The left doesn’t like it when minorities think for themselves



“You’re a traitor to your race!”

Hearing this insult made me realize I was not truly a moderate, but a conservative who needed to be more vocal.

When I was a 1L at Rutgers-Camden in my constitutional law class, we discussed issues such as affirmative action and disparate impact theory. I expressed the opinion that the law should be colorblind and merit-based, and that Asians were often harmed by these policies.

The left only celebrates minority success when it serves progressive grievance.

We also covered the Japanese internment camps. As a member of the Asian Pacific American Law Student Association, I reminded the class that the Japanese people at the time followed their political leadership with near-religious devotion and that it could be reasonably argued the camps were necessary at the time. I noted that while the internment camps were wrong, they did not rise anywhere near the level of the German death camps.

I was used to seeing dismay from students and professors when a minority student expressed conservative beliefs. But during this conversation, I first heard someone question my relationship with my mother’s heritage solely because of my political views.

To the best of my recollection, this statement came from a white law student who once bragged about working on Senator Ted Kennedy’s campaign on Martha’s Vineyard. I was a mixed-race student who had worked as a bartender while attending Penn State and as a roofer during summers just to make ends meet.

Identity politics has produced more division than unity. It becomes discriminatory by enforcing ideological litmus tests within racial groups. Those who prioritize colorblind merit, individual responsibility, and limited government are labeled traitors or inauthentic.

The liberal media and Democratic rhetoric claim to champion minorities while viciously attacking prominent minority conservatives personally — often without engaging their arguments on policy or evidence.

Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, a black conservative who rose from poverty in the segregated South, embodies the self-made success story that identity politics struggles to accommodate. Rather than debate his skepticism of race-based policies, critics frequently resort to personal attacks and racial slurs. More recently, Charlamagne tha God called Justice Clarence Thomas a “coon” on “The Daily Show.”

U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who has been one of Trump’s most popular cabinet members, recently gave a passionate defense of the American dream. It’s a dream he has long believed in, but Rubio has long been labeled a traitor to his own culture primarily because of his policy positions on immigration and economics.

Kash Patel is an Indian-American FBI director. He has been a victim of personal attacks and racist death threats, yet little has been offered to criticize his results on crime and national security. Identity politics won’t allow it.

Even prominent black voices in sports and entertainment take risks when they deviate. Stephen A. Smith has faced fierce backlash for simply suggesting black voters consider voting Republican or for criticizing certain Democratic policies.

Economist Thomas Sowell, one of the most influential black thinkers of our time, has been repeatedly smeared with terrible racist attacks for documenting how culture, incentives, and policy explain disparities better than systemic racism narratives. Refusal to conform comes at a personal cost.

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A glaring example of this selective outrage appears among prominent Asian-American Democratic politicians. Senator Andy Kim (D-N.J.), the first Korean-American U.S. Senator, frequently highlights his identity as the son of Korean immigrants and advocates greater Asian-American representation in politics.

Yet when the Supreme Court ruled in Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard (2023) that race-based admissions policies violated the Equal Protection Clause — policies that data showed penalized Asian applicants with higher academic standards — Kim expressed dismay and pivoted to criticizing legacy admissions rather than the clear anti-Asian discrimination.

In contrast, retired Navy Captain Hung Cao, a Vietnamese refugee and decorated veteran recently appointed acting secretary of the Navy, was immediately mocked by the Democratic Party’s official X account. (The post has since been deleted.)

These examples reveal identity politics’ discriminatory core: The left only celebrates minority success when it serves progressive grievance. When Asians or other minorities succeed through merit, service, and conservative principles, that success becomes a problem.

These Democrat lawmakers embrace group-based advocacy when it aligns with progressive causes — pushing for representation and condemning hate when politically convenient, and supporting affirmative action frameworks that benefit some minority groups. Yet when high-achieving Asians suffer from the very racial preferences identity politics demands, the commitment to fighting discrimination evaporates.

Identity politics demands loyalty to the liberal ideologies above consistent principle or the specific interest of their communities.

True equality comes from judging individuals by character and content, not enforcing racial political blocs.

‘They aren’t trying to hide their racist agendas anymore’: Texas lawmakers show 'true colors'



Democrats are no longer even pretending they’re not pushing an inflammatory, racially charged agenda — and BlazeTV host Sara Gonzales is grateful that they’re being honest, calling it “beautiful.”

“The beautiful part of it is that they aren’t trying to hide their racist agendas anymore. They’re just saying everything out in the open. They’ve just been emboldened to just be blatantly, publicly racist. And then that’s where you know their true colors,” Gonzales says.

“I always tell people the day the Latino, African-American, Asian, and other communities realize that they share the same oppressor is the day we start winning because we are the majority in this country now. We have the ability to take over this country,” state Rep. Gene Wu (D-Texas) said in an interview on “Define America” with Jose Antonio Vargas.

“Oh, OK, that sounds, like, a little insurrection-y,” Gonzales comments.

