When Faith Meets Stoicism, There’s Hope For Us All

In his new book, 'After Stoicism,' Baylor professor Thomas M. Ward aims to renew interest in Roman philosopher Boethius.

What happens when you tell a philosopher ‘No’



We need more philosophers to resign from their university posts.

Graham Parsons, a philosophy professor at West Point, resigned from his tenured position in protest. Good for him. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth responded bluntly: “You will not be missed.” The question is, what exactly was Parsons’ “principled stand” — and should others follow his lead? I think they should, though not necessarily for the reasons one might expect. If more professors who insist on injecting gender ideology into the curriculum refused to teach, we might finally begin to salvage the American university.

Professors like Parsons saw themselves as soldiers in the struggle for social justice, fighting racism and oppression. Now they’re being asked to face an uncomfortable reality.

So, why did Parsons quit? In his own words: “I cannot tolerate these changes, which prevent me from doing my job responsibly. I am ashamed to be associated with the academy in its current form.” He accuses West Point of “failing to provide an adequate education for the cadets” under current leadership. That’s a serious charge. Parsons blames policies linked to Trump and Hegseth for undermining what he views as essential to a proper military education.

But what does he actually mean by “adequate education”? What does he believe West Point no longer teaches? That’s the real question — and one worth examining closely.

Parsons explains his position in the New York Times: “Whatever you think about various controversial ideas — Mr. Hegseth’s memo cited critical race theory and gender ideology — students should engage with them and debate their merits rather than be told they are too dangerous even to be contemplated.”

There it is. Parsons frames the issue as a crackdown on academic freedom, where professors no longer have permission to address controversial topics or challenge prevailing orthodoxy. Educators, he argues, must now parrot the government’s message and abandon real critical inquiry. He adds that “uncritically asserting that [America] is ‘the most powerful force for good in human history’ is not something an educator does.”

But Parsons isn’t just teaching anywhere — he’s at West Point. His objection isn’t a minor complaint about classroom nuance. It amounts to a rejection of teaching American greatness and a defense of gender theory and critical race theory as serious intellectual frameworks. He calls the academy “uncritical,” but what he really objects to is any attempt to affirm America’s moral legacy. In practice, Parsons sees the affirmation of the United States as inherently disqualifying.

The result? Criticizing CRT gets framed as dogma, while embracing it becomes the default. Rather than weigh arguments, educators must now accept gender ideology and race theory as truth — and sideline any defense of the country’s founding principles.

Parsons does offer specific examples of the curriculum changes he opposes. He claims West Point interpreted directives from Trump and Hegseth not just as a rejection of critical race theory and intersectionality, but as a broader ban on using race and gender as organizing principles in the curriculum.

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Parsons says department heads ordered a review of syllabi and forced faculty to revise them. “West Point scrapped two history courses — ‘Topics in Gender History’ and ‘Race, Ethnicity, Nation’ — and an English course, ‘Power and Difference,’” he writes. The academy eliminated the sociology major and shut down a black history project. Department leaders also told professors to remove readings by James Baldwin, Toni Morrison, Alice Walker, and other minority authors.

He then describes how these directives affected his own classroom. “One of my supervisors ordered professors to get rid of readings on white supremacy in Western ethical theory and feminist approaches to ethics in ‘Philosophy and Ethical Reasoning,’ a course I direct that is required for all cadets,” Parsons writes. He even claims the West Point debate team was barred from arguing certain positions in an upcoming competition.

These details offer a clearer picture of his true grievance. Parsons didn’t resign over routine administrative changes. He stepped down because he could no longer teach what he believes: that white supremacy and feminist critiques of ethics are essential to understanding just war theory — a subject he has written about. He wants to use critical theory to criticize America, but he won’t subject critical theory itself to scrutiny.

Parsons demands that others question everything — except the assumptions behind his own beliefs. He’s like Descartes, but with highly selective skepticism.

In one of his articles, Parsons writes, “War theorists should be much more concerned with the gender and war literature and find common ground with feminists who have treated the problem of the political standing of soldiers as a philosophical priority.” This isn’t a neutral invitation to critical inquiry — it’s ideological advocacy. Parsons seems to think his view is correct and wants his students to adopt it. He’s not interested in weighing all perspectives; he’s advancing a particular dogma.

