EV bubble bursting? Automakers lose billions as tax credits disappear



America’s largest automakers are retreating from their electric vehicle ambitions after taking staggering financial hits — a shift highlighted in a recent Wall Street Journal report revealing more than $50 billion in combined charges.

“Ford announced in December that it expected to take $19.5 billion in charges to retrench amid sinking EV demand. Together, Ford, General Motors and Jeep-maker Stellantis have now announced more than $50 billion in charges as they pull back on their EV ambitions,” the article in the Wall Street Journal reads.

“EV tax credit expiring, which was, of course, part of the Big Beautiful Bill, goes into effect late 2025,” BlazeTV host Stu Burguiere explains while looking at a chart from the Wall Street Journal.

“And you see monthly sales have dropped off by well over 50%, which is remarkable,” Stu says.


“Net profit, you see, everything going fine for these companies — General Motors, Ford, and Stellantis — until this EV credit goes away. Things drop through the floor. Again, when you’re building your business based on some government credit — if the only way it can succeed is if the government is giving you money, then you haven't built a business,” he explains.

“What you’ve built is a rent-seeking operation. What you’ve built is an opportunity to bilk other taxpayers to pay for your crappy business. That’s what we’ve built here with the EV bubble,” he continues.

And while other companies' EV sales are doing better than GM, Ford, and Stellantis, they are still dropping.

“The sales are dropping, and yes, they are dropping by more in the United States,” Stu says.

“Remember, if you have built a company, basically, that is completely dependent on the government giving you free money every time you sell something, you haven’t really built a business at all,” he adds.

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Waymo Renames Its New Driverless Cars To Scrub References to CCP-Linked Chinese Company That Makes Them

Waymo, the buzzy driverless car startup, recently rebranded its newest robotaxi model, choosing the name of a small California town to create a sense of "familiarity" for customers. The company that actually makes the vehicles, Zeekr, is based in China—and it has extensive ties to the Chinese Communist Party, a Washington Free Beacon review found.

The post Waymo Renames Its New Driverless Cars To Scrub References to CCP-Linked Chinese Company That Makes Them appeared first on .

Top 5 funniest Trump moments of 2025



President Donald Trump has secured a spot as one of the most iconic figures in American history. While many of his significant political actions are certain to be remembered, so will the countless clips and memes throughout his time in office.

Here are the five funniest Trump moments of his second presidency so far.

5. Making plastic straws great again

In the early weeks of his second term, Trump signed the "number one trending" executive order ending the "forced use" of paper straws across the country.

During the signing, Trump quipped about the ineffectiveness of paper straws, noting they "explode" in drinks, rendering them useless and often frustrating to drink from.

"We're going back to plastic straws," Trump said. "These things don't work. ... On occasion they break, they explode. If something's hot, they don't last very long. Like, a matter of minutes, sometimes a matter of seconds. It's a ridiculous situation. So, we're going back to plastic straws. I think it's OK."

"I don't think that plastic is going to affect a shark very much as they're munching their way through the ocean," Trump added.

4. "Everything's computer!"

Trump shared a unique friendship with serial entrepreneur Elon Musk, whose many business ventures include Tesla. These electric cars that were once one of the most iconic and prevalent vehicles in Silicon Valley quickly became associated with Musk and Trump's political alliance.

In support of Musk, Trump had several Tesla models shown at the White House, where he candidly reviewed a Tesla vehicle himself.

"Oh wow, it's beautiful!" Trump said as he stepped into the Tesla. "Wow. That's beautiful. This is a different panel than I've — everything's computer!"

3. Trick-or-treat

Trump recreated one of his most iconic moments during Halloween, when the White House hosts an annual trick-or-treat on the South Lawn, where the president and the first lady hand out candy to children.

In 2019, one of Trump's funniest unscripted moments was when a child in an inflatable Minion costume came to the White House for candy. Trump, unsure of where to hand off the candy bar, made the executive decision to place it on the Minion's head, producing one of the most meme-able moments of his first term.

Trump re-created this interaction in 2025 when a child dressed as Marshmello, a DJ who wears a marshmallow-shaped mask, came through the line. Just as he did in 2019, Trump opted to set the candy bar on the flat top of the marshmallow, sending the trick-or-treater on his way.

2. Autopen presidency

As Trump works to solidify his legacy after his second term, he has taken it upon himself to spruce up the White House grounds with a new ballroom, a paved patio in the Rose Garden, and touches of gold pretty much every place he can.

