Anti-Trump Republican senator vows to fight Todd Blanche's confirmation — because of course she will



U.S. Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska — a nominal Republican up for re-election in 2028 — appears desperate to undermine the MAGA agenda and prevent President Donald Trump from getting his ducks in a row.

Murkowski — who in recent months repeatedly voted against funding for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Customs and Border Protection; voted to reign in Trump's war powers; voted to block Trump's tariffs; voted unsuccessfully to keep taxpayers on the hook for USAID and other foreign funding; voted against multiple Trump nominees, including Secretary of War Pete Hegseth and Under Secretary of the Navy Hung Cao; campaigned against the SAVE America Act; and complained with Democrats about ex-FBI Director James Comey's indictment — revealed Friday she will vote against Todd Blanche's confirmation for attorney general.

'She’s not good.'

With the continued absence of U.S. Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), this effectively means that the fate of Blanche's confirmation could be decided by Bill Cassidy — a U.S. senator whose hopes of a third term Trump helped dash in Louisiana's May Republican primary.

Murkowski, who started the year with an approval rating of 37%, noted in a lengthy X post that she has had numerous "constructive meetings" with Blanche and credited him not only as being "decent and capable" but also as having "made several noteworthy decisions that will benefit our state and the nation."

The 69-year-old senator nevertheless vowed to "oppose his nomination."

It appears Murkowski is less opposed to the man and more opposed to the administration. After all, some of her complaints have to do with actions taken at the Justice Department prior to Blanche's April promotion to acting attorney general.

RELATED: Mitch McConnell releases new statement about his health status — but he's not yet returning to the Senate

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"The politicization — even weaponization — of the Department did not start with this administration but has accelerated during it," wrote Murkowski. "I take issue with the handling of the release of the Epstein files; the sweeping immunity protections granted to the president, his family, and their businesses; the statements that have been made to anti-abortion groups; and the repeated targeting of individuals ranging from former administration staff to sitting U.S. senators."

Murkowski also expressed skepticism about the scrapping of the $1.8 billion "anti-weaponization" fund that would have compensated MAGA victims of Democratic lawfare, noting that while it was taken off the table "because this nomination is pending and the Senate has leverage," there "is no telling what the future holds."

The senator said in conclusion that she does not have confidence that Blanche can "check the worst impulses of this administration."

There is no love lost between Trump and Murkowski.

"I'm against Murkowski," the president recently told Punchbowl News. "I do more for Alaska than any president in history. No president’s done for Alaska what I’ve done. She’s not good."

In June, Trump called the Alaskan U.S. senator "Trump deranged."

Murkowski is not, however, the only Republican lawmaker keen to torpedo Blanche's confirmation.

U.S. Sen. Susan Collins — the Maine Republican whose challenger in the midterms is a leftist reportedly married to his second cousin — complained that while Blanche is a "capable lawyer," he "has taken several actions that have further eroded the Department's independence."

Cassidy, a vociferous Trump critic and the remaining undecided Republican, has declined to indicate whether he'll support Blanche, reported The Hill.

The Senate is expected to vote Friday or sometime over the weekend to get the ball rolling on a final confirmation vote.

White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt told CNN in a statement, "Todd Blanche is exceptionally qualified and should be confirmed as the next attorney general of the United States so the administration can continue to keep America safe."

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Senate RINOS Too Busy Scolding Trump To Pass Voter ID Bill

Four Republicans -- guess who? -- joined Democrats Tuesday in passing a resolution telling Trump to pull U.S. troops out of Iran War.

Republicans took ICE hostage — then bragged about saving it



It has been a pitiful few weeks for the United States Senate, which means senators are now pretending they saved Immigration and Customs Enforcement, fought for the SAVE Act, and still care about victims of government weaponization.

None of that is true.

Do not buy the celebratory social media posts from Senate Republicans. Get to work electing new ones instead.

This is a geriatric form of professional wrestling kayfabe. But instead of heroic wrestlers in tights, the actors are young communications staffers tweeting victory on behalf of their bosses while those bosses fly home.

