Why leftism attracts the sad and depressed — and keeps them that way



By now, the trope of the “sad leftist” has become so popular that it’s essentially a meme. Multiple studies show leftists are, on average, far less happy than conservatives. That aligns with the experience of many who observe self-professed leftists exhibiting more anxiety, gloom, and hostility than others.

It’s not difficult to understand why. If your main news sources tell you the president is a fascist, half of your countrymen are bigots, and the world is about to end due to climate change, you’re bound to feel — and vote — blue. Yet, even in Democratic administrations, leftists never seemed content.

People latch onto progressive narratives because they offer someone to blame. That brings short-term relief, but it quickly fades.

This suggests the root of their discontent isn’t merely political messaging but something deeper. Rather, the ideas implicit in leftism seem antithetical to a happy life and human flourishing — even if well-intended. Leftists push for diversity, equity, and inclusion in place of meritocracy, support a more powerful state to implement those ideals, advocate open borders to globalize them, and demand wealth redistribution to fund them. In the sanitized and euphemistic language they often prefer, leftists are about fairness, progress, and kindness.

Sad people lean left

Nate Silver recently weighed in on the happiness gap between conservatives and progressives. His take? People might have it backward. It’s not that leftism makes people sad but that sad people gravitate toward leftism: “People become liberals because they’re struggling or oppressed themselves and therefore favor change and a larger role for government.”

If this is true, it still doesn’t explain why leftism is correlated with sadness and why it offers no remedy. Conservatives, for their part, offer a diagnosis and a cure: Leftism is foolish and destructive — so stop being a leftist. That’s the gist of Ben Shapiro’s infamous line, “Facts don’t care about your feelings.”

While clever and catchy, this oversimplifies the problem. People who ascribe to liberal or leftist causes don’t merely do so because they prioritize feelings over facts. Yes, some are true believers, but most are reacting to powerful cultural pressures and personal struggles. These feed destructive habits that, in turn, make them more susceptible to leftist propaganda.

After all, the narratives that comprise leftist propaganda are easy to understand and adopt since they lay the blame of all society’s ills on someone else. People are poor because rich people exploit them; people of color are marginalized because white people are racists; queer people are depressed because straight people don’t accept them; third world countries are dysfunctional because Americans and Europeans meddled in their affairs too much or too little; and leftists are unpopular because Trump and other conservative populists are effective con men.

The media’s vicious cycle

These narratives not only offer paltry short-term solace — they breed resentment. Instead of directing their efforts to personal improvement, leftists are encouraged to push their anger outward — sometimes through direct violence (vandalism, looting, even political violence) and sometimes indirectly by cheering on those who perpetrate it. In this way, left-wing media weaponizes its audience.

Nevertheless, the principle motivation behind leftist propaganda is not necessarily weaponization. It’s monetization. Beyond adopting leftist narratives and positions, audiences need to continue consuming leftist media and become addicted to it.

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  Karolina Grabowska/Pexels

As Georgetown professor and computer scientist Cal Newport explains in his book “Digital Minimalism: Choosing a Focused Life in a Noisy World,” society has now entered the era of the “attention economy,” where media companies do everything in their power to hold people’s attention — for forever. In conjunction with tech companies, these outlets turn otherwise healthy people into helpless junkies enslaved to the apps on their smartphones.

Like any addiction, this one feeds a destructive cycle. People latch onto progressive narratives because they offer someone to blame. That brings short-term relief, but it quickly fades. The need for comfort drives them to consume even more leftist content, which distorts their view of the world and fuels resentment. Anxiety deepens. Misery spreads.

As their emotional state deteriorates, they seek comfort in even more content. Eventually, this behavior sabotages their ability to function. They become dependent on the very content that made them feel worse in the first place. Many even join the performance, filming themselves crying, ranting, and broadcasting their despair for clicks.

Meanwhile, the titans of the attention economy grow wealthier and more powerful. They refine their algorithms, suppress dissent, and tighten their grip. The last thing they want is for their users to wake up — to take Newport’s advice, unplug, and rediscover meaning in the real world. They might just find happiness. And stop drifting left.

Model a different life

This presents an opportunity for conservatives hoping to transform the culture. The answer isn’t just a matter of advocating time-tested ideas but of modeling the habits that reinforce these ideas. Rather than view leftists as incorrigible scoundrels and idiots who refuse to open their eyes, conservatives should see them as unfortunate people who have been seduced, reduced, and enslaved by powerful corporate and government interests.