He has also made sure to commemorate those presidents who came before him.

One new feature at the White House is Trump's hall of presidents, featuring an array of gold-framed presidential portraits alongside a walkway overlooking the Rose Garden. Trump cleverly added his own flair to the commemorative walkway, featuring a framed photo of the autopen between his 45th and 47th presidential portrait, memorializing former President Joe Biden's autopen scandal.

1. The N-word

Trump has always had a flair for the dramatic, often echoing the showmanship of his reality TV days. Love him or hate him, he knows how to capture a crowd's attention.

In one of his funniest and most underrated political speeches of 2025, Trump delivered an edgy punchline in an address to military brass in Quantico.

"It was really a stupid person that ... mentioned the word 'nuclear,'" Trump said during the address.

"I moved a submarine or two ... over to the coast of Russia, just to be careful, because we can't let people throw around that word," he continued.

"I call it the N-word," Trump added. "There are two N-words, and you can't use either of them."

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How unionizing hurt VW (it has nothing to do with wages)



Because today’s auto industry feels thoroughly international — Americans can buy nearly any car made anywhere, and American vehicles are common sights overseas — it’s easy to forget how deeply regional car markets still are.

That’s the topic of the latest episode of “The Drive,” a podcast I host with executive analyst at iSeeCars.com and Forbes Autos contributor Karl Brauer. This week, our guest is longtime Detroit News auto columnist and syndicated cartoonist Henry Payne.

Japan’s streets — especially in dense cities like Tokyo — are filled with vehicles most Americans rarely see: kei cars, a government-defined class of tiny, boxy, ultra-efficient runabouts.

In a conversation that jumps from Japan’s Mobility Show to the battle over unionization at Volkswagen’s U.S. plant in Chattanooga, we keep returning to the same theme: Cars are global, but markets are local—and policy is increasingly the hidden hand behind what gets built, where, and for how much.

The power of US demand

Payne joins us fresh from the 2025 Japan Mobility Show, an experience he says he found “surreal.”

“My grandfather fought on Okinawa in WWII, and here I am two generations later, and I am going to Japan as a guest of Honda,” he says.

Despite all that’s changed since then, Payne says the show was a reminder of how regional cars still are.

Japan’s streets — especially in dense cities like Tokyo — are filled with vehicles most Americans rarely see: kei cars, a government-defined class of tiny, boxy, ultra-efficient runabouts. They’re built around small displacement engines, tight dimensions, and the reality that Japan imports most of its energy. They make sense there.

In the U.S. they generally wouldn’t — despite recent rumblings from Trump to the contrary.

That contrast matters because it underlines a second point: The United States is not just a big market — it’s a market that props up entire global product plans. Payne notes that Honda sells far more of its output in the United States than it does in Japan, and other Japanese brands lean even harder on American buyers. The U.S. consumer is simply a different customer: higher buying power, more space, more appetite for variety, and more willingness (or necessity) to buy larger vehicles.

In other words, when automakers build out multiple trims and performance variants off the same platform — base model, sport model, track model, special edition — that’s usually because of U.S. demand.

Auto industry math still comes down to very specific local realities: what people can afford, where they live, what infrastructure exists, and what regulators demand.

Flex or flounder

If Japan shows how regional car markets still are, Chattanooga shows what happens when the most powerful market of all — the United States — starts limiting its own flexibility.

Payne’s argument is that transplant automakers (foreign brands building cars in the U.S.) have long enjoyed a competitive advantage: non-union shops.

It’s important to note that the advantage is not in labor prices — “You’ll find that the pay scales of the non-union automakers in these right-to-work states are pretty competitive with UAW,” Payne says — but in the ability to adapt to changing markets.

Unions add a layer of management that makes it more difficult to shift production, change processes, and retool lines.

Nonetheless, Volkswagen’s Chattanooga plant last year became the first foreign-owned factory to unionize. This was the UAW’s third attempt to unionize the plant — and the first time that VW didn’t put up a fight. Why not?

In a word, Payne says, the EV mandate. Because it so much harder to make a profit on EVs, VW relies on various subsidies and tax breaks — incentives turned out to be politically sensitive.

Volkswagen wasn’t legally required to accept unionization — but the politics had shifted. With the UAW closely aligned with Democrats and billions in EV incentives flowing from Washington, Payne notes that VW received a letter from 33 Democratic senators urging it to stay neutral, citing “a lot of money on the line.” The leverage wasn’t statutory; it was political.

