‘The Democratic Party In Florida Is Dead’: Top State Senate Dem Leaves Party He Says ‘Craves And Screams Anarchy’
'It craves and screams anarchy'
The U.S. Department of Justice has brought significant criminal charges against a New Mexico man who is accused of carrying out arson attacks against the New Mexico Republican Party's headquarters and a Tesla dealership in the state.
Jamison Wagner, a 40-year-old resident of Albuquerque, New Mexico, was arrested and charged with two counts of malicious damage or destruction of property by fire or explosives, according to federal authorities. If convicted, Wagner faces between five and 20 years in prison for each count.
'Hurling firebombs is not a political protest.'
Federal prosecutors claim the first arson attack took place at a Tesla dealership in Albuquerque on Feb. 9. Wagner is accused of arson of the Tesla dealership and also of vandalizing the building with inflammatory graffiti, including allegedly writing: “Die Elon,” “Tesla Nazi Inc,” “Die Tesla Nazi,” and swastika symbols, according to a report from the Justice Department.
There has been outrage — at times violent — by leftists incensed by Elon Musk's efforts with the Department of Government Efficiency to get rid of excessive or fraudulent federal government spending.
On March 30, the headquarters of the Republican Party of New Mexico was allegedly attacked. The office reportedly suffered from shattered glass and extensive fire damage to a door, and the outside walls were spray-painted with graffiti that read: "ICE=KKK."
Surveillance cameras at both locations captured a white 2015 Hyundai Accent near the crime scenes.
Evidence collected from both crime scenes led to the home of Wagner.
During a search of Wagner's home, investigators allegedly discovered a stencil with the term “ICE = KKK,” an apparent reference to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Authorities also found eight suspected incendiary devices.
No one was injured in either incident, according to investigators.
The Justice Department announced in a statement that FBI and ATF agents found "blue styrofoam egg cartons consistent with the polystyrene material found in the improvised napalm used in the Tesla fire, materials for manufacturing additional incendiary devices, ignitable liquids consistent with the gasoline used at both fire scenes, as well as black and red spray paint matching the graffiti used at both crime scenes" at Wagner's residence.
Authorities also allegedly found Wagner's 2015 white Hyundai Accent in his garage.
Federal authorities have declared that Wagner will now face the full force of the law if he is found guilty.
U.S. Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche declared, "Hurling firebombs is not a political protest. It is a dangerous felony that we will prosecute to the maximum extent. The impressive work by law enforcement in New Mexico sends a clear message to perpetrators of all of the shameful attacks on Tesla facilities and political establishments: We are coming for you, you can’t hide, and you will do serious jail time to pay for your crimes.”
Deputy Director Robert Cekada of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives added, "A key suspect is now in custody thanks to the exceptional work of ATF’s Special Agents, certified fire investigators, and forensic specialists. This arrest marks a critical step toward justice in the firebombing that targeted a Tesla dealership and the New Mexico Republican Party Headquarters. Our teams worked around the clock — collecting, analyzing, and connecting forensic evidence across both scenes. With the support of our local partners, the FBI, and the rapid work of ATF’s forensic lab, we were able to link the crimes, identify those responsible, and take swift action to protect the public. This is what ATF does best: We follow the evidence, we find the truth, and we bring offenders to justice.”
FBI Director Kash Patel stated, "This arrest is part of the FBI’s aggressive efforts to investigate and hold accountable those who have targeted Tesla facilities in various states across the country. Thank you to our agents and support teams in Albuquerque who did an outstanding job executing the mission. Under Attorney General Bondi’s leadership, we will continue to locate and arrest those responsible for these acts of domestic terrorism, and the FBI will work with partners at the Department of Justice to ensure such lawbreakers face justice.”
U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi stated of the case on the X social media platform, "We will be prosecuting to the fullest extent of the law. We are seeking up to 40 years in prison — no negotiating."
Bondi also hinted this week that federal prosecutors would not accept plea deals.
“Let this be the final lesson to those taking part in this ongoing wave of political violence,” said Bondi. “We will arrest you, we will prosecute you, and we will not negotiate. Crimes have consequences.”
