Sarah Palin back in court with opportunity to take the New York Times to cleaners over false report



Former Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin (R) is back in court and ready to hold the New York Times accountable over an error-laden 2017 editorial that falsely linked her to a mass shooting.

Reuters indicated that opening statements will kick off Tuesday morning before U.S. District Judge Jed Rakoff, the Clinton appointee who improperly dismissed Palin's lawsuit in 2017 and tainted the jury the second time around.

Background

On June 14, 2017, an anti-Trump leftist from Illinois took aim at House Majority Leader Steve Scalise (R-La.) and several other Republican lawmakers who were practicing for a charity baseball game. Alexandria Police officers and U.S. Capitol Police officers were able to permanently neutralize the shooter but not before he hit Scalise and three others.

The New York Times editorial board rushed to exploit the shooting for political purposes.

'No such link was established.'

Just hours after the first shots were fired, the liberal paper suggested the attack was likely evidence of the supposed ease with which Americans can get their hands on guns. The board also insinuated that Republicans helped set the stage for such an event with heated political rhetoric, accusing Sarah Palin's political action committee of directly inciting a 2011 mass shooting that left former Rep. Gabby Giffords (D-Ariz.) injured.

The editorial board stated:

In 2011, when Jared Lee Loughner opened fire in a supermarket parking lot, grievously wounding Representative Gabby Giffords and killing six people, including a 9-year-old girl, the link to political incitement was clear. Before the shooting, Sarah Palin’s political action committee circulated a map of targeted electoral districts that put Ms. Giffords and 19 other Democrats under stylized cross hairs.

Contrary to the Times' assertion, there was no clear link to political incitement — something the paper already knew and was quickly reminded of by some of its own writers. In fact, the Times previously reported that "we have no idea" whether Loughner saw the PAC's map and that he was "likely insane, with no coherent ideological agenda." Furthermore, Palin's PAC did not superimpose "stylized cross hairs" on Giffords and other Democrats.

The liberal paper subsequently issued a correction admitting as much:

An editorial on Thursday about the shooting of Representative Steve Scalise incorrectly stated that a link existed between political rhetoric and the 2011 shooting of Representative Gabby Giffords. In fact, no such link was established. The editorial also incorrectly described a map distributed by a political action committee before that shooting. It depicted electoral districts, not individual Democratic lawmakers, beneath stylized cross hairs.

Palin, evidently unwilling to let the Times off so easily, filed a lawsuit later that month.

The former governor's complaint claimed that the Times used its false assertion about Mrs. Palin "as an artifice to exploit the shooting that occurred on June 14, 2017."

"As the public backlash over The Times' malicious column mounted, it responded by making edits and 'corrections' to its fabricated story, along with half-hearted Twitter apologies — none of which sufficiently corrected the falsehoods that the paper published," said the complaint. "In fact, none mentioned Mrs. Palin or acknowledged that Mrs. Palin did not incite a deranged man to commit murder."

A dismissive Clinton judge

Rakoff dismissed Palin's original lawsuit in August 2017 on the basis of an evidentiary hearing where then-Times editor James Bennet was the sole witness.

Two years later, a three-judge panel of the 2nd Circuit Court of Appeals unanimously ruled that Rakoff had "erred in relying on acts outside the pleadings to dismiss the complaint" and "impermissibly credited Bennet's testimony and weighed that evidence in holding that Palin had not adequately alleged actual malice."

The federal appellate court noted further that Palin's amended complaint "plausibly states a claim for defamation and may proceed to full discovery."

Despite his chastisement, Rakoff wasn't done pressing his thumb on the scale for the apparent benefit of the Times.

The trial was held in 2022. While the jury was still deliberating, Rakoff announced he was going to throw out Palin's lawsuit, indicating that no reasonable jury could find that the liberal paper and Bennet acted with malice, reported LawandCrime.com.

'The district court's Rule 50 ruling improperly intruded on the province of the jury.'

"I think that there is one essential element that plaintiff has not carried its burden with—the portion of actual malice relating to belief in falsity or reckless disregard in falsity," said Rakoff. "The law sets a very high standard. The court finds that that standard has not been met."

Despite ruling that the lawsuit should be thrown out and effectively telling the jury what to think, the Clinton judge permitted the jury to go through the motions and come to a verdict. The jury ultimately found the Times not liable.

Palin once again appealed the dismissal of her lawsuit, and once again the 2nd Circuit took issue with Rakoff's approach, granting the former governor a new trial.

"While the jury was deliberating, the district court dismissed the case again — this time under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 50," wrote the circuit judges noted in their August 2024 ruling. "We conclude that the district court's Rule 50 ruling improperly intruded on the province of the jury by making credibility determinations, weighing evidence, and ignoring facts or inferences that a reasonable juror could plausibly have found to support Palin's case."

