Want fewer RINOs? Give GOP conventions more power



Deep-red states keep electing Republicans who govern against their voters. Democrats campaign on anti-corruption and inflation in swing states while delivering nothing but leftism in their bluest states. Republican voters should expect their reddest states to govern just as aggressively on the right. Instead, Republicans-in-name-only dominate.

Whenever I demand action against red-state RINOs, the GOP’s obedient chorus lectures conservatives about “unity.” Unless we overhaul these state parties — changing how they select nominees or running on third-party ballot lines — we will keep suffering Democratic governance under the Republican banner. Democrats will also keep gaining ground in states they once couldn’t penetrate.

Conservatives cannot keep treating nominations as a procedural detail and then wonder why Republican victories fail to produce conservative government.

South Dakota shows both the problem and a remedy. The state chooses some statewide nominees at party conventions rather than direct primaries. This summer, state Rep. Heather Baxter defeated Secretary of State Monae Johnson by 18 points at the GOP convention. Activists concluded that Johnson had obstructed the election integrity agenda on which she originally campaigned.

Statewide incumbents almost never lose direct primaries. The convention gave activists a chance to hold Johnson accountable for her record.

Critics might dismiss those delegates as too extreme or uncompromising. Johnson answered that objection herself: After losing their support, she endorsed the Democrat in the general election — in South Dakota.

“South Dakota deserves a Secretary of State who will strengthen confidence through performance rather than provocation; who will support election officials rather than burden them for political effect; who will protect voter access and election security without pretending those goals are enemies; and who will treat the office’s employees, voters, candidates, and business owners with dignity,” Johnson wrote in her statement endorsing Democrat Terrence Davis last Saturday.

Her language about “voter access,” followed by her endorsement, confirmed that delegates were right to give her the boot.

Johnson had already turned against pro-lifers fighting a ballot initiative to enshrine abortion on demand in South Dakota’s Constitution. House Speaker Jon Hansen (R) founded the Life Defense Fund, which contacted petition signers to verify that they had consented to having their names on the petitions. Johnson accused the group of running a “scam.”

Petition organizers’ claims of public support deserve verification. A signature should reflect a voter’s consent, and election officials should welcome efforts to establish whether that consent was real. Suspected petition fraud warranted scrutiny. In Florida, Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis’ administration investigated alleged fraud in a similar abortion petition drive in 2024. “The circulators appeared to have forged the voters’ signatures and inserted the voters’ personal identifiable information into the petitions without consent,” Secretary of State Cord Byrd wrote in a letter that year.

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Johnson accused Hansen’s group of “impersonating” her staff and “trying to pressure voters into asking that their name be removed” from the petitions. She sought a criminal investigation, but Attorney General Marty Jackley found no evidence of lawbreaking.

“By labeling our lawful activity as a scam, Secretary of State Johnson has done significant and irreversible damage to the pro-life movement in South Dakota,” Hansen said in May 2024.

Voters rejected the abortion amendment, but it garnered 41% of the vote — an alarming share in such a red state. Conservatives had better be prepared to scrutinize petition drives for future abortion, marijuana, and ranked-choice voting initiatives.

Johnson won convention support in 2022 by campaigning on election integrity. Once in office, she obstructed conservatives seeking to investigate or confront election fraud. With her support of the Democrat, we now know she was never really on our side.

This contest offers two lessons.

First, conservatives must stop letting threats of party disunity protect liberal Republicans. If a defeated RINO will support a Democrat, that strengthens the case for removing that Republican even sooner. Given the Democrats’ radical agenda, anyone willing to endorse them would remain a subversive force under the GOP banner.

Red states teem with these politicians. In Alaska, liberal Republicans shared power with Democrats, gradually creating a uniparty. Ranked-choice voting further blurred the distinctions. Despite reliably backing Republican presidential nominees, Alaska is essentially a province of the Democratic Party. Democrats are favored to win the legislature and flip a U.S. Senate seat, while their candidate for governor leads by double digits in a recent poll.

When Republicans in the reddest states share power with Democrats, conservatives cannot settle for “at least we have a Republican.” Keep rewarding that conduct, and even the Republican label will eventually disappear.