Before we unpack what happened, we should understand how we got here. To his credit, Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.) recently summarized the problem well: “We made a huge mistake by not funding ICE and CBP in January. We NEVER should have funded the Democrats’ thousands of earmarks without funding ALL of homeland security. It is time to fund ICE and CBP NOW!”

It was a mistake, except that it was intentional. Still, Scott acknowledged the major point his colleagues would rather hide. Forthrightness in the Senate is rare, so we should welcome it when it appears.

The story begins in January, after two protesters were killed obstructing ICE. In the media-driven hysteria that followed, Congress did something unusual: It split off the Department of Homeland Security from the funding package that covered other agencies.

At the urging of Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) and top Democrat appropriator Sen. Patty Murray (Wash.), Republicans caved and agreed to put DHS in a stand-alone funding posture. In congressional funding terms, that means danger.

For decades, government funding has largely moved through omnibus and minibus bills that force lawmakers into take-it-or-leave-it votes. Members may dislike parts of the package, but they swallow the whole thing to avoid shutting down large portions of the government. When DHS stands alone, Democrats have a much easier time voting no.

In February, DHS funding shut down. Airport lines grew. Employees went without pay. DHS changed secretaries. Democrats continued blasting ICE, deportations remained low, and the Trump administration retreated on parts of the deportation agenda.

In other words, Democrats gained concessions while holding DHS funding hostage.

Then, in April, Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) and Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) began negotiating with the hostage-takers in earnest. They offered another major concession: separate ICE and Customs and Border Protection from DHS, making ICE and CBP a stand-alone within a stand-alone. For funding purposes, it is hard to imagine a worse fate.

RELATED: Polarization may be the cure — and the clarity — America needs

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Congress funded the rest of DHS, ending a roughly 76-day shutdown. Politicians breathed a sigh of relief because airline lobbyists would stop pestering them about long lines at airports. ICE and CBP, meanwhile, would have to be funded through another mechanism: reconciliation.

Reconciliation funding creates operational problems that normal appropriations do not. That deserves more attention, though it falls deep into the procedural weeds. The key point is that ICE and CBP were isolated, weakened, and pushed onto a more perilous path.

As part of ending the shutdown for every part of DHS except ICE and CBP, President Trump demanded a reconciliation bill funding those agencies by June 1.

Negotiations began, then quickly collapsed after the May announcement of an Anti-Weaponization Fund that would compensate victims of government persecution. Republican senators revolted and learned the lesson Democrats had just taught them: ICE and CBP could be used as hostages.

They threatened to withhold ICE and CBP funding unless Trump agreed to kill the fund. Ultimately, Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche did just that.

Despite acting as hostage-takers, Republican senators also used the reconciliation process to posture on the SAVE Act, which had no chance of passing through that mechanism. The SAVE Act, which is popular across party lines, includes voter ID and proof-of-citizenship requirements for voting.

Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), a leading opponent of the Anti-Weaponization Fund but a proponent of his own right to recover damages for weaponization against himself, introduced a meaningless amendment on the SAVE Act. Knowing most voters do not understand Senate procedure, he styled the move as a valiant attempt to pass election integrity legislation.

“Mr. President,” Graham posted, “I was honored to lead the charge to pass the SAVE America Act, one of the most consequential pieces of legislation you and your team have created.”

RELATED: Trump’s anti-weaponization fund puts GOP cowards on trial

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This was insincere and unserious. The SAVE Act has no chance unless the talking filibuster is enforced. Everyone on the Senate floor knew that. But Graham maintains Trump’s endorsement in his upcoming primary, so perhaps it will not matter. We may be stuck with him even after Trump leaves the stage.

Much of the swamp remains undrained.

This whole drawn-out charade should be remembered for two reasons.

First, Senate Republicans crossed the Rubicon and went where Democrats had already gone: They held ICE hostage. Worse, they held ICE hostage to force the Trump administration to scuttle the Anti-Weaponization Fund. That is a double betrayal of the base: threaten immigration enforcement to hurt victims of government persecution.

Second, Senate Republicans helped create the most perilous funding path for ICE and CBP moving forward: complete isolation. With ICE and CBP now handled outside the normal appropriations process, they will face another shutdown unless this strategy is reversed. As soon as Democrats have enough votes, they will try to defund both agencies.