'Trust in the media has declined.'

The appeals court noted that other "major issues at trial — specifically, the erroneous exclusion of evidence, an inaccurate jury instruction, a legally erroneous response to a mid-deliberation jury question, and jurors learning during deliberations of the district court's Rule 50 dismissal ruling — impugn the reliability of that verdict."

Back in court

Rakoff and lawyers for both sides reportedly picked five women and four men Monday for the nine-person jury.

Rakoff told lawyers ahead of jury selection on Monday that the appeals court "seems to think I got it wrong in a lot of ways," reported the Associated Press. The judge noted further that he had gone "back and read the entire opinion, painful though it was."

While the Times is going before the same Clinton judge who treated it favorably in the past, there appears to be some apprehension at the paper this time around. A pair of Times writers noted Sunday:

Trust in the media has declined, and the Manhattan jury pool may have shifted to the right. A number of defamation lawsuits in the past three years have resulted in eye-popping payments, raising the stakes in the Palin case. And the retrial comes as President Trump and his administration have attacked the notion of an independent press, deploying litigation, investigations and other strong-arm tactics against news organizations.

RonNell Andersen Jones, a law professor at the University of Utah, told the paper, "It may prove to be a real barometer of the changing public attitude about the press and the changing appetite for American press freedom."

Charlie Stadtlander, a spokesman for the Times, stated, "We're confident we will prevail and intend to vigorously defend the case."

Kenneth Turkel, a lawyer for Palin, apparently left the courthouse Monday without commenting on Palin's effort to hold the Times to account for at least one of its many distortions of the truth.

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The total state will kill you for being old



The United Kingdom’s daily efforts to censor speech and undermine its farmers have left the once-great nation resembling a communist regime. Yet its leaders remain determined to continue their march toward dystopia — now by targeting elderly citizens with state-sponsored euthanasia. The push for legalized euthanasia has reached British shores, accompanied by grim subway advertisements and endorsements in the Economist.

Canada’s monstrous euthanasia program should serve as a warning for other Western nations. Instead, the U.K. seems intent on diving headfirst into this moral abyss. The growing embrace of industrial-scale medical suicide is no coincidence; it reflects the natural trajectory of the modern totalitarian state.

We are governed by an elite seemingly intent on overseeing the suicide of the West.

Every elite class requires a political formula — a narrative to justify its authority. For the managerial elite, that formula is expertise and efficiency. In a complex world dominated by massive bureaucracies, these sprawling systems demand the technical knowledge and managerial skill of those at the top.

Bureaucracies thrive on uniformity, and the managerial elite depend on predictable outcomes to deliver the promised efficiency and material abundance. This obsession with control fosters a need for social engineering — a new kind of human subject, malleable and obedient to the designs of the ruling class.

In the modern total state, control extends to every aspect of life, including death. The push for euthanasia reflects the ultimate expression of this ideology: a system that dictates not just how people live but when and how they die.

In 2009, the debate over the Affordable Care Act, or “Obamacare” as it became popularly known, was in full swing. Former Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin (R) famously warned that government-controlled health care would inevitably lead to “death panels” that would decide whether patients could continue receiving treatment. The media mocked Palin, labeling her ignorant and accusing her of spreading misinformation about the ACA. But her warning has been vindicated. The link between dependency and sovereignty is undeniable — when the state assumes responsibility for an individual’s care from birth, it will inevitably influence decisions about when that individual’s life should end.

In 2016, Canada introduced its Medical Assistance in Dying program. Like other state-sponsored euthanasia initiatives, MAID was initially marketed as a compassionate option for terminally ill patients to end their suffering. The messaging focused on dignity, self-determination, and the idea that the program would be a rare solution for extreme cases. By 2022, however, MAID accounted for more than 13,000 deaths annually — a 31% increase from 2021 — and represented 4.1% of all deaths in Canada. Far from serving only the elderly or those in chronic pain, MAID has facilitated the deaths of poor people unable to afford rent and people suffering from mental illness. In a striking example of the slippery slope, Canada’s euthanasia program shifted from offering a “dignified” end for the terminally ill to ending the lives of young people grappling with anxiety over the cost of living.

The managerial revolution that began in the 1930s and 1940s led Western governments to build modern welfare states. These welfare programs, like Social Security in the United States or the National Health Service in the United Kingdom, relied on massive bureaucracies and experts who claimed they could predict human behavior, including fertility rates and life expectancy. Policymakers structured these welfare systems like Ponzi schemes, assuming continuous generational growth would sustain them. A sharp decline in birth rates created a crisis for social planners. In response, many governments embraced replacement-level immigration, both legal and illegal, to offset demographic decline.