“He’s calling on all of the minorities, all of the non-whites to take over the country. By what means, Gene?”


And Attorney General Ken Paxton is on the same page as Gonzales.

“Gene Wu is a radical racist who hates millions of Texans just because they’re white. This is who the modern Democrat party is,” Paxton wrote in a response to Wu’s comments on X.

But Wu isn’t the only one who has made inflammatory comments recently.

“There are those that have their own motivations for critiquing,” Rep. Jasmine Crockett (D-Texas) said in an interview on VOX’s “Today, Explained.”

The interviewer then pressed Crockett, asking, “Is it just racism and sexism?”

“I think there’s a lot of things. I think it depends on who it’s coming from, but I’ve been a black woman my whole life. So this idea that I’m going to go and be like, ‘Oh, well, they’re being racist and misogynistic towards me,’” Crockett said.

“Like, you think I didn’t know I was a black woman when I woke up and decided that I was going to run for the United States Senate. You think I didn’t factor in and make sure that we had enough room to account for that?” she asked.

“I’m going to be honest ... I am a little bit black-pilled. I feel like every clip that I’ve played this show just makes me dumber somehow. It’s difficult to follow the logic there,” Gonzales comments.

“White people in this country are tired of hearing that they’re racist because they have brains,” she adds.

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New massacre, old problem: How Syria can protect its religious minorities



As Syria’s Christian community mourns its dead, we are compelled to confront the barbaric act committed against the Orthodox Christian community and the persistent dangers facing other minorities in the region. To understand this tragedy and chart a path forward, we must first revisit the turbulent history of Syria and the Levant.

In the early 20th century, Syria stood at the crossroads of empire and identity. The collapse of the Ottoman Empire after World War I gave way to the Sykes-Picot Agreement, which carved up the Levant into spheres of European influence.

In Syria, federalism could succeed if implemented with fairness, robust minority protections, and international support to prevent external meddling.

Syria fell under French mandate in 1920, a betrayal of promises for an independent Arab kingdom. Instead, it became a colonial outpost shaped by European interests rather than the aspirations of its diverse peoples: Sunnis, Alawites, Christians, Kurds, Druze, and others. The French exploited sectarian divisions to maintain control, sowing seeds of mistrust that would linger for generations.

When Syria gained independence in 1946, it inherited a fragmented society with no clear framework for governing its complex population. The decades that followed were marked by coups, political instability, and the rise of the Ba’ath Party, which promised secular socialism but delivered authoritarianism instead.

Hafez al-Assad’s ascent in 1970 cemented a dynastic rule that concentrated power in a narrow, Alawite-dominated elite. While the regime claimed to protect minorities, it often sidelined or suppressed other ethnic and religious groups, fostering resentment beneath a veneer of secular nationalism.

A brutal turning point

The Arab Spring of 2011 shattered this fragile order. Peaceful protests against authoritarianism were met with brutal repression, igniting a civil war that drew in foreign powers and fractured the nation.

Amid the chaos, extremist factions like ISIS emerged, targeting religious minorities as enemies of their radical vision. Christians, whose presence in Syria dates back two millennia, faced systematic persecution, with historic churches destroyed and communities displaced.

This past year, the trauma deepened. Last month, a suicide bomber opened fire during Sunday mass in a small church in western Syria, killing 22 worshippers and wounding 63 in an attack reminiscent of ISIS’ atrocities in Qaraqosh and Maaloula.

The Druze minority in the south faced similar threats from Islamic groups within the coalition that ousted the Assad regime. To their credit, the Druze, with support from Israel, armed and defended their communities. The Alawite minority endured revenge killings in the wake of regime change, while the Kurds, battle-hardened but geopolitically isolated, remain vulnerable due to Turkey’s hostility.

These incidents underscore a grim reality: Syria’s minorities are pawns in a larger geopolitical game, their survival perpetually at risk.

A new solution: Federalism

This is not a moment for empty platitudes. Syria needs to confront a painful truth: A unitary, centrally governed state has repeatedly failed to protect its people, especially its minorities. The alternative, however, is federalism.

A federal Syria would not mean partition but rather an organized decentralization of power. Regions could govern themselves according to their cultural, ethnic, or religious identities, while national unity would be preserved for issues like foreign policy and defense. Christians, Druze, Alawites, and Kurds could administer their affairs, ensure their security, preserve their heritage, and rebuild trust in governance.

Such a system would empower local communities to protect Christian populations, preventing the decimation of ancient communities as seen in Iraq after 2003. A federal structure would foster resilience against external threats, allowing minorities to safeguard their futures.

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Federalism, though imperfect, has stabilized other post-conflict, multiethnic societies. Iraq’s Kurdish region, despite challenges, enjoys significant autonomy. Bosnia’s power-sharing model, while complex, has maintained peace. Even Switzerland’s federal system, rooted in linguistic and cultural diversity, provides a blueprint for striking a balance between local autonomy and national cohesion.

In Syria, federalism could succeed if implemented with fairness, robust minority protections, and international support to prevent external meddling.