Thanks to President Trump, the EV tax credits ended in September, removing much of VW’s incentive to unionize. Of course, by then it was too late.

RELATED: 'A uniquely American industry': SEMA CEO urges EPA to scrap emissions regs

SEMA CEO Mike Spagnola. Bill Clark/Getty Images

‘The Henry Ford of his time’

The conversation ends with a more personal detour: Payne’s long-running fascination with Tesla — which he sees less as an “EV brand” and more as a rare disruptor in a mature, brutally difficult industry.

In fact, Payne calls Elon Musk “the Henry Ford of his time” and the Tesla Model 3 (he’s on his third) “the most fascinating car I’ve ever owned.”

“It’s good to have a disruptor,” Payne continues, likening Musk to Donald Trump and the latter’s effect on Washington, D.C. “It’s good to have Elon Musk come into the automotive industry ... and say, ‘Why are we selling cars through dealers instead of through stores like Apple sells iPhones? Why aren’t we updating cars constantly like phones and making them better on the road?’”

And if you’re wondering why your next car costs what it costs — or why automakers seem to change direction every six months — this episode offers a blunt answer: The industry is being pulled by forces that don’t always align, and the tug-of-war is happening everywhere at once.

Listen to the full episode of “The Drive with Lauren and Karl” (featuring Henry Payne) below.

The New York Times’ ‘trillionaire’ lie: The left is now outraged over pure fiction



The left is yet again up in arms about a non-issue, this time regarding the amount of trillionaires in America. Because what they don’t appear to know is that there are no trillionaires in America.

“We did it. They’ve been eradicated. There are no American trillionaires. We did it everybody. Yay. I guess that's a goal we all have now. In case you didn’t know,” BlazeTV host Stu Burguiere says on “Stu Does America.” “A lot of people on the left apparently don’t.”

And sadly, the New York Times has landed on the list of those who don’t know this, as a recent article is titled, “Musk Wins $1 Trillion Pay Package, Creating Split Screen on Wealth in America.”

“Again, no it doesn’t,” Burguiere comments.


“At Tesla, based in the Austin, Texas, area, shareholders have largely bought into a winner-takes-all version of capitalism, agreeing by a wide margin to give Mr. Musk shares worth almost a trillion dollars if the company under his management achieves ambitious financial and operational goals over the next decade,” the article reads.

“Now, the terms I would like you to look at in that particular quote are ‘shareholders.’ So, the people whose money is going to be paid to Elon Musk have bought in. So, why would they buy into a winner-takes-all philosophy of capitalism? Because that would bankrupt them, right?” Burguiere asks.

“Elon wins, they get nothing, right? Let’s think about it a little bit. Could it possibly be that they actually win too? Could it possibly be that they think that if Elon Musk becomes a trillionaire, they’re doing pretty darn well for themselves as well? Could it possibly be that the New York freaking Times, located in the financial capital of the world, have no idea what they’re talking about?” he continues.

“And you might say, ‘Well, yeah, that is what it means, Stu.’ No, it doesn’t. It means they’re lying. They know exactly what’s going on here. They know why they’re framing it this way. And they’re doing it completely intentionally,” he adds.

The article goes on to discuss mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani’s New York victory as a “reminder of the frustrations many Americans have with an economic system that has left them struggling to afford basics like food, housing, and child care.”

“I assure you, Elon Musk having a trillion dollars, which I will note he does not have, but if he did have it, that money would not have anything to do with someone in New York feeding themselves. It’s literally got nothing to do with them starving on the streets,” Burguiere says.

“It’s got nothing to do with Elon Musk. He’s not doing this to people,” he adds.

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Goodbye, car radio? Big Tech’s plans to control what you listen to behind the wheel.



First, it was AM radio — now it’s FM too.

Imagine starting your car and realizing that what you can — or can’t — hear has already been decided for you. The same tech giants that censor your posts, curate your newsfeeds, and impact your online experience now want to control what plays through your vehicle dashboard.

Congress must act to guarantee that all broadcast radio remains standard equipment in vehicles, ensuring that free access to information doesn’t become a premium feature.

Tesla recently confirmed it will remove FM radio from its base Model 3 and Model Y vehicles. Just days later, General Motors doubled down on plans to eliminate Apple CarPlay and Android Auto, opting instead for proprietary systems designed with Big Tech partners.