Do not buy the celebratory social media posts from Senate Republicans. Get to work electing new ones instead.

How Trump can fix his endorsement problem



You might not know it by watching algorithmically approved conservative media, but we are in the thick of primary season, with important red-state primaries taking place nearly every Tuesday. In most states, the primary outcomes these weeks will be of greater consequence than the general election in November.

Sadly, special interest-supporting liberal Republicans will likely win most races — often thanks to Trump’s support. However, last week’s Indiana Senate elections demonstrated that it doesn’t have to be that way.

Trump has scared away quality challengers in every single congressional primary by reflexively endorsing incumbents.

Last week, we were entreated to what it looks like to finally have a unified and organized movement. A group of liberal Republicans in the Indiana Senate blocked a core party initiative; in this case, it was redistricting, and all but one target was defeated.

Thanks to Trump endorsements and support from Turning Point USA, the Club for Growth, and Indiana Sen. Jim Banks (R), six or seven state senators were defeated. Along with two more conservatives who won in open districts, a quarter of the entire Senate GOP conference shifted to the right, meaning they will likely have the votes to replace the Senate president.

This victory raises an obvious question: How come we don’t see united movements in other red states to replace entrenched groups of liberal Republicans who buck the party platform and betray their voters?

Instead, we often see Trump endorse those incumbents, who then attack the few conservatives we currently have in legislative chambers. If Trump would only endorse the way he did in Indiana, we’d change the party in one election cycle. Unfortunately, in almost every other primary, the president has been a net liability.

Even in Indiana, the president was something of a double-edged sword, as he successfully re-elected two Senate RINOs — Liz Brown and Ron Alting — simply because they voted for redistricting, but they were horrible on numerous other issues. Jim Banks himself opposed Alting because he was a champion of transgenderism and illegal aliens.

In Congress, both Reps. Jefferson Shreve (Ind. 6) and Jim Baird (Ind. 4) were vulnerable. Shreve only won his race by five points, which means Trump’s endorsement likely made a difference. Baird is one of the original sponsors of Florida Republican Rep. Maria Salazar’s amnesty bill.

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Looking ahead to Idaho’s upcoming primary, conservatives are outraged over a video surfacing from Gov. Brad Little (R) lambasting those who oppose illegal immigration. The Freedom Caucus in the state has tried to shut off illegal labor, but Little and his allies are not only blocking those bills, they are funding challengers against the conservatives.

Little has been a thorn in the side of conservatives for years and only received 60% in his re-election during the 2022 primary. It was well understood that he’d have a hard time running for a third term in 2026, but he preemptively secured Trump’s endorsement, which all but ensured that quality candidates like Attorney General Raul Labrador could not get into the race.

Numerous primaries have already been canceled because of Trump’s endorsements.

Before he was assassinated, Charlie Kirk had endorsed Nate Morris for Mitch McConnell’s Senate seat in Kentucky. Earlier this month, Trump endorsed establishment Rep. Andy Barr (R-Ky.), forcing Morris out of the race in exchange for an ambassadorship.

Meanwhile, Trump has scared away quality challengers in every single congressional primary by reflexively endorsing incumbents. The only incumbent he is trying to unseat is Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.). As a conservative, I have some disagreements with Massie on Hamas, Islam, crime, drugs, and immigration in general, but we all know that Trump singling him out has more to do with Massie’s dissent on the issues we do agree on.

Then, of course, there is Republican Sen. Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia, who just won yet another term thanks to a Trump endorsement. Conservatives complain bitterly about RINO senators wasting deep red states and undermining our ability to accomplish anything. Well, Capito is ground zero for this mismatch.

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In a state Trump won by 40 points, Capito is liberal on both fiscal and social issues and embodies the special interest and lack of heart, brain, and soul of the geriatric Senate GOP Conference that was led by Mitch McConnell.

Tom Willis, who was a state senator and Green Beret, was a viable challenger. Trump could have easily endorsed him and kept the seat in conservative hands, but he handed Capito another term. Capito also bankrolled a number of RINOs in the legislature who successfully fended off conservative challengers.

