Would Bill Buckley yell ‘stop’?



The year 2025 marks the centenary of modern conservativism’s founder, William F. Buckley Jr. But given the takeover of the Republican Party by Donald Trump, whether conservative still means what it once did is an open question. In these times it’s natural to ask: What would Bill have to say?

The question is the flip side of the related allegation — deployed in conservative circles by those confused, troubled, or even irate over the Trump ascendancy — which begins: “If Bill Buckley were alive today, he’d …”

'Drain the swamp' grates on many a conservative ear. But it is a Buckley course of action. His end is indistinguishable from Trump’s beginning.

He’d … what? Be bothered? Upset about Trump’s impact on the movement in its current state? Allied with those who see the Buckley legacy as one that prioritizes civility?

Maybe. Or maybe not. It is not difficult to imagine that the man who once proclaimed he “should sooner live in a society governed by the first two thousand names in the Boston telephone directory than in a society governed by the two thousand faculty members of Harvard University” would think positively of the president-elect, and his populist tone, and his agenda, and even of what is becoming of conservatism, as the movement grapples with powerful influences and prolonged challenges, including those first faced during its Eisenhower-era infancy.

At the same time, a reasonable case can be made that Bill Buckley would cozy to conservative NeverTrumpism or find the 45th and soon-to-be 47th U.S. president wanting in other ways. Buckley wrote dozens of books, for example, while Trump boasts that he doesn’t even read books. And in a 2000 Cigar Aficionado reflection on presidential wannabes, WFB called the Queens developer a narcissist and demagogue, adding this zinger: “When he looks at a glass, he is mesmerized by its reflection.”

But there’s also evidence that the two men, in the Year of Our Lord 2024, might have proven more sympatico than not.

That evidence begins in Queens. Bill Buckley knew something of the place, along with the Big Apple’s other “outer boroughs.” And of their voters. A once-politician himself who challenged liberal Republican John V. Lindsay for mayor in 1965, Buckley — despite an Ivy League bearing that made him fodder for comedians and impersonators — connected with Bronx cops and Staten Island nurses and Brooklyn machinists. He was the enemy of their enemy.

So is Trump. In a few election cycles, the Buckley-backing chumps and deplorables of the 1960s hailing from outer boroughs and other places of elitist disdain would become better known as “Reagan Democrats.” Four decades later, their grandchildren would in turn become MAGA Republicans. The dots connecting Buckley 1965 and Trump 2016/2020/2024 are clearly there, if not always recognized.

What’s old is new again

The two men even had commonality in tone. In the inaugural issue of National Review, Buckley famously committed the magazine to fight the prevailing establishment’s destructive madness, declaring that his journal “stands athwart history, yelling Stop, at a time when no one is inclined to do so, or have the patience with those who so urge it.” Yelling is the stuff of bombast, distasteful to some patrician-bearing conservatives who prefer to sit athwart the sidelines and admonish leftism via quip or tweet or op-ed.

Worthwhile activities all. But insufficient if the march of leftist ideology through history is to be stopped. That work requires an agent of harshness, a disrupter, a doer of dirty work, brooking no accommodation, akin to John Wayne’s character, Ethan Edwards, in “The Searchers.” Such as Donald J. Trump.

Related to yelling is a more populist agitating, the kind Rush Limbaugh made famous for years as the principle American voice ridiculing the reigning culture and establishment, giving hope and encouragement and education to millions. Rush became America’s premier conservative. His style was not Buckleyesque, but then, whose is? Rush loved Bill and was beloved in return by the man who thrilled to see conservatism distilled broadly and convincingly through this radio maestro.

Rush, later, also championed Trump.

They’d have made a formidable Triple Entente.

About that National Review premiere: In it, Buckley highlighted “our convictions.” Seven decades later, his concerns remain au courant. An example: “The largest cultural menace in America is the conformity of the intellectual cliques which, in education as well as the arts, are out to impose upon the nation their modish fads and fallacies, and have nearly succeeded in doing so.” These and other thunderings are MAGA — spoken in a highbrow Buckley dialect.

