Is THIS why we haven’t returned to the moon?



It’s been 56 years since NASA landed the first humans on the moon. Since then, our knowledge and technology has exploded. Today, we know more than ever about space exploration, computing, robotics, and materials science — far surpassing the capabilities and innovations that made the Apollo 11 mission possible.

So why haven’t we been back?

Former nominee for NASA administrator Jared Isaacman tells Glenn Beck that the bureaucracy at NASA is what’s barring America from achieving her potential in space.

“There needs to be some sort of a reorganization of the agency so you can kind of get back to concentrating on the real needle movers — the things that if NASA doesn't do it, no one will, or if it is done, it'll be done by the Chinese or the Russians,” he says.

Another moon landing is important, says Isaacman, because of “what we may learn from a scientific perspective,” the potential for “economic benefit,” and for reasons related to “national security.”

But “despite having a space station up there for 20 years, the biggest accomplishment we've had is keeping people alive continuously for 20 years in the harsh environment of space, which is good. But we haven't figured out that magic wand” that “treats cancer” or “improves technology,” he says.

The problem isn’t that we can’t get to the moon; it’s that we keep standing in our own way.

“There's a lot of bureaucracy [at NASA] that's impeding progress,” says Isaacman.

For example, “NASA has yet to approve iPhones to go to the space station for their astronauts,” even though Russian astronauts have consistently brought theirs to the space station and even share them with American astronauts.

Isaacman says this is a “petty example,” but it paints a picture of just how severe NASA’s bureaucracy is.

One of the main problems, he says, is that “we've become very risk averse.”

But “there are some risks worth taking. Exploring the worlds beyond ours is a risk worth taking. You're not going to get there if you're not accepting some risk,” he says.

But how can we even begin to take calculated risks when there are “50 different departments” at NASA dedicated to safety?

“That's not to say safety isn't important, but if you have lots of people in a position to say no rather than bubbling it up logically to a single organization, it's going to be easier to just say no,” says Isaacman. “I mean the best way to keep astronauts and pilots safe is don't fly and don't go to space.”

To hear more of the conversation, watch the full interview above.

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Trump admin’s NASA: Duffy aims for lunar nuclear base by 2030



The race to the moon has kicked off again, as the Trump administration is accelerating plans to put a nuclear reactor on the moon in order to power a base for humans.

According to a directive by acting NASA Administrator Sean Duffy, the reactor would launch to the moon by 2030. China and Russia are also aiming to use nuclear power on the moon by the end of the decade, which according to Duffy is necessary to sustain life there.

“There’s a certain part of the moon that everyone knows is the best. We have ice there. We have sunlight there. We wanna get there first and claim that for America,” Duffy said.


“The plan involves us to return astronauts to the moon and be a leader in space exploration, because right now, on this whole going back to the moon thing, we’re behind Russia and China because they’re really serious about it, and they’ve been serious about it,” BlazeTV host Pat Gray comments on “Pat Gray Unleashed.”

However, the news that NASA will be developing reactors for the moon is coming at a challenging time for the agency, as at least 20% of NASA’s workforce has opted to leave the agency through the Trump administration’s deferred resignation program.

The current administration has also proposed decreasing NASA’s budget.

“How much faith do we have in our government doing all this considering they don’t even have the technology to get us back to the moon to begin with?” producer Keith Malinak asks.

“I’ve got almost none,” Gray says. “Especially by 2030.”

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G7 meets in a carbon-rich paradise to demand less carbon



As Canadians host the 50th annual G7 Summit this week in Kananaskis, Alberta, they can expect a deluge of “climate-saving” proclamations — rhetoric divorced from scientific evidence and economic reality.

This elite gathering of the world’s leading economies, along with the European Union, plans to spotlight climate resilience, net-zero targets, green certification, and renewable energy. But the most heavily hyped technology on the agenda will likely be carbon capture — a scheme billed as the silver bullet for saving the planet from carbon dioxide emissions.

NASA has credited rising CO2 levels with 70% of Earth’s recent greening. More carbon dioxide, not less, helps feed the world.

Carbon capture refers to the removal of carbon dioxide from industrial exhaust or directly from the air. The captured gas is then injected underground or used commercially, such as for boosting oil production. That latter application has proven highly effective worldwide. But the idea of scaling up carbon capture to cool the planet is not just costly — it’s potentially counterproductive.

Carbon capture as a climate fix imposes heavy costs with no measurable benefits. It burdens consumers, risks environmental harm, and distracts from more effective energy solutions. Most proposals target emissions from coal- or gas-fired power plants, where the captured CO2 would be pumped underground and stored permanently.

With Alberta phasing out coal in favor of natural gas, the cost implications matter. Using data from the U.S. National Energy Technology Laboratory, we examined what it would cost to retrofit gas-fired plants in the province with carbon capture.

NETL analyzed two natural gas combined cycle plants: a 727-megawatt and a 992-megawatt facility. The numbers are staggering. For the smaller unit, construction and startup costs would jump from $760 million to $1.4 billion. Annual operation and maintenance would rise from $29 million to $55 million.

For the larger plant, the picture is no better. Costs climb from $1.1 billion to $1.9 billion to build and launch, and annual maintenance surges from $39 million to $70 million — an 80% increase.

On top of the financial hit, carbon capture reduces energy output by about 11%. That means consumers would pay more — for less electricity.

These systems also require an extensive network of pipelines to move CO2 to underground storage sites. One proposal to connect Canada’s oil sands operations with a CO2 transport system estimated the cost at $4 billion. And that’s just for the pipes.

Even if money were no object, carbon capture fails the basic test of relevance. The theory that CO2 is the primary driver of Earth’s temperature remains unproven. Natural factors — like changes in solar output, the planet’s orbit, and its axial tilt — play a far greater role. Alarmist climate models, built on faulty assumptions, fail again and again to match observed data.

According to the CO2 Coalition, even if the United States had reached net-zero emissions in 2010, the reduction in global temperature by 2100 would amount to just 0.1040 degrees Celsius. That’s not a meaningful impact. Alberta’s emissions, by comparison, are a fraction of the U.S. total.

Far from being a pollutant, carbon dioxide is essential to life. It feeds plants, boosts crop yields, and promotes ecosystem health. NASA has credited rising CO2 levels with 70% of Earth’s recent greening. More carbon dioxide, not less, helps feed the world.

Instead of obsessing over how to bury carbon, G7 leaders might do better to look around at the Canadian Rockies and ask why they’re trying to deprive the planet of the gas that makes them so green in the first place.

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