George Washington’s advice for the midterms



The 2026 midterm elections present a tough environment for the Republican Party, raising questions about how to campaign in such challenging circumstances. As is often the case in American politics, the economy is a central concern for voters.

In the last few weeks, prices — particularly for gas — have been too high for the comfort of any incumbent party. What have Republicans been saying to assuage voters’ concerns?

When officers and soldiers complained about not being paid, Washington did not ignore them or tell them they should consider it a privilege to sacrifice for their country.

Some have taken a kind of high road, encouraging or even admonishing voters to rise above self-interest and consider the loftier aims President Trump and his administration are pursuing. Yes, gas prices may be high, but the president is trying to end the Iranian threat to American national security. This process is taking longer and causing more economic pain than anyone would like. But it is worth it for the nation in the long run, and so patriotic voters should toughen up. So the argument runs.

This approach, however, has no shortage of critics. They think it is futile or worse to tell ordinary voters, whose economic means are increasingly limited, to grin and bear higher prices on the necessities of life. This environment, they suggest, is a recipe for electoral disaster for the Republican Party.

The critics have a point. It is never prudent for any political party — especially a pragmatic, competitive party that hopes to win elections and not just advance philosophical arguments — to appear indifferent to the ordinary self-interest of voters.

To make this error is not only to misread the present American electorate, but to misunderstand human nature, the basis of politics at all times and in all places. This is not to say that a successful political party must appeal only to narrow self-interest. Voters can respond to appeals to moral principle and national pride. Nevertheless, to neglect self-interest is to neglect one of the vital springs of human conduct.

The party that does this as a regular practice courts defeat.

This is one of the practical political lessons that George Washington, one of the greatest Americans, learned during the Revolutionary War. As the war lengthened, he pleaded with increasing urgency with Congress to provide for the army — better pay, better clothes, better food. Washington continually reminded the nation’s political leaders that without adequate provision, it would be impossible to keep the army together, much less achieve victory.

RELATED: The GOP has mastered the art of wasting a majority

Tierney L. Cross/Getty Images

Underlying Washington’s argument is an assumption about the nature of the men composing the army essential to securing American independence — namely, that they could not be relied upon to continue in service if they were not properly compensated.

In other words, Washington assumed that the heroes of the Revolution were governed to a considerable extent by self-interest. Washington laid out this understanding explicitly in a 1778 letter to a committee of the Continental Congress:

A small knowledge of human nature will convince us, that, with far the greatest part of mankind, interest is the governing principle; and that, almost, every man is more or less, under its influence. Motives of public virtue may for a time, or in particular instances, actuate men to the observance of a conduct purely disinterested; but they are not of themselves sufficient to produce a persevering conformity to the refined dictates and obligations of social duty. Few men are capable of making a continual sacrifice of all views of private interest, or advantage, to the common good. It is in vain to exclaim against the depravity of human nature on this account — the fact is so, the experience of every age and nation has proved it, and we must, in a great measure, change the constitution of man, before we can make it otherwise. No institution, not built on the presumptive truth of these maxims can succeed.

It is important to emphasize that Washington is not taking a low view of human nature — he is taking a realistic view of it. Washington does not deny that human beings act on motives other than self-interested ones. He was himself a man of honor and of conscience. In his general orders to the army, he routinely appealed to lofty principles when communicating with his subordinates — officers, gentlemen, and ordinary soldiers.

In his private correspondence, Washington acknowledged that many men had joined the army out of patriotic motives. Such motives are genuine in the human heart and therefore have real influence on political life. Nevertheless, he understood that such motives cannot sustain most men, and certainly not a whole nation, on their own.

Conservatives often say that we would do well to learn from the high principles of our nation’s founders. But it is also just as necessary to learn from their realistic understanding of human nature. Without their realism about what motivates human beings, the founding generation would not have defeated the British and established a republican government in the service of lofty ideals.

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Similarly, no political movement today (or at any time) can succeed in the long term without taking care of its voters’ self-interest and the common good of the country more generally.

Of course, sometimes, despite a ruling party’s best efforts and intentions, bad economic conditions will sour the electorate’s mood. What is such a party to say to its voters? Here, too, Washington provides a good guide.