FBI spokesperson Ben Williamson told the New York Post, “Following Attorney General Bondi’s leadership, Director Patel immediately took steps to have the FBI quickly locate and arrest domestic terrorists attacking Tesla facilities — and we’re glad to see the latest operation succeed not just in this effort, but also bring to justice the same alleged attacker of the New Mexico Republican Party from February."
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San Francisco and New York may be showcases for progressive, dystopian governance, but they lack one thing the left increasingly needs: land. That’s why green energy companies — backed by federal subsidies and environmental branding — are targeting rural America for industrial-scale wind and solar farms, along with carbon capture pipelines. Despite their eco-friendly image, these projects often scar the landscape and face strong local resistance.
Ironically, many of these initiatives move forward with the support of Republican officials who claimed to oppose Joe Biden but now embrace one of his signature policy goals. A recent example comes from Eastern Wyoming.
Salt-of-the-earth Wyoming landowners are expected to sacrifice their property so that global corporations can pay a premium to showcase their climate credentials to retail clients and investors.
Last Thursday, the State Board of Land Commissioners approved a 40-year lease of public lands in Converse and Niobrara Counties for two separate wind farm projects backed by foreign-owned companies. The board includes the governor, secretary of state, state auditor, state treasurer, and superintendent of public instruction.
Secretary of State Chuck Gray, the lone conservative among the Republican officials, cast the only dissenting vote on both projects. Most local residents opposed the wind farms, but their concerns were overruled.
The issue isn’t just that wind turbines are visually intrusive in a state where coal and natural gas remain abundant. It’s that they fail to serve as reliable infrastructure. Instead of contributing stable power, wind farms often operate as economic parasites — consuming massive resources to generate relatively little electricity.
Local officials have raised concerns about the large volumes of water required to operate these wind farms, but those objections have gone largely ignored.
In most cases, a power source earns public support by producing more value than it costs. But these wind farms don’t even power the local communities. The energy is being funneled into a new industry with a dystopian twist: investors want to use Eastern Wyoming’s land and water to produce carbon-offset hydrogen jet fuel — so global airlines can claim they’re “green.”
In the end, rural residents are being sacrificed in the name of questionable science and corporate virtue-signaling. Wyoming’s landscape and resources are being drained, not to meet local needs but to satisfy the environmental claims of distant corporations.
The first project, led by Sidewinder H2 LLC, will occupy roughly 120,000 acres about 10 miles west of Lusk. The second, smaller project, run by Pronghorn H2 LLC, will take up 46,000 acres 20 miles east of Casper. Both companies are based in Delaware but operate as subsidiaries of Acciona and Nordex Green Hydrogen — a joint venture between Spain’s Acciona and German wind turbine manufacturer Nordex.
On its U.S. venture page, Acciona calls for the “decarbonization” of America. The company criticizes the Paris climate agreement as insufficient and urges a rapid shift toward renewables. Its stated goal is to achieve “net zero” emissions by transforming the energy sector “without delay” and “decoupling from fossil fuels.”
So why, in a state Trump won by a landslide and at a time when he’s pledging to dismantle the “green new scam,” are Republicans handing over land to foreign energy firms that aim to shut down U.S. fossil fuel use?
Why are Republican leaders enabling green energy companies — many backed by subsidies from Biden’s climate agenda — to displace Wyoming’s natural resources and burden local landowners in the name of global “carbon offsets”?
The truth is Gov. Mark Gordon and his allies are violating the fundamental trust between state leadership and the people of Wyoming.
At a recent board meeting, Chuck Gray asked Paul Martin, president of Focus Clean Energy, why these companies couldn’t produce fuel “the good ol’ fashioned way” instead of eating up vast tracts of land. Martin’s response was striking.
“Those guys might want to tell the Targets of the world and different clients that they’re reducing their carbon footprint,” Martin said. “That means they’re willing to pay extra for a product that’s gone through this complex process.”
In other words, multigenerational, salt-of-the-earth Wyoming landowners are expected to sacrifice their property so that global corporations can pay a premium to showcase their climate credentials to retail clients and investors.
Yeah, right.
Landowners in conservative states are beginning to push back against green energy land-grabs, though legislative progress remains slow. The Arizona House recently passed a bill to ban wind and solar projects near residential neighborhoods. Lawmakers in Arkansas are weighing several proposals to restrict or prohibit such projects outright. Similar tensions have emerged in the Oklahoma legislature.