As conservatives scramble to push redistricting in southern states in light of a recent Supreme Court ruling, those who have slept through 10 years of Trump’s primary sabotage are surprised to find many RINOs in these supermajority Republican states who are recalcitrant to fully eliminate Democrat districts.

Tyler Bowyer, CEO of Turning Point Action, observed, “In deep red states like Indiana, Mississippi, Alabama — a large percentage of 'moderate republicans' are actually Democrats.”

The State Freedom Caucus Network has been valiantly fighting these people who have consistently been buttressed by Trump endorsements. The water is warm. It would be nice for conservative leaders with large followers or millions of dollars in PAC money to actually lead Trump rather than follow him and support the foot soldiers who are risking their livelihoods and careers to fight for the issues they post about.

Trump launches ‘RINO’ purge in Indiana as primary looms



President Donald Trump is trying to clear the field of several Indiana Republican state senators who previously opposed a congressional redistricting map by endorsing their challengers in the upcoming May 5 primary election.

In December, 21 Republican state senators joined their Democrat colleagues to block a redrawn congressional map that would have strengthened the GOP's control of the U.S. House of Representatives.

'Anybody that votes against Redistricting, and the SUCCESS of the Republican Party in D.C., will be, I am sure, met with a MAGA Primary in the Spring.'

The new map, which would have created two more Republican-leaning congressional districts, failed in the state Senate in a 31-19 vote.

Trump issued a warning to Republican state senators ahead of the vote, cautioning those who planned to block the map.

"Anybody that votes against Redistricting, and the SUCCESS of the Republican Party in D.C., will be, I am sure, met with a MAGA Primary in the Spring," Trump wrote, adding that he would "do everything within my power to make sure that they will not hurt the Republican Party, and our Country, again."

Trump declared that "every one" of the Republicans in the state Senate who voted against redistricting "should be 'primaried,' and I will be there to help!"

Republicans who voted against redistricting who are seeking re-election in May:

  • James Buck (District 21)
  • Spencer Deery (District 23)
  • Dan Dernulc (District 1)
  • Greg Goode (District 38)
  • Travis Holdman (District 19)
  • Rick Niemeyer (District 6)
  • Linda Rogers (District 11)
  • Greg Walker (District 41)

Republican state Senators Eric Bassler (District 39) and Kyle Walker (District 31) also voted against the redistricting map. However, neither is seeking re-election.

RELATED: Indiana Republicans vote with Democrats to block redistricting — despite Trump's threat to unseat them

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Trump issued his first endorsements of Republican challengers in January, backing Paula Copenhaver against Deery and Brenda Wilson against Goode. He also endorsed Jeff Ellington to take over Bassler's open seat.

Trump described Copenhaver, the Fountain County GOP Chair, as a "MAGA Warrior" and a "terrific Candidate."

"Paula is running against an incompetent and ineffective RINO incumbent named Spencer Deery who, for whatever reason, betrayed his voters by voting against Redistricting in Indiana," the president stated.

Trump called Vigo County Commissioner Wilson a "Proven America First Patriot" and "a Successful Family Farmer," arguing that she would be "a strong and effective Voice for our amazing Farmers and Indiana Agriculture." He criticized Goode as a "RINO" and nicknamed him "No Goode."

The president declared that Ellington, an "American First Patriot," would be "a fantastic replacement for RINO Eric Bassler." He described Ellington as "a Successful Businessman, Retired Firefighter, Horse Farmer, Greene County GOP Chairman, and former State Representative, who has dedicated his life to serving his Community."

Trump issued three additional endorsements in February, supporting Blake Fiechter against Holdman, Tracey Powell against Buck, and Michelle Davis against Walker.

Fiechter is "a very successful Real Estate Broker, Proud Husband, Loving Father to three girls, and a Highly Respected Councilman in the wonderful City of Bluffton," Trump said.

The president described Powell as "a successful Businessman, Chiropractor, Farmer, and Highly Respected Tipton County Commissioner."

Trump contended that Davis, a state representative, has a strong record that includes voting "WITH Republicans to pass Redistricting in the State House."

RELATED: 'Total RINO': Trump vows to oust Indiana Republican leader over redistricting betrayal

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On Apr. 7, Trump posted two additional endorsements in his effort to remove Indiana RINOs from their Senate seats. He announced his support for Dr. Brian Schmutzler against Rogers and Trevor De Vries against Dernulc.