Meanwhile, the enemies Buckley pointed to in 1955 — “social engineers” (“who seek to advance mankind to conform to scientific utopias”), “Fabian operators” (“bent on controlling both our political parties”), “Big Brother government,” “clever intriguers,” communists (their beliefs “satanic utopianism”), “union monopolies,” and “ideologues” (who “run just about everything”) — continue to run just about everything today.

“Drain the swamp” grates on many a conservative ear. But it is a Buckley course of action. His end is indistinguishable from Trump’s beginning. The two men are copacetic.

Narcissism aside, Buckley today surely would have compassion for the fellow entertainer (or did you never watch “Firing Line”?) over the relentless cries of “fascist,” “racist,” and “Hitler.” Long before a young Donald J. Trump could vote, WFB was being slurred as a “Nazi.” Gore Vidal infamously called him a “crypto Nazi” during a nationally televised debate. One can hear Buckley’s response — “I’ll sock you in your goddamn face, and you’ll stay plastered” — echoed in many ways a half-century later, addressed to smug, elite hate-purveyors.

A tectonic shift

Another similarity: On prioritizing Islam’s threat to the West, Trump — he of the decried “Muslim ban” –and Buckley would be of like mind. At the final National Review board meeting he attended, in 2006, Buckley charged the magazine’s editors with a special mission of concentrating on what he called “Islamofacism.” Check.

Whither WFB on the conservative movement? Is it sullied, even destined for collapse, because its political vehicle — the Republican Party — is in the hands of the man from Queens? Some say so. And some believe that William F. Buckley Jr. would agree were he alive today.

Then again, were he here, Bill might consider the latest election results as the heaving of tectonic political plates by once-enslaved voters who reject identity politics, which he deeply despised, and declare themselves no longer beholden to racial and gender blocs mandated by progressives and a neo-Marxist Democratic Party.

He might also conclude that fundamental things conservativism long hoped for and fought both for and against might best be advanced and maybe even achieved by an unlikely champion. By a jarring populist, short on etiquette, whose tongue was blunt instead of silver, who failed to get permission to lead, even by default, from the movement’s gatekeepers, but who was found to be appealing by the people in the telephone directory.

In Buckley parlance, one might say Donald J. Trump is immanentizing the conservative eschaton. About that, Bill would be yelling anything but stop.

Editor’s note: This article was originally published by RealClearPolitics and made available via RealClearWire.

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Anti-Trump associate of Evan McMullin, Rick Wilson accused of soliciting sex from 15-year-old boy on Snapchat



The man behind Evan McMullin's unsuccessful spoiler presidential campaign in 2016 is now in jail after he allegedly solicited sex from a 15-year-old boy on Snapchat.

At around 11 a.m. last Wednesday, Joel Searby — a 43-year-old advocate for charter schools in Newberry, Florida, about 20 miles west of Gainesville — allegedly sent a Snapchat friend request to a 15-year-old boy who reportedly already had Searby's phone number stored in his phone. During the course of their Snapchat conversation, Searby allegedly shared with the boy that he had a "secret crush" on a man in his 40s when he was in high school.

'I woke up one morning with a deep conviction that I had to do something in this presidential election and that it was very likely that Donald Trump would be the Republican nominee.'

"Eventually we got a chance to be alone and he made a move on me to kiss me and I liked it. Then we did more stuff in secret whenever we could. He kinda like taught me stuff. It was fun… Don’t regret it lol. What you think?" Searby allegedly wrote.

"Would ever do something like that?"

When the boy apparently replied that he'd consider it, Searby continued the conversation, though he repeatedly asked the boy to keep any relationship between them a secret, charging documents alleged:

Here's the deal, before I show face and we agree to it, I have to KNOW that you will keep itour secret. Forever. Just like I did with the guy I had when I was in high school. We had fun from my freshman year on, secretly, whenever we could. No one ever knew. But as [we] could both get in trouble if anyone finds out. Especially me. And NO ONE knows.