This means that conservatives should do more than offer political arguments — we must pull them away from the vicious cycle through modeling a better life. Leftists (and many on the online right, for that matter) must be reminded that being perpetually online and endlessly scrolling is a recipe for sadness. In contrast, church, family, friends, and meaningful work are what empower people. They are what make us human — and happy.

Once the cycle is broken — and the leftist has regained some control over himself — the case for conservatism becomes much easier. If Nate Silver is right that sad people gravitate to the left, then it’s only logical to assume happy people should be attracted to the right. Conservatives should cherish those values and habits that make them, on average, happier and more fulfilled. It’s time to stop drinking leftist tears and help them out of their malaise.

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Full Threat, No Sweat: On Eve of Israeli Strike Against Iran, US SecDef Pete Hegseth Watched GOP Humiliate Dems at Baseball

Pete Hegseth was cool, calm, and collected Wednesday evening, roughly 24 hours before Israel (with non-military assistance from the United States) launched a massive preemptive strike on Iran. The secretary of defense was spotted enjoying a Diet Coke, the non-alcoholic beverage adored by Donald Trump and many others, while watching the annual Congressional Baseball Game at Nationals Park in Washington, D.C.

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Stephen A. Smith FLIRTS with Republican presidential bid



Stephen A. Smith has been making headlines lately, and it’s not for his reporting on ESPN. Rather, the sports commentator has been making the podcast rounds and teasing the idea of running for the presidency in 2028.

And on a recent episode of the “PBD Podcast” with Patrick Bet-David, Smith appeared to suggest that he wouldn’t be opposed to running as a Republican.

“100% that in 2028, if you run, you will run as a Democrat,” PBD said, addressing Smith.

“The only reason I say that, is because I don’t think that I’d have a snowball's chance in hell of running as a Republican. I think JD Vance, the Marco Rubios of the world, even the Ron DeSantises of the world have that on lock, number one,” Smith replied.


“Number two, the party is not as in disarray as the Democratic Party. Number three, even though I’m a centrist, and I’m a registered independent,” he continued, “I would have voted for Nikki Haley if Ron DeSantis hadn’t pissed me off with the whole slavery, ‘there’s good parts about slavery’ comment.”

“I might have voted for him. That was my issue with him. Trump, obviously, it’s behavior more so than anything else, but I had no problem with Nikki Haley. I’m friends with Governor Chris Christie, former governor of New Jersey,” he added, before explaining that “if a third party had a chance of winning an election,” that would be how he’d run.

“I don’t like leaning far right or left, and I think both sides pull you dramatically in their direction,” he concluded.

BlazeTV host Jason Whitlock doesn’t like where he sees this going.

“That’s fascinating. Now, he’s just thrown in a new angle here, in my opinion, running as a third candidate,” Whitlock says, speculating, “so maybe his play is, and their play is, if we can get him out there as a centrist and pull enough men away from the Republican Party, it may open a door for the Democrats.”

Want more from Jason Whitlock?

To enjoy more fearless conversations at the crossroads of culture, faith, sports, and comedy with Jason Whitlock, subscribe to BlazeTV — the largest multi-platform network of voices who love America, defend the Constitution, and live the American dream.

The culture war isn’t a distraction — it’s the main front



Every June for the past decade, Americans have endured the same tedious ritual. Corporations, nonprofits, and federal agencies blanketed the country in rainbow iconography to mark the beginning of Pride Month. Logos were recolored. HR departments rolled out slide decks on inclusion. Public spaces were repurposed into temples of the new state religion.

But this year feels different. Pride Month opened with a whimper. Some of the most vocal corporate evangelists dropped the celebration entirely. The cause? Conservatives finally decided to fight. Culture war became something more than a talking point — and suddenly, a chorus of “respectable” voices began warning about the dangers of winning.

The base has learned that victory is possible. Cultural power can be challenged. Political power can be used. The enemy can be made to retreat.

It’s our duty to ignore them.

The warning signs were obvious decades ago. In 1992, Pat Buchanan told the Republican National Convention that a culture war had already begun. If the right failed to take it seriously, he said, it would lose everything else. The GOP didn’t listen. Instead, the party obsessed over tax cuts and nation-building in the Middle East. The Moral Majority of the 1970s and ’80s was treated as a joke — something dated, embarrassing, and politically toxic. Better to focus on free markets and gun rights.

The culture war, we were told, belonged to church ladies and washed-up televangelists. The future of conservatism lay in fusing neocon economics with a libertarian live-and-let-live approach to social issues.