West Point, by contrast, has begun restoring a classical standard of education. Instructors are expected to equip students to identify flawed arguments and refute them. Professors must demonstrate why certain ideas fall short — and train cadets to do the same.

Parsons wants us to believe he resigned because he could no longer teach students how to think critically. He suggests the academy is censoring dissent. On the surface, that sounds like a position many academics might support. But his resignation tells a different story. It wasn’t about open inquiry — it was about losing the ability to promote his ideology without challenge.

Let me explain what it’s like to be a conservative inside a university. I’ve been told to revise my curriculum to fit a “decolonized” version of philosophy. At Arizona State University, I was the only professor who spoke up and said that crossed the line. Where were my leftist colleagues who now applaud Graham Parsons? Where were all the philosophers who claim to care about examining every perspective? For the past two decades, philosophy departments have resembled Socratic dialogues where only one voice gets to speak.

In truth, most professors only raise objections when institutional changes threaten their own deeply held beliefs. When administrators impose leftist ideology in the classroom, faculty members who share that ideology rarely object. They don’t see it as dogma — they see it as truth. They call it justice, a necessary correction to history. But when directives come from a conservative administration, they suddenly call it censorship and resign in protest.

This creates a profound dilemma for professors like Parsons. They saw themselves as soldiers in the struggle for social justice, fighting racism and oppression. Now they’re being asked to face an uncomfortable reality: They may have perpetuated the very racial essentialism they once condemned. For years, they operated within a system that marginalized conservatives — just look at the partisan breakdown in university faculties. That mirror reflects something they can’t bear to see.

They became what they claimed to hate.

It is time we restored the American university to the pursuit of truth and wisdom.

Here’s my final prediction: The immediate response from these professors will be to ask, “But who gets to say what is true or wise?” And of course, that’s the most telling response of all.

That’s critical theory talking.

Philosophy professor, know thyself.

Spinoza’s Lasting Legacy Of Freedom And Inquiry

Ian Baruma's absorbing biography, 'Spinoza: Freedom’s Messiah,' illustrates how the 17th century thinker's idea are still relevant for understanding Western thought today.

A Farewell to Norms

In my second semester of law school, just after the upheavals of 2020, I studied criminal law under a visiting professor whose progressive bona fides were stellar. She was a full-on prison abolitionist who had imbibed and presented for discussion every critical feminist and race theory imaginable. But she was a good teacher and maintained some degree of subtlety that passed for ideological neutrality in an institution where 90 percent of students and faculty agreed with her.

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Transhumanism Hasn’t Been The Paradise Mankind Thought It Would Be

If the long-awaited advent of the cyborg world is upon us, we will be forced to consider whether this is really what we want.

Taking a Risk With Nate Silver

A couple of years after I graduated from college, concerned that my ability to understand philosophy was stagnating, I spent part of a year reading A Thousand Plateaus, the inscrutable magnum opus of French continental philosophers Félix Guattari and Gilles Deleuze. The book is hard to describe: Its chapters seem to have very little to do with each other, in turn invoking strange ideas about "rhizomes" and "war machines" and "blank faces." (The chapter I remember best spends a lot of time trying to explain the philosophical significance of the shape of lobsters.)

Why the authors did this is something of a mystery. The most parsimonious answer is that European philosophers are just weird. But a more charitable explanation is that the book is an attempt to describe two different ways of thinking about the structure of the world. Deleuze and Guattari think that almost everyone thinks most everything is structured one way, but they want everyone to at least be able to think and structure the other way. Their weirdness is an effort—however unsuccessful—at trying to change the way their readers perceive the world.

Readers who are scared off by French philosophy should not take this opening digression as a warning against On the Edge, the odd and interesting new book from rogue election forecaster Nate Silver. There are no rhizomes or lobsters to be found here. At the same time, reading On the Edge left me with the same experience of reading A Thousand Plateaus—it felt like the author was, through a series of somewhat disjointed stories and discussions, attempting to change how his readers see the world.

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3 radical thinkers who inspired the tyranny we're seeing in America



When the legislature becomes a lawful power that can pass bills for the purpose of plunder, tyranny isn’t far behind.

Mark Levin is well aware and knows exactly who and what inspired it.