"A Proven Leader, Brian serves his Community as a Highly Respected Anesthesiologist and Medical Director," he wrote in a post on social media.

"A Successful Businessman, Trevor knows the America First Policies required to Grow our Economy, Create GREAT Jobs, Cut Taxes and Regulations, Promote MADE IN THE U.S.A., and Unleash American Energy DOMINANCE," Trump said in a separate post.

Gov. Mike Braun (R), who supported the redistricting effort, also endorsed seven Trump-backed candidates: Copenhaver, Davis, De Vries, Fiechter, Powell, Wilson, and Schmutzler.

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Senate Republicans tried to cave on Trump's agenda



White House official James Blair telling House Republicans to stop talking about mass deportations was the noise. Senate Republicans cowing to Democrats and putting Immigration and Customs Enforcement funding in serious jeopardy was the signal. No one should be surprised that weak-kneed Republicans took their cue from the White House's wishy-washy stances on the topic.

Too many elected Republicans actually want the opposite of mass deportation, and the White House gave them the political space to do just that.

There is no massive corporate or mega-donor coalition rallying behind the cause of national sovereignty, but there most certainly is one bankrolling the cause of cheap labor.

What the Senate did in the dead of night last week was a grievous mask-dropping moment — equally objectionable in both its form and substance. Senators thought they had cover from the White House to cave to Democrat demands to split off ICE and Customs and Border Protection funding from the larger Department of Homeland Security funding bill.

Whether Republican Senators actually had that blessing from the White House, or whether they were simply reading the tea leaves from months of creeping separation from the mass deportation promise, remains unclear. Nevertheless, in the dead of the night, Republicans threw ICE and CBP under the bus by sending the House a funding bill covering all of DHS except those two agencies.

Senate Democrats immediately declared victory — as they should have — and Senate Republicans headed to the airport. Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) would be spotted at Disney World shortly after.

What happened next is when things started getting good. The Trump base, for lack of a better term, freaked out on the internet. By the time House Republicans woke up, they realized they had a massive problem on their hands. The White House saw the writing on the wall as well, abandoned any implicit or explicit support for the Senate bill, and pulled the proverbial rug out from under Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) and his colleagues.

Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) announced and secured opposition to the package and had the House return a 60-day continuing resolution to the Senate that restored funding levels across the entire Department — including ICE and CBP.

Now we wait. The Senate is on a two-week vacation and has given no indication it will return early to deal with the bill, or that it would even support the House version. The clock ticks, the agencies hang in limbo, and the people who engineered this mess have retreated to their beach houses and theme parks.

RELATED: The SAVE America Act won’t be enough to save the GOP from a midterm bloodbath

Graeme Sloan/Bloomberg/Getty Images

Trump voters who sent the president back to the White House based on his signature promise to "carry out the largest mass deportation in American history" can enjoy a temporary victory. The retreat on the cause had seemed to be in full swing. For a brief moment, the tide appears to have reversed, but a single funding skirmish won is by no means the end of the war.

How can a president who sailed back into the White House on the promise of mass deportations — a cause still supported by the majority of Americans — and armed with a legislative package investing more than $40 billion in that cause, now find himself in a situation where ICE funding is placed in jeopardy?

Mind you, mass deportations haven't even meaningfully begun, with only some 350,000 deportations occurring in 2025 against a backdrop of over 10 million illegal crossings during the Biden years. There are two main reasons for this gap between mandate and execution.

First, a great many elected Republicans are wildly out of step with their own voters. Elections aren't always about winning votes, they're often about winning donations to fund the grift and graft attendant to a system where arguably the most important thing in politics is the size of a war chest.

There is no massive corporate or mega-donor coalition rallying behind the cause of national sovereignty, but there most certainly is one bankrolling the cause of cheap labor. The sensibilities of many elite donors are offended by the very topic of enforcement. They are far more comfortable debating marginal tax rates or trading in lofty foreign policy abstractions than confronting the basic question of who gets to live in this country and on whose terms.