Still, no state has enacted a new law this session, although some counties have begun taking action at the local level.
In Wyoming, residents must make it clear: If corporations want to virtue-signal, they should do it on their own land in places like San Francisco or Los Angeles. To defend the open, free land that defines Wyoming, voters need to elect Republicans who actually represent those values — not politicians like Mark Gordon, who seems more at home in California than the Cowboy State.
When I went to bed Tuesday night, the race for the open seat on the Wisconsin Supreme Court had already been called — unsurprisingly — for Susan Crawford, the ultra-woke candidate. With more than two-thirds of the votes counted, Crawford held a lead of more than 10 percentage points.
Despite complaints from Wisconsin Democrats about Elon Musk’s support for Republican candidate Brad Schimel, Crawford outspent him by a margin of roughly 2 to 1. Her campaign benefited from funding from George Soros, Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker (D), and other wealthy backers with culturally progressive agendas. Powerful public-sector unions in Wisconsin also rallied behind Crawford, opposing Musk’s calls for reducing the influence of government bureaucrats.
Does anyone seriously believe Democrats won’t use Susan Crawford’s court victory to gerrymander two new congressional districts?
As usual, the Democratic base — racial minorities and college-educated white women — turned out in strong numbers to support her.
Watching the activist left unite behind a candidate who embraces the very ideologies that writer Christopher Rufo has documented in his research on institutional wokeness, I was reminded of the overly optimistic narratives coming from some in the conservative media.
We keep hearing that the Democratic Party is falling apart — that it’s resorting to riots and hurling obscenities because it has lost the support of ordinary voters. But these talking points ignore political reality.
The claim seems to rest on Donald Trump’s victory in 2024, which was hardly a landslide, and came against a tongue-tied mediocrity. Tuesday night’s results in Wisconsin tell a different story. With record Democratic turnout, Crawford defeated Schimel handily. The left, far from collapsing, remains highly mobilized and effective.
The cheerleading from Fox News pundits likely stems from their inability — or unwillingness — to believe that anyone could support a party as deeply unserious and radical as today’s Democrats. But the reality is right in front of us.
Why would any voter — citizen or not — back candidates who insist there are more than two genders, advocate for biological men in women’s sports, excuse the burning of Tesla dealerships, and elevate political carnival acts like Rep. Jasmine Crockett (D-Texas) and Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.)?
The answer is straightforward: The left, across the Western world, is backed by immense institutional power. It enjoys the support of major financial interests, the legacy media, most of the entertainment industry, and nearly the entire education system. It also benefits from every new expansion of the electorate.
More importantly, the left plays to win — and to stay in power. Does anyone seriously believe Democrats won’t use Susan Crawford’s court victory to gerrymander two new congressional districts? Of course they will. And if they retake the House, they’ll waste no time rallying their obedient congressional foot soldiers for yet another effort to impeach Donald Trump.
Democrats will also keep using the courts to target Trump’s administration, relying on friendly federal district judges to strike down any executive action that doesn’t serve their agenda.
And let’s not forget the 10 to 20 million illegal aliens the Democratic Party has welcomed and intends to keep here — criminal gang members included. These individuals are not just here to stay; they’re here to vote. As Elon Musk pointed out, though lapdog media outlets rushed to deny it, Democratic politicians and bureaucrats have pushed to issue Social Security numbers to noncitizens — numbers that can serve as voter ID.
The left has mastered the art of weaponizing the judiciary, both in the United States and across Europe, against its already weakened opposition. It reflexively smears anyone who resists its cultural agenda — on family, gender, or borders — as a “Nazi.” And it works.
The left wins because it has more power: more institutional support, more funding, more cultural dominance. The notion that it's collapsing because it acts outrageously is laughable. That behavior energizes its base. As we saw on April 1, even in so-called purple states, that base remains large — and ready to deliver.
One major advantage the American right still holds — unlike, say, its counterparts in Germany, England, Spain, and elsewhere in the West — is a substantial electoral base. Roughly 40% of the electorate continues to resist a full leftist takeover. We also have a president willing to use whatever authority he’s given to push back against the left’s grip on the permanent bureaucracy.
These advantages matter. I’m delighted they still exist. But let’s not kid ourselves: The Democrats and their ideological allies are not vanishing. Far from it.