When officers and soldiers complained about not being paid, Washington did not ignore them or tell them they should consider it a privilege to sacrifice for their country. He reminded his men that their long-term interests would be served by the nation’s independence; he agreed that their complaints were just and reasonable; and he assured them that steps were being taken to improve their situation.

This was a prudent and candid way for Washington to deal with his army, and it offers a model for how Republicans should address American voters today.

Editor’s note: This article was originally published at the American Mind.

The Revolutionary Life of Lafayette

You are probably familiar with the Chinese curse, "May you live in interesting times." Such was the course of life of the Marquis de Lafayette. As Americans, we are likely not to understand that the French nobleman's life involved far more misfortune than good luck.

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The Indispensable President

The Declaration of Independence, signed and issued to the public 250 years ago this month, was the banner under which the American Revolution was fought. "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, and are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights." The Declaration, "the sheet anchor of American republicanism," as Lincoln called it, stated the ideals behind the revolution, but played little role either in starting or ending the conflict. The battles of Lexington and Concord, which ignited the war, had been fought more than a year earlier, in April 1775; the war would continue for another five years until it was settled in 1781 by the American victory at Yorktown. Without victory in the war for independence, the Declaration of Independence might have been relegated to a footnote in history.

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What happened to British Gen. Cornwallis after his Yorktown surrender — the final battle of the Revolutionary War?



It's common knowledge that Cornwallis' surrender at Yorktown, Virginia, effectively ended the Revolutionary War — but what happened to the British general after that humiliating defeat?

According to the Library of Virginia, the Siege of Yorktown — which turned out to be the final major military engagement of the Revolutionary War — took place in the autumn of 1781.

'He refused, however, to surrender in person and delegated the humiliating duty to his second in command.'

The British Army and its commanding general, Charles Cornwallis, were headquartered in the coastal Virginia town.

However, a French fleet under the command of Admiral François-Joseph-Paul de Grasse drove a British fleet from the Capes of Virginia, which made it impossible for Cornwallis to receive supplies and reinforcements, the Library of Virginia said.

American Gen. George Washington led his army from New York to Virginia, and — along with a large French and American army under Comte de Rochambeau — Washington laid siege to the British at Yorktown, the Library of Virginia said, adding that those forces joined the Marquis de Lafayette, who was commanding an American army that had been fighting the British in Virginia for six months.

More from the Library of Virginia:

The siege began on October 6, 1781, as the Americans and French formed a semicircle outside of the town and began an artillery bombardment. A successful storming of two British redoubts, or small temporary defensive enclosures, convinced Cornwallis that his position was untenable, and he surrendered his army to the combined American and French forces on October 19. He refused, however, to surrender in person and delegated the humiliating duty to his second in command. Washington consequently directed his second in command to receive the surrender.

Below is one of several famed clips from Mel Gibson's starring Hollywood turn in "The Patriot" depicting Cornwallis' disbelief that an army of "peasants" actually had defeated him:

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Nine days after his surrender, Cornwallis signed a parole document, the Library of Virginia said; under its terms, Cornwallis was allowed to leave Virginia and return to Great Britain on the condition that he would engage in no further military action against the United States.

However, Cornwallis' army remained in the U.S. as prisoners of war until they were exchanged or paroled, the Library of Virginia said, adding that Cornwallis — "an able military commander" — was "received warmly in England and served as governor-general of India from 1786 until his death in 1805."

The Library of Virginia noted that a formal peace treaty ended the Revolutionary War nearly two years after Cornwallis surrendered at Yorktown, and King George III recognized the independence of the United States of America.

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Why All Patriots Should Watch The Patriot On America’s 250th Birthday

The Patriot aspires to tell a truly American story.

America's founding is an inheritance purchased with blood; we owe it our remembrance



As America approaches its 250th birthday, we face a question larger than politics, elections, parties, or personalities.

What will we do with the inheritance we have been given?

Today, powerful cultural voices often encourage Americans to focus exclusively on the nation's flaws while ignoring its achievements.

The United States of America did not emerge from history by accident. It was purchased with courage, sacrifice, conviction, and blood. Before there was a Constitution, before there was prosperity, before there was even a nation, there were men who willingly placed everything they possessed on the altar of liberty.

Risking it all

One of those men was Charles Carroll of Carrollton.