Second, the president, either by perception or by reality, has distanced himself from the campaign promise of mass deportation. That distance has issued a permission slip to those who want to buck the cause. It has given cover to the opportunists, the corporate-minded, and the quietly resistant.

President Trump could clear up that confusion in an instant if he so wished with a single unambiguous statement, a sustained public push, an explicit demand that Congress fall in line.

RELATED: The Democrats unconditionally surrendered the shutdown — the GOP might screw it up anyway

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In the aftermath of the anti-ICE riots in Minneapolis, a senior elected Republican told me that Democrats were going to be unable to resist the temptation to reignite their "defund ICE" plank, just as they overstepped post-BLM with "defund the police." I smiled and nodded and resisted the urge to point out the obvious: that while that was correct, they would have more than a few Republicans along for the ride.

That is the uncomfortable reality that too many Trump supporters have been slow to fully reckon with. The opposition to this agenda does not live only on the left side of the aisle: it lives in Senate Republican conference rooms and in the calculated silences of members who have perfected the art of sounding like conservatives while voting like Democrats. The mask slipped last week, and it is worth keeping it off.

It is important to sustain the momentum and public expectations that this funding fight has dragged to the forefront of the national political conversation. Trump supporters saw the opposition drop its mask, and it had an (R) next to its name.

Many in Thune's caucus have long benefited from only privately opposing key aspects of President Trump's mandate, speaking in the right accent on the right issues just long enough to evade detection. That racket depends entirely on operating in the dark. Keeping the spotlight on is the path forward.

They do not have a viable political option in openly opposing mass deportation, and the moment the base makes that cost explicit, the calculus changes. Make it explicit.

Memo To Senate: Saving America’s Elections Is Your No. 1 Job Right Now

Americans who believe voter verification is essential to free and fair elections need to contact senators now and let them know.

Dan Crenshaw blames voters, 'conspiracies' for humiliating loss in whiny interview with Margaret Brennan



Texas Rep. Dan Crenshaw was overwhelming rejected by voters on March 3 in his state's Republican primary. Crenshaw — whose notably conservative opponent, state Rep. Steve Toth, handily secured over 57% of the total vote — has apparently decided to blame voters for his defeat, claiming that they were misled and failed to come out in sufficient numbers.

CBS News' Margaret Brennan, the liberal talking head who suggested last year that free speech was responsible for the Holocaust, asked Crenshaw on Sunday to unpack his concerns "about this culture of misinformation we're living in."

'In Crenshaw’s case, the problem wasn’t misinformation, but repeated exposure to information.'

Crenshaw, who previously blamed the loss on his branding as "Red Flag Law Crenshaw" and allegations of insider trading, told Brennan, "I'm a unique Republican. You know, I've been the target of online smears and conspiracies for a very long time. My election was basically a product of that."

"First of all, you have about 20% of Republican voters bothering to even vote at a primary, and then you have dozens of online smears and conspiracies that people were going into the voting booth actually believing," continued Crenshaw. "I mean, believing that I was worth millions of dollars from insider trading. Doesn't matter how many times we thought we had debunked that, or that other people and influencers and what have not have debunked it, all of these things, people still went in believing it."

Crenshaw said that "ultimately, this is a question for the American people: Are you going to believe everything you read online or that's sent to you in your mail?"

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Crenshaw previously told the Texas Tribune, "A large part of this election was about the power of clickbait."

"Memes became truth. Too many people are not discerning through the clickbait," continued Crenshaw. "People voting — one after the other — literally thought I was making millions in the stock market doing inside trading. Even though I haven’t made a trade in three years. I’ve made under $46,000 over my entire seven years in office. The truth didn’t matter to people."

Crenshaw, faulted by some critics over his insistence that President Donald Trump lost the 2020 election and his Jan. 6 commentary, told the paper that "telling the truth thing" is regarded as "a real crime" among some voters.

Trump adviser Alex Bruesewitz said in response to Crenshaw's remarks to Brennan, "Dan Crenshaw begins to audition for a left-leaning TV commentary gig following his blow out loss."

Wade Miller, executive director of the Center for Renewing America, wrote, "I think in Crenshaw’s case, the problem wasn’t misinformation, but repeated exposure to information and Dan’s own condescending attitude."