The arrest report indicated that Searby also sent the minor pictures of "a bulge in his underwear," of him taking a shower, and of him wearing boxer shorts, the Alachua Chronicle reported. Searby then allegedly came up with a ruse so that the boy could meet up at Searby's guest house without the boy's parents becoming suspicious.

Eventually, deputies with the Alachua sheriff's office began corresponding with Searby on Snapchat in the boy's stead. "When you mentioned yesterday about (manual stimulation.) Is that al [sic] we would be doing?" deputies wrote, posing as the boy.

"I mean I would like to do more but we can take it one step at a time and if I start doing anything you don't want to do we can stop. I'll walk you through it," Searby allegedly replied.

As prearranged, Searby then reportedly sent the boy a text message, inviting him over to help with yard work, giving the boy a plausible excuse to pay him a visit. The fact that Searby sent the message to the boy's phone reinforced the idea that "the defendant was the one sending the Snap Chat messages to the victim," the arrest report said.

On Thursday, just one day after the alleged Snapchat exchanges began, Searby was arrested and charged with lewd or lascivious conduct, use of a computer to solicit a minor, enticing a minor to travel, and unlawful use of a two-way communication device. He remains in custody without bond, though a judge may reconsider assessing him bond at a separate hearing.

Searby reportedly told investigators that he wanted to remain silent and asked them whether his wife had been apprised of the accusations against him. The couple is believed to have multiple children together.

Searby is also a board member of Education First for Newberry, which recently helped convert three public schools in the city into charter schools. The organization released a statement following Searby's arrest, claiming to be "deeply troubled" by the accusations. "We immediately severed all ties with him upon learning of this incident," the statement continued. "We will fully cooperate with law enforcement and be of any assistance we can during this difficult time. The safety of our children is and will always be our #1 priority."

Eight years ago, Searby helped Evan McMullin launch an independent presidential campaign in hopes of thwarting a Trump presidency. "It all started in February of 2016 when I woke up one morning with a deep conviction that I had to do something in this presidential election and that it was very likely that Donald Trump would be the Republican nominee," Searby wrote in November 2016, just a couple weeks after Trump's electoral triumph.

"I was deeply convicted that I must act, although on that February morning, I did not understand why or exactly what to do."

That summer, Searby partnered with other self-identifying Republicans who were likewise adamantly opposed to then-candidate Donald Trump, including Rick Wilson. McMullin eventually presented himself as a possible spoiler candidate, and after spending a few hours mulling the idea, Searby agreed. "I told him I’d be with him through the end."

Wilson even referenced Searby in a tweet about five months after Trump was inaugurated, describing Searby as a "friend" and "a man with guts, and heart."

Neither Wilson nor McMullin responded to Blaze News' request for comment.

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Weekend essay: For America’s elites, normal politics is no longer enough



We have heard the refrain repeatedly from the mainstream media’s many-headed hydra that Donald Trump represents an unprecedented tidal wave breaching every well-established and deeply rooted norm of politics and political discourse. But while Trump undoubtedly marches to his own drummer — one with a penchant for heart-stopping cymbal crashes — what these pundits and crusading journalists miss is the manner in which they themselves have done the very thing of which they accuse him. They have jettisoned well-worn conventions because of this elite class’s animal rage at Trump and the unapologetically unrefined, fine-china-shattering, working-class consciousness to which he gives voice.

There is no escaping the conclusion that for America’s elites, traditional politics — fundraising and campaigning to convince a majority of voters you’re the best candidate for the job — is no longer enough. For all their farcical talk of “going high” when the other side goes low, they are hard at work shooting holes in our collective hull, turning our nation into a tragic Titanic sinking lower day by day.