Today, his name is not nearly as familiar as Washington, Jefferson, or Adams. Yet Carroll occupies a unique place in American history. He was the only Catholic signer of the Declaration of Independence and perhaps the wealthiest man in the colonies. Unlike many who seek political causes for personal gain, Carroll had little material reason to risk rebellion against the British crown.

He already possessed wealth, status, influence, and comfort.

Yet he signed anyway.

By placing his name on that document, he risked the loss of his fortune, his property, and his life. If the Revolution failed, the consequences would have been severe. He understood what was at stake and signed nonetheless because he believed there were principles greater than personal security.

Freedom.

Self-government.

Human dignity.

The God-given rights of man.

A human story

Those principles have been defended repeatedly throughout our nation's history. From Lexington and Concord to Gettysburg, from Normandy to the mountains of Afghanistan, generations of Americans have worn the uniform and carried the burden of defending a nation they loved.

Many never came home.

Their sacrifice demands something of us.

The blood spilled by American soldiers is not honored merely through parades, speeches, or patriotic songs. It is honored when citizens preserve the liberties for which those men and women fought. It is honored when we tell the truth about our history, cherish the freedoms we inherited, and pass them intact to the next generation.

That conviction is one of the reasons I wrote "The Unlikely Life of Oliver Atkinson: A Novel of America's Founding."

Like many Americans, I became concerned that our founding story was becoming increasingly distant, especially for younger generations. History often arrives in textbooks as dates, names, and facts to memorize. Yet history is ultimately about people. It is about dreams, fears, courage, faith, and sacrifice.

The American Revolution was not merely an event.

It was a human story.

Through fiction, I hoped to help readers experience that story through the eyes of ordinary people whose lives were transformed by extraordinary times. My goal was not simply entertainment. It was remembrance.

Because nations that forget their story eventually lose it.

Enduring truths

Today, powerful cultural voices often encourage Americans to focus exclusively on the nation's flaws while ignoring its achievements. Certainly, America has never been perfect. No nation ever has been. Yet there is a profound difference between acknowledging imperfections and rejecting the very principles that made self-correction possible in the first place.

The Declaration of Independence proclaimed that all men are created equal and endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights. The Constitution established a framework of ordered liberty that remains one of the greatest political achievements in human history.

These ideas were not perfect because the men who wrote them were perfect.

They were powerful because they reflected enduring truths about human nature, liberty, and the source of our rights.

Our task at 250

As we approach America's 250th anniversary, perhaps the greatest challenge before us is deciding whether we still believe those truths.

Will we preserve the freedoms entrusted to us?

Will we teach our children why they matter?

Will we honor the sacrifices of those who came before us?

Or will we become the generation that squandered what others sacrificed so much to build?

The signers of the Declaration pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor. Countless soldiers pledged even more.

The question facing Americans today is far less costly, yet no less important.

Will we prove worthy of their sacrifice?

If we fail to preserve liberty, truth, faith, and the principles that gave birth to this nation, we risk wasting more than the ink used to sign our founding documents. We risk wasting the blood shed by generations of Americans who believed this republic was worth defending.

As America turns 250, let us resolve that their sacrifice was not in vain.

What Does All-American Patriotism Look Like? Rachel Campos-Duffy Asked Her Coworkers

I was recently sitting on a waterfront in the Hudson Valley, staring across at Orange County, New York — where George Washington spent more than a year encamped during the Revolutionary War. It was also the site of the Newburgh Conspiracy, when Continental soldiers, angered over lack of pay, planned to stage a mutiny. But […]

Remembering America's first Army chaplain KIA: John Rosbrugh



Rev. John Rosbrugh, the first U.S. Army chaplain killed in battle, was bayoneted 239 years ago in the midst of the withdrawal from the Battle of Assunpink Creek in the Revolutionary War.

In a 19th-century biography detailing the "life, labors, and death" of this "Clerical Martyr of the Revolution," Rev. John Clyde emphasizes at the outset, "Amid all the light thrown upon his career socially, ecclesiastically, and politically — by tradition and historical record — nothing but the good he did lived after him, whilst the evil was interred with his bones — so far as known no blot rests on his fair name."

'Sabre slashes were made at his devoted head, three of which penetrated through the horsehair wig which he wore.'