And there’s no reason to pretend that those who reliably vote with the left, excuse its political games, and indulge its outbursts and riots somehow share “common ground” with their opponents. That fantasy only weakens the real resistance. It promotes the delusion that if we’re just a little “nicer,” the Democrats will magically start playing fair.
We’re told we can return to the supposed golden age when Ronald Reagan and Tip O’Neill shared drinks and Irish jokes after trading barbs in public. If that era ever existed, it’s gone — and it isn’t coming back.
The party’s over.
I hate being the bearer of bad news, but despite our historic victory this past November, the right hasn’t won the battle for America’s soul — not even close.
Republicans think Americans voted for right-wing philosophy, when in reality, they voted for Donald J. Trump. The two are not the same.
I get it — it’s been fun to be a Republican since November. The problem is, we’ve been so busy running victory lap after victory lap that now the left might lap us.
Just look at what happened this Tuesday, when Democrat James Malone won Pennsylvania’s 36th Senate District by a razor-thin margin. Just for context, this is a district that President Donald Trump won by 15 points in 2024 and whose electorate tilts Republican by 23 points. The last Republican to hold it ran unopposed. In short, it shouldn’t even have been close.
And yet the Democrat won, which raises a much more uncomfortable question, not just about this race but about the entire Republican strategy for 2026: How could this happen?
To me, the reason is clear. They won because we didn’t show up. Why didn’t we show up? We were lulled into a false sense of security by the crushing victory of 2024. And yes, Trump’s use of the full machinery of the state to strip away the left’s entrenched power — along with Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency chewing through federal fat — makes it hard not to feel a bit giddy, even invincible. But while overconfidence breeds vulnerability, I don’t think that’s the real issue.
The real issue is that Republicans think Americans voted for right-wing philosophy, when in reality, they actually voted for Donald J. Trump. Whether you like it or not, Trump had an advantage that virtually no other Republican has: Everyone knew he was the living embodiment of a political approach that elites in bothparties had tried to stop. And what’s more, he was up against possibly the perfect candidate — or really, candidates — to personify what everyday Americans hatedabout those very elites. Plus, there truly is no one like Trump. It is only because so many people showed up to vote against those people — and for him — that they also pulled the lever for a Republican.
But most Democrats are not as bad as former Vice President Kamala Harris. And most Republicans, I’m sorry to say, are not Trump. In fact, most Republicans seem to have taken the exact wrong lesson from Trump’s victory. They’ve treated it as a vindication of conservatism. It wasn’t. Trump is not a movement conservative, and most Americans aren’t either.
Unfortunately, many GOP politicians still resemble the conservative brand of old. Worse, many have tried to use Trump’s “America First” agenda as a fig leaf for unpopular past stances and discredited old ideologies. This loud group has nothing to do with “America First,” and they’re making us look bad to normal Americans — precisely at the moment when everyone from Gavin Newsom to Bernie Sanders is falling all over themselves to try to appear “normal.” Americans voted for Trump to stop the ideological madness, not to invert it.
But MAGA stands for more than that. We know it. Trump knows it. The real issue, as Trump himself often says, is that we’re not used to winning this much. And because of that, we’ve grown too comfortable. We’ve started coasting, assuming success will continue without effort.
We forget that many of our victories have come simply because voters oppose the radical left. As Mike Solana recently told Megyn Kelly, “We’ve decided what we don’t want to look like.” But rejection alone isn’t a strategy. If the opposition doesn’t implode, we have to give voters something to support — something real, clear, and positive. That requires more than deciding what we stand for; it requires showing it in everything we do.
Whatever that vision is, we need to define it now — and act on it — because time is running out.
We already lost a state Senate seat in a swing-state district with a Republican advantage of 23 points. If that can happen there, it can happen anywhere. The upcoming Wisconsin Supreme Court race is a toss-up, and we cannot afford another defeat.
Yes, both the MAGA movement and Elon Musk have done more to nationalize the Wisconsin court race than they did with Pennsylvania’s 36th Senate district. But we can’t rely on billionaires or once-in-a-generation political talent.
The right must build a political machine that works — whether we’re in power or not. Democrats have one. They’re using it. And they’re not slowing down.
We shouldn’t either.