Pride filled the void

Nature abhors a vacuum. Turns out that if you withdraw all Christian influence from the public square, something else takes its place.

Republicans abandoned the culture war. Progressives never stopped fighting it. With almost no resistance, activist groups captured corporations, school boards, and even the military. Their “American Ramadan” took hold of the civic calendar. At first, they had to push. Over time, they no longer needed to. They’d filled these institutions with graduates trained in the new religion. Pride became doctrine.

Then they pushed too far.

The backlash didn’t start with GOP leadership or conservative media figures. Most of them ran for cover, as usual. It started with parents. LGBTQ+ activists had always targeted children, but usually with plausible deniability. Once transgender ideology reached the classroom and children began mutilating their bodies, the pretense collapsed.

Fathers watched daughters suffer concussions in girls’ sports. Mothers feared losing sons to state-mandated transitions. This wasn’t about marginal tax rates any more. This was a fight for their children’s bodies and souls — exactly the battle Buchanan predicted.

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  Blaze Media Illustration

Fighting the culture war worked

Eventually, even Republican politicians took notice. Boycotts emerged. Protests followed. For the first time in decades, conservative action had teeth. Corporate boardrooms and school boards felt the pressure.

Some politicians, like Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, broke from the usual GOP pattern of complaint without consequence. He used political power to defend voters — passing laws, signing executive orders, reshaping public institutions. Conservative pundits and establishment media scolded him for violating “small government principles.” Voters, however, rewarded him. Other governors followed.

Pride Month 2025 looked nothing like the version Americans had come to expect. Under the Trump administration, federal agencies and the military no longer served as public relations arms for the gender revolution. Major corporations — Target, Starbucks, Disney — sat out the ritual queering of their logos. Not every company pulled back. But the most aggressive push came from professional sports leagues, especially Major League Baseball. Ironically, the industries most reliant on red-state consumers seemed the most desperate to humiliate them.

Still, the contrast was undeniable. Conservatives, for once, applied sustained pressure — and it worked.

Much work to be done

No victory stays secure without follow-through.

Progressive ideology still saturates the commanding heights of American culture. The bureaucracy, the universities, the legal system — all remain firmly in enemy hands. Populist uprisings, however welcome, tend to burn hot and fast. They need structure to last. The moment belongs to the right, but momentum means little without organization.

Buchanan’s most famous lines weren’t just about warning — they were about action.

Greater love than this hath no man than that he lay down his life for his friend. Here were 19-year-old boys ready to lay down their lives to stop a mob from molesting old people they did not even know. And as those boys took back the streets of Los Angeles, block by block, my friends, we must take back our cities, and take back our culture, and take back our country.

That vision threatens the GOP establishment more than any left-wing pressure campaign. Republican elites never liked Trump, and they certainly never liked what he unleashed. Populism made demands. It refused to obey. It reminded the base that political power should be used — not just harvested.

The saboteurs wasted no time. They labeled anyone who fights the culture war with actual authority “the woke right.” The term signals their intent: Neutralize real opposition by redefining it as leftist. Restore the old consensus. Return to safe topics and stale slogans.

But the old consensus is dying.

The base has learned that victory is possible. Cultural power can be challenged. Political power can be used. The enemy can be made to retreat.

Of course, this fight won’t end quickly. No amount of virtue-signaling from corporations can erase the damage already done. Children still face ideological capture. Bureaucrats still push gender ideology behind closed doors. Activists still hold positions of influence across major institutions.

But the wall has cracked.

This moment demands more than nostalgia or outrage. It demands strategy. It demands organization. And above all, it demands courage.

The right doesn’t need to beg for permission or apologize for fighting. It needs to press the advantage. Those who warned that the culture war would cost too much should reckon with how much surrender has already cost us.

We’ve seen what works. Now we need to keep doing it — block by block.

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Byron Donalds pays ‘body man’ with a rap sheet using campaign cash



U.S. Rep. Byron Donalds (R-Fla.) has used campaign funds to funnel large payments to his longtime associate and close friend Larry Wilcoxson — a man with a lengthy history of criminal convictions and allegations. Media reports have called Wilcoxson Donalds’ “right-hand man,” while the congressman, who announced his candidacy for governor of Florida in February, has referred to him as his personal “body man.”

Wilcoxson doesn’t appear on Donalds’ official staff roster, yet he and his company, Wilcoxson Consulting, received $133,450 from Donalds’ campaign across more than 160 disbursements between July 7, 2020, and March 24 of this year. The latest Federal Election Commission reporting shows that more than $86,000 of that total came after May 2024, signaling a possible expansion of Wilcoxson’s role with Donalds.