Individually, these sound like technical upgrades. But together, they represent a fundamental shift: handing over more control of your car to corporations. We’ve seen this before in our social media feeds, search results, and app stores. Now, the same algorithms and corporate interests that decide what you see and hear online are coming for your radio dial.

Walled garden

For generations, the car radio has been the great equalizer — free, local, and open to all. It delivers news, weather alerts, and community updates instantly, no subscription or data plan required.

Even today, the majority of drivers still prefer to listen to terrestrial radio while in the car.

But as vehicles become software platforms — with their own digital ecosystems — automakers are rewriting the rules.

By removing AM and FM radio and blocking third-party apps like CarPlay and Android Auto, they funnel drivers into closed environments where they alone decide what content is available.

Safety first

This is about safety as well. When the power goes out, when cell towers fail, and when internet connections drop, broadcast radio keeps transmitting. It remains the backbone of America’s Emergency Alert System — reaching 272 million listeners every week.

FEMA, the Department of Homeland Security, and emergency managers nationwide all rely on AM radio as critical communications infrastructure. In fact, seven former FEMA administrators from both parties have urged Congress to safeguard AM radio, citing its unmatched reliability and essential role in the success of the National Public Warning System.

But the stakes go beyond emergencies. Broadcast radio remains democracy’s most accessible platform. Local news stations serve communities too small for cable bureaus or newsrooms. Faith-based programming reaches congregations across denominations. Foreign-language broadcasts connect immigrant communities. Agricultural reports guide farmers making real-time decisions. High school football gets the same airtime as professional sports. These aren’t premium features available to subscribers.

They’re free, open, and available to anyone with a radio — until automakers decide they’re not.

RELATED: AM radio still saves lives — but will automakers listen?

Gary Leonard/Getty Images

Gatekeeper playbook

We know what happens when platforms consolidate control over content distribution. Algorithms replace editorial judgment. Subscription tiers determine access.

Content that doesn’t serve corporate interests gets deprioritized or excluded entirely. Tesla’s FM removal isn’t an isolated decision. GM’s CarPlay elimination isn’t a technical preference. These are coordinated moves toward a future where your dashboard operates like your smartphone — except you can’t choose a different car as easily as you can switch apps.

The difference is critical: When you’re behind the wheel, access to information isn’t just about convenience. It’s about safety, civic engagement, and the free flow of ideas in a democratic society.

Congress to the rescue?

The AM Radio for Every Vehicle Act would require automakers to include AM radio in all new vehicles at no extra cost. With support from more than 315 House members and 61 senators, it’s one of the most bipartisan efforts in Washington today. Yet, as Tesla and GM’s announcements show, time is running out.

Congress must act to guarantee that all broadcast radio remains standard equipment in vehicles, ensuring that free, over-the-air access to information doesn’t become a premium feature. The automotive industry will argue this is about “consumer choice” and “technical optimization.” Don’t be fooled. It’s about controlling a captive audience and deciding what tens of millions of Americans will hear every day. Lawmakers need to pass the bill. And the public needs to push back.

Call your representatives and tell them to support the AM Radio for Every Vehicle Act. Make your voice heard before automakers take it away.

Elon Musk to reveal flying car next year



Elon Musk says the next Tesla Roadster might fly. Not figuratively — literally.

Imagine an all-electric supercar that hits 60 mph in under two seconds, then lifts off the pavement like something out of "The Jetsons." It sounds impossible, even absurd. But during a recent appearance on "The Joe Rogan Experience," Musk hinted that the long-delayed Tesla Roadster is about to do the unthinkable: merge supercar speed with vertical takeoff.

If the April 2026 demo delivers even a glimpse of flight, it will cement Tesla’s image as the company that still dares to dream big.

As someone who has test-driven nearly every kind of machine on four (and sometimes fewer) wheels, I’ve seen hype before. But this time, it’s not just marketing spin. Tesla is preparing a prototype demo that could change how we think about personal transportation — or prove that even Elon Musk can aim too high.

Rogan reveal

On Halloween, Musk told Joe Rogan that Tesla is “getting close to demonstrating the prototype,” adding with his usual flair: “One thing I can guarantee is that this product demo will be unforgettable.”

Rogan, always the skeptic, pushed for details. Wings? Hovering? Musk smirked: “I can’t do the unveil before the unveil. But I think it has a shot at being the most memorable product unveil ever.”