A break from the past

Pan-Arab nationalism and centralized rule, imposed after the fall of the Ottoman Empire, failed to deliver either stability or pluralism. Syria’s latest church attack adds to a long history of betrayals against its minority populations.

To survive as more than a failed state, Syria must adopt a structure that protects the vulnerable and manages its divisions, not one that tries to crush them. Federalism won’t solve everything, and many will resist it. But Syria has already tested the alternative — consolidated power, endless violence — and that path led to ruin.

Why more Americans are waking up to the intersectionality hoax



The best way to end racism in this country is to stop being racist — and that includes standing against the left’s obsession over race.

President Trump is cracking down on the left’s pervasive racism, veiled as “anti-racist,” by finally stopping the diversity, equity, and inclusion grift, which is just another iteration of cultural Marxism. Amid Trump’s pushback against DEI programs, however, we mustn’t overlook another destructive force used by progressives that underpins their race obsession: intersectionality.

Minorities serve the left’s intersectionality mission of dividing America.

Intersectionality is a leftist tool to pool various minorities and “marginalized” identity groups together into a politically viable mass. Each group is made to think, feel, act, speak, and — of course — vote alike.

Intersectionality is one of the ways leftists tell minority or “marginalized communities” that they are united in a glorious cause to defeat their oppressors — who always happen to be the ones to refuse the left-wing narrative.

These minority groups are often convinced by left-wing extremists to vote against their own best interests. It’s insidious.

Breaking the narrative

As your liberty-loving Latino, I can attest that race and ethnicity do not predetermine my worldview. For example, despite CNN’s claims, being Latino does not mean supporting illegal immigration. Many on the left argue otherwise.

The very idea that just because I’m Hispanic, I should automatically share a common cause with leftists who also happen to be minorities — or Democrats burdened by “white guilt” — is so absurd that even longtime Democrat mouthpiece and strategist James Carville has recently called on his own party to stop being racist.

Earlier this month, during his “Politics War Room” podcast, Carville — who has long chastised the Democratic Party for its obsession with “identity politics,” calling it “so freaking arrogant” — condemned his party as racist for constantly referring to blanket terms like “communities of color” and “people of color” to describe individual Americans. Sen. Elissa Slotkin (D-Mich.), who was on the podcast with Carville, agreed.

“The most racist thing that I hear is when people say ‘communities of color’ or ‘people of color’ because that assumes that everybody that is not white is the same,” Carville said. “Filipinos are the same as Hondurans, are the same as Nigerians, are the same as Indonesians? It’s absurd.” He continued: “And [Democrats] just keep using this language, and I think they’re too naive to know how stupid it is. That’s my own view.”

Yet these groups are lumped together by leftists in the Democratic Party and the press into one group. Why? Because, alone, they don’t make up a large enough voting bloc for left-wingers to give a darn. But together, they serve the left’s intersectionality mission: dividing America. Who cares if their issues are never addressed? They are united by collectivist thought. What matters is putting leftists in power.

The intersectional illusion

Even elitist Hollywood is rejecting the illusion of intersectionality. A Hispanic transgender person was caught failing to toe the leftist line when tweets by Oscar-nominated "Emilia Perez" star Karla Sofia Gascon surfaced. Her views on everything from George Floyd to Oscar diversity — Hollywood’s race-based award-rigging — were in complete discord with leftist orthodoxy.

I don’t particularly care about Gascon’s tweets, but the point is this: Someone who, by leftist logic, should have been all in on intersectionality because both brown and trans, wasn’t.

How many times have we seen this before? From Joy Reid’s anti-Semitic, Islamophobic, homophobic, and racist messaging blog posts to Dave Chappelle’s ongoing battle with the trans community to Kanye West’s many controversial statements.

These members of so-called minority groups aren’t supposed to say, feel, think, or do these things. But they did. Ain’t freedom grand?

Free thinking vilified

On the flip side, look at what happens when people who are supposed to be protected under this conformist blanket dare speak out of turn. Consider New York City Mayor Eric Adams (D) or Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas. Remember how Bruce Jenner was a left-wing darling for his transition before he donned a MAGA hat?

Take former Democratic National Committee powerhouse Lindy Li, an Asian woman who dared to say Kamala Harris was a weak presidential candidate. Li was lambasted by members of her own party for merely speaking her mind, and she ultimately left the Democratic Party altogether. In an interview, she referred to her “transition” as “like leaving a cult.”

Here we are in 2025 — and the tide is turning. I am the individual Chris Salcedo. I am a liberty-loving Latino. I am a proud Texan. I am not part of some arbitrary larger critical mass randomly lumped together by out-of-touch academics, cultural theoreticians, rowdy student protesters, or brain-dead ideologues in the biased press. And more people are waking up to the fake promise and cult-like reality of intersectionality.

Recent events in politics, entertainment, media, and economics finally indicate what we on the right have been fighting for: Intersectionality is dead. The emperor’s new clothes have been pointed out, and just like in the original fable, the clothes were never there to begin with.

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