It began in the 2016 election cycle, when journalists violated the long-standing norm against calling politicians out-and-out liars. With the once-reputable New York Times leading the way, calling Trump a liar on its front page on September 16, 2016, the ever-tenuous guardrail of journalistic objectivity came crashing down. Those of us who recall George H.W. Bush’s “read my lips” vow, “Slick Willie” Clinton’s affair with Monica Lewinsky, or George W. Bush’s concoction of “weapons of mass destruction” to justify trillions of dollars and many lives wasted on our misadventure in Iraq know that politicians have never been models of honesty and integrity.

But even if a case could be made that Trump broke the mold, the problem when media start engaging in active name-calling, taking it upon themselves to decide who is or isn’t a liar, is that journalists, with their well-documented left leanings — Democrat journalists went from near parity with Republican journalists in the 1970s to outnumbering Republican journalists by a 4-1 margin today — cannot be trusted to apply any standard evenhandedly.

Many no longer even aspire to evenhandedness. While 76% of the general public believes that the media should always give both sides equal coverage, that view is shared by only 44% of journalists, with 55% — including a still more disturbing 63% of journalists ages 18-29 — having the opposite view.

It should surprise no one, then, that although Joe Biden tells lies practically every time he has a microphone in hand, often involving thoroughly outlandish claims such as his son Beau dying in Iraq, or how he got student loan forgiveness passed through Congress, or that he never discussed his son Hunter’s business dealings, or that gas prices went down after he took office, or that he’d been arrested for taking part in civil rights demonstrations, the media, nonetheless, never brand Biden a “liar,” the way they do on a dime when it comes to Trump.

Shortly after Trump won the 2016 presidential election, the media turned up the dial farther still. They concocted the Russian collusion hoax to question the legitimacy of his election, while casting a long shadow over his presidency and miring Trump and his staff in years of debilitating, relentless coverage, including the notorious Robert Mueller special counsel investigation. The New York Times’ obsessive coverage of these doings won the paper a Pulitzer Prize.

But the Times’ prize-winning journalism did not extend to uncovering anything even remotely approaching the truth behind these events, which was revealed to us by independent journalists, such as Matt Taibbi. What really happened, in a nutshell, is that the Clinton campaign, with Hillary Clinton’s personal knowledge and consent, fed fake “research” about Trump’s alleged collusion with Russia to the FBI, which used such research as a pretext to initiate surveillance of Trump aide Carter Page and anyone connected with him. That, in turn, set off a chain of events that led to years of breathless “breaking news” pushed by Clinton and her operatives and perpetuated by their gullible or dishonest media lapdogs.

Years later, at the cost of millions of taxpayer dollars and an untold number of American minds plunged into the depths of Trump derangement syndrome, the Trump-Russia connection fizzled out completely, the infamous Chistopher Steele “pee tape” proved a total hoax, and the allegedly Russia-connected, Trump-promoting fake Twitter accounts that were alleged to have helped Trump steal the 2016 election turned out to belong, for the most part, to actual, Trump-supporting Americans. For the press, the allegations were simply too good to check.

But no one was punished for partaking in this truly incredible disinformation and election delegitimization campaign. The media proved less than eager to hold their own feet to the fire for their dereliction of duty, which is why the New York Timesdidn’t relinquish its unearned Pulitzer Prize and why most Americans remain in the dark about what really occurred.

Instead, the role allegedly played by the “Russians” on Twitter in swaying the election to Trump prompted waves of congressional and media pressure for social networks to rein in “right-wing” “disinformation.”

This, in turn, played into the next round of flagrant norm-flouting by the anti-Trump left when, in 2020, not only was free (and, in many cases, accurate) speech questioning COVID’s origins or the safety and efficacy of experimental vaccines shut down by social media working in direct coordination with government actors, but also, social media directly enabled Joe Biden’s electoral victory. First, in May 2020, Twitter, for the first time ever, flagged a presidential tweet with a “fact-check” warning. In a May 26, 2020, tweet, Trump had questioned the reliability of mail-in voting, to which Twitter had appended its then-shocking alert:

— (@)

Those clicking on the warning would be directed to Twitter’s own “what you need to know” page, in which Twitter’s internal Ministry of Truth had taken it upon itself to proclaim that Trump had “falsely claimed mail-in ballots would lead to ‘a Rigged Election’” and, further, that “fact-checkers say there is no evidence that mail-in ballots are linked to voter fraud.”