Rosbrugh belonged to a Scottish family that migrated in the early 18th century to Northern Ireland. With his older brother William, Rosbrugh eventually moved to the American Colonies, settling in New Jersey, where at the age of 19, he married a woman named Sarah, who would tragically perish along with their baby during childbirth.

Although unable himself decades later to afford "that thorough education which was required of those who would enter the sacred office in his day," the aspiring Presbyterian minister studied theology at the College of New Jersey — now Princeton University — with the help of financial aid and graduated in 1761.

Rosbrugh was ordained as a minister in 1764 at Greenwich Presbyterian Church in New Jersey.

The minister, whose recognition and responsibilities exploded in subsequent years, married again, this time to Jane Ralston of the Allen Township Presbyterian Church. Rosbrugh and Jane ultimately had five children — the eldest, James, would later serve as a militia captain in the War of 1812.

Long before his son would take up arms in defense of his country, Rosbrugh — "filled with the spirit of freedom" — decided to lead his congregants out of church and toward the battlefield.

According to Clyde, Rosbrugh assembled his congregation, urged them to satisfy the Continental Army's request for reinforcements, quoted them Judges 5:23, and proposed that he join them as chaplain. The congregation was apparently keen to go — but only if he would be their commander. After some deliberation and receiving consent from his wife, Rosbrugh agreed.

RELATED: The crown laughed at our Declaration — but America got the last word

Gen. George Washington at the first Battle of Trenton. Hulton Archive/Getty Images

After penning his last will and testament, the minister "put a musket to his shoulder and marched out to the highway, and all fell into line and followed" Rosbrugh to join General George Washington in Philadelphia.

"The little boy James, rode the gray horse by his father's side till they passed over the brow of the hill, just east of their home, as we suppose," wrote Clyde. "Then the father took him from the horse, kissed him, and bade him go home to his mother, and be a good boy till he should return — he never saw his father's face again."

In Philadelphia, Rosbrugh assumed, as he intended from the start, the role of company chaplain and was replaced as commander by Capt. John Hays. The previous year, the Continental Congress authorized one chaplain for each regiment of the Continental Army with pay equaling that of a captain.

Rosbrugh's tenure as a chaplain in Washington's army was short-lived. Just days after the Battle of Trenton, where Washington — having just crossed the Delaware River — led a momentous victory against Hessian auxiliaries, the chaplain breathed his last.

Clyde noted that there are varying accounts of how the chaplain perished but held that the most trustworthy version has that the chaplain — whose company partook in the Battle of Assunpink Creek — unwittingly lingered behind at the eponymous site of the Second Battle of Trenton while the patriot army withdrew.

On Jan. 2, 1777, Rosbrugh tied up his horse outside a pub, then went inside for refreshments only to hear someone cry, "The Hessians are coming."

The 63-year-old chaplain rushed outside to find that his horse had been stolen, then attempted to make his escape on foot, only to run into a small group of Hessians under the command of a British officer.

Clyde explained what reportedly happened next:

Seeing that further attempt at escape was useless, he surrendered himself a prisoner of war. Having done so, he offered to his captors his gold watch and money if they would spare his life for his family's sake. Notwithstanding these were taken, they immediately prepared to put him to death. Seeing this, he knelt down at the foot of a tree and, it is said, prayed for his enemies. Now seventeen bayonet thrusts were made at his body, and one bayonet was left broken off in his quivering frame. Sabre slashes were made at his devoted head, three of which penetrated through the horsehair wig which he wore.

The stone monument erected in Rosburgh's memory at Hanover Academy in Trenton states, "Clerical Martyr of the Revolution[.] Moderator of the Presbytery of New Brunswick 1776[.] Chaplain 3d Battalion Northampton County PA Militia December 25, 1776[.] Bayoneted to death by Hessians in Trenton January 2, 1777."

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I'm the Most 'Heritage American' You'll Ever Meet. The Rest of You Can Shut Up or Get the Hell Out.

As you'll see, I am the quintessential "heritage American," and if you jokers don't like what I have to say, here's another piece of advice: Go back to the shithole continent (Europe) from whence you came.

The post I'm the Most 'Heritage American' You'll Ever Meet. The Rest of You Can Shut Up or Get the Hell Out. appeared first on .