Propping up a 'right-hand man' with Wilcoxson’s rap sheet speaks volumes about the judgment of the man signing the checks.

The payments break down as follows:

  • Payroll: $75,250 (56.4%)
  • Payroll taxes: $18,750 (14%)
  • Consulting services: $22,500 (16.8%)
  • Travel reimbursements: $8,450 (6.3%)
  • Office supplies: $3,200 (2.4%)
  • Event expenses: $2,800 (2.1%)
  • Miscellaneous reimbursements: $1,500 (1.1%)
  • Other (unspecified): $1,000 (0.7%)

Wilcoxson’s criminal history, both alleged and confirmed, appears extensively in court records and media coverage.

One of the most serious accusations involves a 2006 child molestation case. According to an April 2023 report by the Florida Trident, police accused Wilcoxson of molesting a 13-year-old girl while he worked as a substitute teacher at an Indianapolis middle school. Though prosecutors later dismissed the charge, the Trident noted that “a look at the public record shows there are many questions still unanswered about the case.”

The Indianapolis Star reported that school officials fired Wilcoxson after he allegedly exposed himself to a female custodian. Federal court records show multiple accusers. When asked whether they were all lying, Wilcoxson dodged the question.

He didn’t hesitate to play the race card, though.

“In my America, in your America, only a black man will be guilty and will always be guilty,” he said when pressed about multiple accusations. Wilcoxson refused to answer questions about the child molestation case but admitted to videotaping his sexual encounters, called himself a “pimp,” and confessed to threatening a police officer’s family.

A 2008 federal lawsuit filed in Indianapolis, settled out of court in 2009, alleged that Wilcoxson molested a student — identified as “T.T.” — while working as a substitute teacher at Henry W. Longfellow Middle School. The girl’s mother, Valerie Davis, reported the alleged abuse. According to the lawsuit, the school district and Indianapolis police conducted a “superficial and flawed” investigation.

The complaint also claimed authorities treated the girl “hostilely,” even threatening her with arrest for filing a report.

A lifetime of trouble

Court records unearthed by the Florida Trident show that Wilcoxson’s rap sheet goes back to his teenage years. In Collier County, Florida, he faced charges including armed robbery at 14, aggravated battery, misdemeanor battery, and grand theft auto. While a student at Florida State University studying — ironically — criminology, he racked up more charges between 1997 and 2000. He took plea deals for forgery and credit card fraud, beat a petty theft charge at trial, and got a criminal mischief charge dropped.

In 2015, a court sentenced Wilcoxson to six months in jail for grand theft auto, but the conviction was later vacated. Combined with a judge’s decision to withhold adjudication on earlier charges, Wilcoxson’s record, on paper at least, shows no standing convictions — a technical clean slate that masks a long and troubling history.

In March 2022, Melissa Kamin — Wilcoxson’s former fiancée — filed for a protective order, alleging he physically assaulted her in their Marco Island home by lifting her onto a kitchen counter and restraining her. She also claimed Wilcoxson later tracked her to Lauderhill, broke into her car, and tossed her belongings.

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 Photo by DOMINIC GWINN/Middle East Images/AFP via Getty Images

Wilcoxson denied the allegations, insisting he never acted violently toward Kamin. Court records show Kamin obtained a temporary restraining order but later withdrew her petition in May 2022.

Wilcoxson’s record of physical intimidation doesn’t stop there. According to a September 2022 report from Gulf Coast News, he and Donalds confronted Collier County School Board candidate Kelly Lichter in a supermarket, with Donalds yelling about a lawsuit involving his wife. In a separate incident, Wilcoxson reportedly lunged at Lichter’s husband, Nick, during a Collier County Republican Executive Committee meeting — forcing a deputy and others to restrain him.

His go-to move

The Trident report casts Wilcoxson as an “intimidator” for Donalds, with critics like former Collier County Republican Committeeman Rob Tolp raising alarms about his temperament and pattern of threatening behavior.

“He resorts to threats of violence almost instantaneously,” Tolp told the outlet. “It’s almost like it’s his first go-to move. That’s a bad sign.”

Using campaign funds to pay unofficial advisers occupies a legal gray zone. It’s not outright illegal if the individual performs legitimate campaign work. But propping up a “right-hand man” with Wilcoxson’s rap sheet speaks volumes about the judgment of the man signing the checks. Whether Florida voters will care — or call it out — remains to be seen.