The extraordinary thing about Twitter’s warning was that, strictly speaking, there was no fact to check. Trump had not stated a fact but rather had made a prediction about what the likely outcome of mail-in voting would be. His contention that there is “no way” mail-in ballots won’t be “substantially fraudulent” is, in that respect, akin to a tweet stating there is “no way the Bears beat the Packers on Sunday” or, for that matter, “no way” Trump loses the next election.

In any event, Trump’s prediction was not quite as baseless and unsupported as the powers that be on Twitter would have had their users believe. Although the 2020 version of the New York Timespublished a series of stories touting the reliability of mail-in voting, the very same newspaper in October 2012 ran a story headlined “Error and Fraud at Issue as Absentee Voting Rises.”

“Votes cast by mail are less likely to be counted, more likely to be compromised and more likely to be contested than those cast in a voting booth, statistics show,” the Times reported. “Election officials reject almost 2 percent of ballots cast by mail, double the rate for in-person voting.”

After Twitter had crossed the Rubicon, flagging speech by a sitting president and giving itself the role of arbiter of truth instead of letting the electorate sort it out, the social media mullahs grew still more emboldened, flagging Trump’s tweets repeatedly. In an especially egregious instance, when Trump, in the context of the Black Lives Matter riots of June 2020, warned in a June 23 tweet that if the rioters tried to turn D.C. into an “autonomous zone” (the way they had been allowed to do with impunity in Seattle), they “will be met with serious force,” Twitter flagged the tweet as “abusive behavior”:

— (@)

The idea that a president using a nonspecific threat of force as a deterrent to potential chaos and violence could be flagged for “abusive behavior” is, naturally, unprecedented and outrageous. Yet it is also, just as naturally, only a small speed bump on the slippery slope down which the left’s corporate and media elites were allowing our nation to careen.

The absolute nadir of Twitter’s election interference efforts came in October 2020, on the eve of the 2020 election, when the New York Post published its exposé, based on the contents of Hunter Biden’s abandoned laptop, of what has now become the ever-growing influence-peddling scandal involving Joe Biden.

Defying every convention of free speech and the free press, Twitter and Facebook baselessly censored the story as “misinformation,” resulting in its being similarly labeled or else ignored by sources in the mainstream media. Nearly four in five survey respondents believe that the story, had it not been censored, could have swung the outcome of the closely contested 2020 election to President Trump. For reasons like this, one does not even have to buy into Trump’s claims of voter fraud in order to conclude that the 2020 presidential election was, indeed, stolen.

But not content with their unprecedented role in potentially swaying the outcome of the 2020 presidential election, the emboldened organs of the leftist media and commentariat have taken their norm-flouting campaign up several more notches in anticipation of what is, as of now, likely to be a Trump-Biden rematch in 2024.

First, of course, while continuing to do their best to downplay the increasingly credible allegations of Biden’s corrupt dealings on behalf of his ne’er-do-well son Hunter, these forces have done their best to validate and normalize the four separate indictments brought by leftist prosecutors against Donald Trump. These have been the subject of endless press coverage in recent months and weeks, so no need to discuss them at length here. Let it suffice to say, regardless of how one personally feels about the strength of each of the individual cases, it is hard to dispute that the indictments have further divided an already polarized nation. It would be a gross error in judgment and an extremely dangerous precedent to charge the most prominent representative of one of the nation’s two major political parties with marginal crimes that are the subject of widespread political disagreement.

