Point for over two years, is resigning in protest due to President Trump’s crackdown on DEI.

In a New York Times op-ed, Guerrero called Trump’s executive order on military excellence and readiness a “legal command that provides cover for bigotry. It delivers hate in the guise of a national security issue, dressed up in medicalized language.” Not only is Guerrero defending transgender ideology, but he is also contradicting a direct order to keep his concerns private.

Ideology runs deep

West Point’s DEI leadership — including figures like Ender, Bates, Grizzle, Benitez, and Guerrero — represents just a fraction of DEI’s ideological entrenchment there. Despite recent efforts to present a façade of reform, West Point remains captive to the same people who have been championing divisive policies on race and sex for years.

As long as these officials remain in charge, any claims of returning to a pre-DEI, mission-focused ethos ring hollow. The result is an officer corps trained in ideological conformity rather than the lethality, leadership, and war fighting excellence our national defense demands.

While the Trump administration has taken commendable steps to roll back DEI in the military, those efforts cannot succeed if the very officials who created these policies remain in positions of influence. Lasting reform requires not just policy change but also serious personnel change.

Editor’s note: This article was originally published at the American Mind.

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