The Democratic Party is not dying — it’s evolving



Let’s cut through the wishful thinking.

Contrary to what you may hear on Fox News or from conservative pundits, the Democratic Party isn’t imploding. The happy talk about a collapse may feel good, but it doesn’t reflect political reality. Yes, the party’s popularity has cratered in the polls — down to 27% according to some surveys. Yes, Democrats like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York and Jasmine Crockett of Texas are sideshow acts. And yes, elected officials like Rep. LaMonica McIver (D-N.J.) and Newark Mayor Ras Baraka allegedly physically assaulted ICE agents at a detention facility in New Jersey.

The sooner the Republican National Committee realizes it’s running from behind in 2026, the better.

But don’t assume any of that will cost Democrats elections.

Democratic voters have shown time and again that they either don’t mind obscene behavior from their leaders or they flat-out enjoy it. Don’t expect outrage over arrests or outbursts to suddenly translate into ballot-box blowback. Polls may show the party in a deep slump, but that doesn’t automatically translate into lost races. Voters often treat parties as abstractions but candidates as individuals.

That distinction matters. Case in point: Rep. Abigail Spanberger (D-Va.).

Spanberger, a liberal Democrat, is running away in her race for Virginia governor — despite the Democratic Party’s poor national standing. Unless she commits an unforced error (and even then, the media will likely run interference), she’s on track to succeed Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin.

Her GOP opponent, Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears, is a Marine Corps veteran, a devout Christian, and a compelling conservative voice. She’s also black. But in modern Virginia politics, don’t expect her race to break through the stronghold of the overwhelmingly left-wing black vote — or the white, college-educated suburban women who reliably side with Democrats.

Don’t confuse collapsing party approval with electoral collapse. The left may be unpopular, but it’s still powerful — and that matters more than the polls.

Spanberger may not wave the woke banner, but she’s every bit as culturally left as the rest of her party. Unlike the loudest activists, she avoids the firebrand persona and leans hard into buzzwords like “unity” and “bringing people together.” If elected, expect her to govern just like Ralph Northam (D) — minus the public enthusiasm for post-birth abortion.

Spanberger isn’t unique. Pennsylvania’s Josh Shapiro (D) follows the same playbook. He speaks calmly, claims to support Israel, and talks about “solving problems,” all while quietly pushing a radical social agenda. Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear (D) has also mastered the performance. His folksy demeanor wins voters in a red state, even though his positions align with the likes of Tampon Tim Walz and Mayor Pete Buttigieg. He talks like Andy Griffith while voting like Bernie Sanders.

Don’t confuse presentation with moderation.

The Democratic Party hasn’t lost its grip on blue America. It hasn’t even flinched.

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  Yamac Beyter via iStock/Getty Images

Just look at Philadelphia, where radical District Attorney Larry Krasner (D) just won his primary in a landslide — beating a supposedly more moderate Democrat with over two-thirds of the vote. In New York City, Democrat prosecutor Alvin Bragg’s far-left prosecutions and anti-Trump theatrics haven’t dented his popularity.

Don’t hold your breath waiting for a Republican breakthrough in the deep-blue states. Democrats still dominate Illinois, hold Minnesota, and likely have an edge in Michigan and Wisconsin.

If the Democratic Party were truly in its death throes, it wouldn’t be holding its ground so confidently in the places that matter most.

Winning elections in the United States means collecting the most officially recognized votes. A national party can lag in overall popularity and still dominate the game. Democrats understand that — and play to win, by hook or by crook. Whether through ballot harvesting, lawfare, or machine politics, they know the courts won’t stop them and the legacy media won’t question them.

Their ground game runs deep. Teachers’ unions, public sector workers, black activists, LGBT groups, and college-educated white women fight for them like their paychecks depend on it — because they often do.

Democrats also enjoy bountiful donations from most of those at the top of the income curve, who don’t confuse the crony capitalism from which they benefit with real socialism. Even if the Democrats claim to be fighting plutocracy, they are being swamped with megabucks from the very rich.

Let’s also stop pretending Democrats lack a unified message. Their priorities are crystal clear: DEI, trans ideology, unlimited abortion, open borders, and tax hikes to fund their coalition. Millions of Americans support all or most of this agenda, or at least don’t mind it enough to vote against it.

Fox News may roll its eyes at the clowns in Congress, but those clowns aren’t trying to impress us — or the Fox All-Stars. They’re mobilizing their base, and the base likes what it hears.

The sooner the Republican National Committee realizes it’s running from behind in 2026, the better. Because that’s exactly what it’s doing.