He even invoked his friend and PayPal co-founder Peter Thiel, who once said, "We wanted flying cars; instead we got 140 characters."

Musk’s response: “I think if Peter wants a flying car, he should be able to buy one.”

That’s classic Elon — part visionary, part showman. But underneath the bravado lies serious engineering. Musk hinted at SpaceX technology powering the car.

The demonstration, now scheduled for April 1, 2026 (yes, April Fools’ Day), is meant to prove the impossible. Production could start by 2027 or 2028, but given Tesla’s history of optimistic timelines, it may be longer before any of us see a flying Roadster on the road — or in the air.

Good timing

Tesla’s timing isn’t accidental. The company’s Q3 2025 profits fell short due to tariffs, R&D spending, and the loss of federal EV tax credits. With electric vehicle demand cooling, Musk knows how to recapture attention: promise something audacious.

Remember the Cybertruck’s “unbreakable” windows? The demo didn’t go as planned — but it worked as a publicity move. A flying Tesla Roadster could do the same, turning investor eyes (and wallets) back toward Tesla’s most thrilling frontier.

Hovering hype

So can a Tesla actually fly? It may use cold-gas thrusters — essentially small rocket nozzles that expel compressed air for brief, powerful thrusts. The result could be hovering, extreme acceleration, or even short hops over obstacles.

There’s also talk of “fan car” technology, inspired by 1970s race cars that used vacuum fans to suck the car to the track for impossible cornering speeds. Combine that with Tesla’s AI-driven Full Self-Driving systems and new battery packs designed for over 600 miles of range, and the idea starts to sound just plausible enough.

The challenge? Energy density. Vertical flight consumes enormous power, and even Tesla’s advanced 4680 cells may struggle to deliver it without sacrificing range. And if the Roadster truly hovers, it will need reinforced suspension, stability controls, and noise-dampening tech to keep your driveway from turning into a launchpad.

Sky's the limit

Musk isn’t the first to chase this dream. The “flying car” has tempted inventors since the 1910s — and disappointed them nearly as long.

In the optimistic 1950s, Ford’s Advanced Design Studio built the Volante Tri-Athodyne, a ducted-fan prototype that looked ready for takeoff but never left the ground. The Moulton Taylor Aerocar actually flew, cruising at 120 mph and folding its wings for the highway — but only five were ever built.

Even the military tried. The U.S. and Canadian armies funded the Avrocar, a flying saucer-style VTOL craft that could hover but not climb more than six feet. Every generation since has produced new attempts — from the AVE Mizar (a flying Ford Pinto that ended in tragedy) to today’s eVTOL startups like Joby and Alef Aeronautics, the latter already FAA-certified for testing.

The dream keeps coming back because it represents freedom — freedom from traffic, limits, and gravity itself.

Got a permit for that?

Here’s where reality checks in. The Federal Aviation Administration now classifies electric vertical takeoff and landing aircraft under a new category requiring both airplane and helicopter training. You would need a pilot’s license, medical exams, and specialized instruction to legally take off.

Insurance? Astronomical. Airspace? Restricted. Maintenance? Complex. In short: This won’t replace your daily driver any time soon. Even if the Roadster hovers, the FAA isn’t handing out flight permits for your morning commute.

RELATED: You can now buy a real-life Jetsons vehicle for the same price as a luxury car

Image provided to Blaze News by Jetson

Free parachute with purchase

Flying cars sound thrilling until you consider what happens when one malfunctions. A blown tire is one thing; a blown thruster at 200 feet is another. Tesla’s autonomy might help mitigate pilot error, but weather, visibility, and battery reliability all pose major challenges.

NASA and the FAA are developing new air traffic systems to handle “urban air mobility,” but even best-case scenarios involve strict flight corridors, automated control, and years of testing.

In short: We’re closer than ever to a flying car — but not that close.

Sticking the landing

So will the Tesla Roadster really fly? Probably — at least for a few seconds. Will it transform personal transportation? Not yet.

But here’s the thing: Musk doesn’t have to deliver a mass-market flying car. He just has to prove that it’s possible. And that may be enough to reignite public imagination and investor faith at a time when both are fading for the EV industry.

If the April 2026 demo delivers even a glimpse of flight, it will cement Tesla’s image as the company that still dares to dream big. If it flops, it will join the long list of “flying car” fantasies that fell back to Earth.

Either way, we’ll be watching — because when Elon Musk says he’s going to make a car fly, the world can’t help but look up.