Kansas offers another warning. Republicans’ refusal to unite behind a conservative agenda has helped Democrats hold the governorship for eight years. Unpopular incumbent Republicans have now made Kansas competitive at the federal level. Former Republican Gov. Bill Graves even endorsed Democrat Adam Hamilton against Republican Sen. Roger Marshall.

We have allowed liberals to weaken the party from within for years. The demand for unity always seems to bind conservatives, while liberal Republicans remain free to support the other party. That arrangement rewards the politicians responsible for the division and silences the voters trying to fix it.

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Pete Kiehart/Bloomberg/Getty Images

The second lesson: State conventions give conservatives a better chance to reclaim their party than direct primaries do because they draw informed activists. Johnson’s endorsement is unlikely to elect a Democrat in South Dakota. The point is the convention allowed conservatives to expose and remove her. Try doing that in a direct primary while special interests spend heavily to mislead low-information voters who barely follow these races.

As conservatives rejected Johnson at the convention, liberal Republicans won key direct primaries. Hansen would have easily won the gubernatorial nomination had convention delegates decided that race. Instead, Gov. Larry Rhoden won the primary. He has opposed initiative petition reform, which conservatives need to confront the process helping turn red states blue.

Meanwhile, about 16 liberal former legislators and challengers defeated conservative freshmen in legislative primaries, aided by an infusion of Big Tech cash. Baxter herself lost her legislative primary before defeating Johnson at the convention in the same election cycle.

Conservatives cannot keep treating nominations as a procedural detail and then wonder why Republican victories fail to produce conservative government. The selection process determines who we send into office and whose demands they heed.

Conservatives who want different results must change how their parties choose candidates. Keep the same primary system, and the uniparty will keep collecting the nominations.

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The floundering of the Democratic Party is becoming impossible to ignore while Republicans continue to make positive gains in swing states. At least one mainstream media outlet is now admitting that Democrats are in trouble ahead of the 2026 midterms, and the numbers appear to prove it.

CNN data analyst Harry Enten broke down the major gains in voter registration in key swing states for Republicans.

'The Democratic brand is in about as good a position as the Cracker Barrel rebrand.'

Looking at the data from Arizona, Nevada, North Carolina, and Pennsylvania, Enten said, "The Republican Party is in their best position at this point in the cycle since at least 2005, in all four of these key battleground states."

Enten showed that Arizona had a three-point gain in Republican voter registration; Nevada had a six-point gain. Strikingly, North Carolina and Pennsylvania both had an eight-point gain in Republican voter registration.

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"Are there any bright spots for Democrats? Have they picked up any ground since January 1 in terms of party registration? I'm not seeing it in these key swing states, these four key swing states. That's what we're talking about: party registration margin gain since January 1, 2025."

"The Democratic brand is in about as good a position as the Cracker Barrel rebrand," he added.

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The brutal reality Democrats can't ignore



Following a steady streak of political failures, the Democratic Party is facing yet another disastrous reality.

Democrats have been bleeding support as they continue to propel progressive candidates to national prominence. Most recently, an analysis from the New York Times shows just how dire the situation is.

'There is no silver lining or cavalry coming across the hill.'

Between the 2020 and 2024 elections, Democratic voter registration plummeted across all 30 states that track voter registration by political affiliation, according to the analysis. Within just those four years, the shift toward Republicans adds up to about 4.5 million voters.

Across the board, Americans are fleeing the Democratic Party.

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For the first time since 2018, more new voters across the country opted to register as Republicans rather than Democrats, according to the analysis. In total, Democrats hemorrhaged about 2.1 million registered voters from 2020 to 2024 across the 30 states that track registration by party. At the same time, Republicans gained 2.4 million new registered voters.

This trend has been apparent not just in swing states, but also in deeply partisan ones.

In all four battleground states in the analysis, including Arizona, Nevada, North Carolina, and Pennsylvania, the share of Democratic voters sharply declined. On Election Day, Democrats went from nearly an 11-point advantage over Republicans in 2020 to just a six-point edge in 2024 with respect to party registration, according to the analysis.

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"I don't want to say, 'The death cycle of the Democratic Party,' but there seems to be no end to this,” Michael Pruser, an analyst for Decision Desk HQ, told the New York Times. "There is no silver lining or cavalry coming across the hill. This is month after month, year after year."

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