When immigration failed to stabilize their systems, managerial states turned to euthanasia to ease demographic pressures. What began as a welfare state’s reliance on predictable human behavior has now devolved into using death as a solution to economic and demographic challenges.

As a man who lost his wife after a painful battle with cancer, I understand on a deep level why the arguments for euthanasia can seem compelling. Watching a loved one suffering in a situation that will not improve is heart-rending. But mass industrialized euthanasia is a terrible solution to a very difficult problem. The state is not killing you to spare your dignity; it is killing you because you are inconvenient.

While it is unpleasant to discuss, those who no longer wish to live are rarely deprived of the means to end their lives, except in cases of total medical incapacitation. Modern technology can extend life far beyond its natural duration, and patients should have the right to refuse such interventions if they choose. However, transforming suicide into a large-scale, state-run procedure is a dangerous step with predictable and troubling consequences. When the extermination of human life becomes just another bureaucratic task, the value of life inevitably diminishes to a mere statistic.

Bureaucratic institutions, once established, naturally seek to expand their missions and jurisdictions. Managers within these systems are incentivized to increase their power by broadening the scope of their operations. Programs designed to address specific problems often evolve into blunt instruments, searching for new applications. This tendency is a troubling feature of all bureaucracies, but it becomes particularly alarming when the mission involves ending human life on a large scale.

As it becomes increasingly clear that mass immigration will fail to resolve the economic challenges facing Western nations, calls for state-sponsored euthanasia will grow louder. Advocates will present industrial suicide cloaked in the language of compassion, but these programs are destined to morph into the “death panels” Palin warned about.

The same heartless bureaucrats who outsourced jobs and opened borders for economic gain are not championing euthanasia out of genuine concern for dignity. A ruling elite that truly cared about its nation would address the spiritual and material issues preventing family formation, community building, and the broader factors that make life meaningful. Instead, we are governed by an elite seemingly intent on overseeing the suicide of the West.

5 key House seats Republicans are likely to flip



While the Republicans' majority is increasingly narrow, there are currently five competitive blue seats that may help the GOP hold onto the House.

The seats of Democratic Reps. Mary Peltola of Alaska, Yadira Caraveo of Colorado, Elissa Slotkin of Michigan, Marie Gluesenkamp Perez of Washington, and Jared Golden of Maine have all been ranked as toss-ups by Cook Political Report.

Alongside these toss-up ratings, polling also suggests these seats are within Republicans' reach going into November.

In 2022, Peltola is the first Democratic candidate to have been elected to Alaska's sole congressional seat in more than half a century after the state adopted a ranked-choice voting system, which allows voters to rank their preferred candidates rather than a typical two-party primary system. As a result, Republican candidates Nick Begich and former Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin split the GOP vote, allowing Peltola to flip the seat blue for the first time since 1970.

Despite the ranked-choice system, Peltola is facing a challenge from just one Republican candidate, Nick Begich, after Nancy Dahlstrom dropped out to consolidate the GOP vote. Combined with Alaska's reliably red voting history, recent polls from the National Republican Congressional Committee put Peltola at an electoral disadvantage.

Peltola is also featured on the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee's "frontline members" list consisting of the most competitive blue seats.

Peltola's fellow frontliner, Caraveo, is also at risk of losing re-election to her Republican challenger. While one September poll puts the Colorado Democrat at a narrow three-point edge, a recent poll from early October puts her in a dead heat with Republican challenger Gabe Evans. Colorado's 8th Congressional District is also perfectly split between Republicans and Democrats, according to Cook Political Report.

Caraveo won her seat in 2022 against Republican candidate Barbara Kirkmeyer by less than 1%.

Since Slotkin opted to run for Senate, Democratic candidate Curtis Hertel and Republican challenger Tom Barrett have gone head to head for the seat. Slotkin flipped the longtime red seat blue in 2022, making the +2 Republican district a potential layup. Polling is also trending in Republicans' favor, with Barrett ahead of Hertel by four to six points.

Slotkin secured her seat in Michigan's 7th Congressional District in 2022 by 5.4%.

Perez, who is also featured on the DCCC's list of vulnerable front-liners, is set to face off against Republican candidate Joe Kent for the second time. Although Perez managed to flip the seat in 2022, she is currently polling dead even against Kent in the +5 Republican district, which may reinstate a red streak in Washington's third congressional district.

Perez, who has refrained from endorsing Vice President Kamala Harris over former President Donald Trump, defeated Kent in 2022 by less than 1% after former Republican Rep. Jaime Herrera Beutler retired.

Golden, who has served Maine's congressional district for three consecutive terms, is also facing a tight race against Republican candidate Austin Theriault. Despite being a +6 Republican district, Golden won his seat by a 1% margin in 2018 and just over 6% in 2020 and 2022.

Despite his historical electoral advantage, a recent poll shows Golden at a three-point deficit against Theriault.

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