“Marxism is the most evil of isms,” Levin begins. “The idea that you can camouflage your agenda in populism, the name of the people, inequality, that is the proletariat overthrowing the bourgeois.”

This was popularized by three major political philosophers: Marx, Hegel, and Rousseau.

“Marx figured out how to popularize tyranny. Hegel figured out how to popularize tyranny,” Levin explains, adding, “Rousseau figured out how to popularize tyranny.”

While these philosophers may be long passed, their ideas live on in our current government.

They’re exhibited and carried out by lobbyists, special interest groups, and those whose purpose is supposed to be helping the country and promoting freedom — but isn’t.

Their real purpose, according to Levin, is “to get laws made” and “regulations in place to make them rich.”

Those in government spend more time getting wealthier at the expense of others, attempting to regulate their competitors out of business, and have Congress pass laws to force people to do things like buy electric vehicles.

And this government is growing.

“The bigger the bureaucracy gets, the more centralized it gets, the more powerful Washington gets vis-à-vis the individual, vis-à-vis towns, vis-à-vis the states, the less your vote matters,” Levin says, noting that the evils of Marxism won’t stop until there’s nearly nothing left to fight for.

“It’s as if everybody has to become impoverished and destitute and punished before there’s a chance to eventually turn it around, because this is a cycle,” Levin says, adding, “it’s like a hamster wheel you can’t get off.”


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Levin: Revealing CNN's false claims on 'Christian Nationalism'



The leftist media has been equating American Christians with “Christian Nationalism,” and Mark Levin knows exactly what they’re doing: fueling hate against Christians and Jews.

“What they want you to think about when they say ‘Christian Nationalism’ is the Klan,” Levin says. “White robes, white people, white hoods, the Klan.”

In a segment on MSNBC, a reporter from Politico discussed the topic, saying that Christian Nationalists “believe that our rights as Americans, all human beings, don’t come from any earthly authority.”

According to her, our rights don’t come from God — despite our country being founded by those who believed in natural law.

“Our rights don’t come from God? Oh my goodness,” Levin says, adding that “it would surprise the men at the Second Continental Congress in Philadelphia at Independence Hall who drafted and voted on and approved the Declaration of Independence.”

“If man has the power to give you rights, man has the power to take them away,” Levin says.

Levin points out that most people don’t choose not to murder because they’ll get in trouble with the government and go to jail, but because it’s simply wrong.

“What they’re trying to do is deny the fact that Judeo-Christian morals and ethics are the basis of the founding of America because they are,” Levin says.


Want more from Mark Levin?

To enjoy more of "the Great One" — Mark Levin as you've never seen him before — subscribe to BlazeTV — the largest multi-platform network of voices who love America, defend the Constitution, and live the American dream.

Glenn: What to do when it feels like the world is falling apart



No matter where you look these days, you’re inundated with advertisements telling you that you’re not enough and a news cycle that’ll have you feeling like you’ve had enough.

It can feel like the world is falling apart and turning inside out.

Glenn Beck knows this all too well.

“Everything is telling you you’re not enough; and then on top of it, it feels at times like the world is just turning inside out and doing all kinds of things to you,” he says.

The lack of control over what’s going on around you can be overwhelming, but Glenn has a solution.

“We have to accept the things that we can’t change; but we also have to look at the things we can change,” he offers.

He believes that it’s “important to spin things around and maybe think that things aren’t being done to you” but rather, for you.

“It will require sacrifice and suffering and faith and everything else, but maybe, if we choose to see it in a different light, we’ll be better,” he explains.

Instead of focusing on your own issues — your own struggles — you can look to helping others who are going through similar or worse trials.

“If we’re hungry, maybe we feed the poor. We care for the orphan. We protect the widow. We love the stranger. If we’re in such a bad, dark place, wouldn’t it make it easier for us to see others in that place and relate to them unlike anyone else can?”


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The Bumpy Road From Rousseau to Revolution

In this book, Newell, currently a visiting professor at the Hamilton Center for Classical and Civic Education at the University of Florida, returns to the level of philosophy. He traces the "Philosophy of Freedom" initiated by Jean-Jacques Rousseau as a reaction against the perceived meaninglessness of "bourgeois" life, and then developed, and radicalized, by his German successors, notably Georg W.F. Hegel, Karl Marx, Friedrich Nietzsche, and Martin Heidegger.

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