Ben Larrabee, a data analyst with Turning Point Action's Chase the Vote initiative, said that contrary to Crenshaw's framing, the reason the congressman lost was that in 2018 and in 2020, "His district had a CPV of R+11, so it was redistricted to an R+15. And as Crenshaw's voting record worsened over time, his new conservative base started voting for a more conservative representative. Ain't more complicated than that."

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My message to President Trump: Don’t mess with Texas politics



Texas just had a primary election, and the message from voters could not have been clearer: A large share of Republicans are done with incumbent Senator John Cornyn.

After years of frustration with the longtime senator, voters forced a runoff between Cornyn and Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton. Cornyn may have finished with the largest vote total, but the numbers behind that result tell a more revealing story.

Cornyn will now have to defend his record directly to Republican voters who have grown skeptical of his leadership.

Cornyn received roughly 907,000 votes out of more than 2 million total votes cast in the Republican primary. That means over a million Texans showed up to vote for someone other than the incumbent senator. The difference between Cornyn and Paxton was only about 26,000 votes — a razor-thin margin in a state as big as Texas.

Then there is Wesley Hunt, who drew nearly 293,000 votes. Combine the Paxton and Hunt totals, and more than 1.1 million voters cast ballots against John Cornyn.

After all the money Cornyn poured into the race, that should have been the headline.

Cornyn and his allies reportedly spent close to $100 million between campaign spending and super PAC support. Nearly $100 million to hold on to a Senate seat — and the result was a runoff. Paxton spent a fraction of that amount, about $4 million, and still came within striking distance. Put another way, Cornyn spent $129 per vote against Paxton’s $3.79 per vote.

That is not the performance of a senator who commands overwhelming support in his own party. It looks like a political establishment trying to prop up a candidate who has worn out his welcome with grassroots voters.

Yet despite the message voters sent, Washington may be preparing to rescue Cornyn anyway.

President Donald Trump posted on Truth Social that he would soon make an endorsement in the runoff and would ask the candidate he does not choose to drop out of the race immediately.

You would struggle to find many people who have been as outspoken in support of President Trump as I have. I have defended him when the media attacked him and stood by him through years of political backlash. But I still take offense at anyone in the federal government trying to manipulate a Texas election.

Texas has a runoff system for a reason. When no candidate receives a majority, the top two candidates go back to the voters. It forces candidates to earn a true majority rather than slide through a divided field.

Cutting that process short to protect an incumbent senator who just failed to win an outright majority defeats the entire purpose.

It also ignores a political reality that has fueled so much frustration: Cornyn has spent years drifting away from the conservative voters he is supposed to represent.

Cornyn has cultivated a reputation as a Washington dealmaker, working across the aisle and negotiating major legislation with Democrats. That may earn praise from Senate leadership and the political class in Washington, but it has increasingly alienated conservatives back home.

Cornyn’s relationship with Trump has also been anything but consistent. During the lead-up to the 2024 election, Cornyn questioned Trump’s ability to win a general election and suggested Republicans might need a different nominee. He said Trump’s “time has passed him by” and argued the party needed someone who could appeal beyond Trump’s base.

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Statements like that do not disappear just because campaign season arrives.

Ken Paxton’s record with Trump tells a different story. When the political establishment turned on the former president after the 2020 election, Paxton stood with him. He challenged election procedures in court and took enormous political heat for doing so. Paxton absorbed the backlash anyway.

That loyalty is one reason grassroots conservatives rallied behind him in the primary.

And it brings the conversation back to the runoff itself.

Primary night showed that a majority of Republican voters were willing to vote for someone other than John Cornyn. Even after nearly $100 million in support, the incumbent could not clear the threshold needed to avoid a second round.

That fact should make Washington pause before rushing in to protect him.

The runoff exists so voters can finish the conversation they started on primary night. Cornyn will now have to defend his record directly to Republican voters who have grown skeptical of his leadership. Paxton will argue, and rightly so, that Texas deserves a senator who fights the establishment rather than manages it.

Those arguments belong in Texas, in front of Texas voters.

Cornyn has had decades in Washington to prove himself. The primary results suggest a growing number of Texans think that time has passed him by.