In that light, the fantastically overbroad Georgia indictment, complete with mug shot, promises to be a televised show trial, and the New York indictment for paying hush money to a porn star, elevated into a strained felony by the febrile imagination of a far-left prosecutor, is pure absurdity. But most obviously appalling are the two separate banana republic-style federal indictments in which a sitting president’s Justice Department is actively persecuting his foremost political rival — the one case concerning retention of classified government documents, a victimless crime for which hardly anyone ever gets prosecuted, and the other one stemming from the events of January 6, 2021.

The January 6 affair is especially concerning, because what has been histrionically and repeatedly framed by Democratic politicians and the mainstream media as an armed “insurrection” against democracy is, in reality, little more than a political protest that turned violent, the sort of thing that happened on a far greater scale during the Black Lives Matter riots of 2020, largely without consequences. There is, moreover, very strong evidence — largely ignored and/or knowingly concealed by the same press that has been serving as the current government’s de facto propaganda arm — that then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, in coordination with others, deliberately acted to delay any substantial enforcement response to the riots. She opted instead to allow the rioters to breach the Capitol in order to manufacture a cause célèbre against Trump, despite the fact that he had expressly called for peace, telling his supporters to march to the Capitol “peacefully and patriotically.” After the violence began, Trump implored them, “Please support our Capitol Police and Law Enforcement. They are truly on the side of our Country. Stay peaceful!” and “We have to have peace. So go home.”

Because these transparently political indictments have predictably failed to convince many voters that Trump is a criminal, as opposed to the target of political persecution, and may even be bolstering his support among Republican voters, the Trump-hating elites have trotted out their most outrageous and unprecedented gambit to date. Despite the fact that Trump has been convicted of no crime and, more than that, has been acquitted of the charge of inciting an insurrection by the U.S. Senate, an unhinged plot has begun to take shape among the leftist elites and like-minded elites on the #NeverTrump right to disqualify Trump under section three of the 14th Amendment. That section disqualifies from public office those who have “engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the United States” and was intended to prevent Confederate rebels from holding office in the reconstituted postwar nation.

The wacky suggestion has been made — with the Atlanticgraciously playing host to a widely circulated article normalizing this call to banditry — that officials in each of the 50 states could invoke this mechanism on their own and thereby bounce Trump off their official ballots, notwithstanding the will of actual voters. It would then be up to the judiciary to deal with the fallout of what is certain to be a constitutional crisis that will ultimately find its way to the Supreme Court.

At its essence, the 14th Amendment gambit amounts to nothing less than a frontal assault on the democratic process, a brazen attempt to strip voters of the power to choose their own leaders. And these — invoking and misusing an obscure, Civil War-era legalism to try to throw a popular leader off the ballot — are the ironic lengths to which our elites are willing to go to defend our democracy against itself.

Abandoning all pretense to journalistic objectivity to brand Trump a liar; pushing a fake Russia conspiracy to question the legitimacy of his election and his presidency; flagging his speech on social media; censoring true stories reporting on his opponent’s corruption on the eve of the 2020 election; indicting him four times (and counting?) in the midst of a new election cycle on highly questionable charges; and now, hatching, as a fail-safe, a wacky scheme to kick him off state ballots using legalistic chicanery: There are no lengths to which Trump’s enemies will not go, no depths to which they will not sink.

In the name of defending “norms,” the norm of journalistic diligence and evenhandedness has been abandoned, the norm of free speech and the free press trampled, the norm of the media and social media playing purely neutral roles in the midst of an election mocked, the norm of judicious use of prosecutorial discretion shredded, and the norm of free and fair elections decided by the people without interference from elites grasping the reins of power utterly demolished.

This much is certain: In a nation already on the brink, their reckless scramble is going to wreak political havoc for years to come, bringing on waves of tit-for-tat retaliation as we come to understand that the battle for political supremacy is a bare-knuckle brawl, where nothing is off the table, the courts and the media are merely pawns to be played in a winner-take-all game, and no blow is too low, no trick too dirty to be tried, when absolutely everything is at stake.

Alexander Zubatov is a practicing attorney in New York specializing in general commercial litigation. He is also a writer of poetry, fiction, drama, essays, and polemics.

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