'A uniquely American industry': SEMA CEO urges EPA to scrap emissions regs



The automotive world is bracing for a decision that could rewrite the rules of the road.

The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency has proposed rescinding the 2009 Greenhouse Gas Endangerment Finding, a policy that for more than a decade has given regulators federal and state-level authority to impose sweeping vehicle emissions mandates.

The EPA’s proposed move is not an anti-environment position — it’s about shifting the strategy from top-down control to open competition among propulsion technologies.

If finalized, this move could restore a level playing field for innovation, uphold consumer choice, and revitalize industries that have been shackled by narrow environmental policy objectives.

For the automotive aftermarket, represented by the Specialty Equipment Market Association, this decision is about more than regulatory rollback — it’s about empowering engineers, manufacturers, and entrepreneurs to compete on ideas, not on government-mandated technology paths.

SEMA, an organization representing more than 7,000 members and a $337 billion industry, sees this as a chance to return the Clean Air Act to its original scope, protect jobs, and unleash market forces to drive progress.

Why this matters now

Since the 2009 finding, greenhouse gas regulations have tightly intertwined climate policy with vehicle design, pushing automakers aggressively toward electric vehicle production — regardless of consumer demand or infrastructure readiness. This approach has fragmented the automotive market, caused affordability concerns, and arguably sidelined other promising propulsion technologies such as hydrogen, advanced hybrids, and synthetic fuels.

SEMA’s position is clear: Technology-neutral policies yield better, more diverse innovations and avoid imposing limits that stifle creative engineering.

As SEMA president and CEO Mike Spagnola put it in comments submitted to the EPA:

The specialty automotive aftermarket is a uniquely American industry built on ingenious innovation, vibrant consumer enthusiasm, and unmatched entrepreneurial spirit. The EPA’s reconsideration of the 2009 GHG Endangerment Finding presents an opportunity to remove unnecessary regulatory barriers and allow market forces to guide technological progress in a way that is consumer-driven.

The alternative, warns SEMA, is a patchwork regulatory landscape where California or other states set rules drastically different from federal standards, creating instability for businesses and confusion for consumers. Rescinding the finding would return policymaking power to Congress — the branch intended to weigh competing priorities and reflect the will of the people.

Innovation and consumer choice

The EPA’s proposed move is not an anti-environment position — it’s about shifting the strategy from top-down control to open competition among propulsion technologies. SEMA’s membership includes companies working on EVs, hybrids, hydrogen vehicles, and more.

The association’s argument centers on the belief that all technologies should compete without government favoring one pathway over another. That opens the door for the market to incentivize breakthroughs in lowering emissions from internal combustion engines through efficiencies, synthetic fuels, and advanced filtration. This benefits consumers who may want cleaner cars without sacrificing performance, affordability, or utility.

RELATED: 'Leno’s Law' could be big win for California's classic car culture

CNBC/Getty Images

Tesla pushes back

Not everyone agrees with the EPA’s proposal. Tesla, the electric vehicle industry’s flagship brand, has urged the administration to keep the 2009 finding intact, calling it “lawful” and “based on a robust factual and scientific record.” Tesla argues that rescinding the finding would disrupt established emissions measurement, control, and reporting frameworks. They say the change could retroactively excuse manufacturers from compliance responsibilities, undermining environmental progress.

Tesla also contends that repealing vehicle emissions standards would remove one of the key regulatory drivers that has accelerated EV adoption. Its comments reflect concerns that without the finding, the EPA may step away from enforcing rules that have been instrumental in bringing lower-emission vehicles to market.

The divide is stark: One side sees government policy as the cornerstone of transformative environmental action, while the other views market-driven innovation as the more sustainable engine of technological growth.

Ripple effects

The stakes are enormous. SEMA estimates that one-third of its members rely heavily on internal combustion technology — a subset that underpins a multibillion-dollar aftermarket economy and hundreds of thousands of jobs. Removing mandates that inherently disadvantage certain propulsion methods could stabilize the market, restore consumer confidence, and reinvigorate small businesses.

Meanwhile, Energy Secretary Chris Wright announced plans to return more than $13 billion in unclaimed clean energy funds from the Inflation Reduction Act.

These funds, originally intended to support wind, solar, batteries, and EV infrastructure, will be rescinded under the One Big Beautiful Bill Act signed by President Trump earlier this year — a legislative move that sharply reduced renewable energy incentives. This suggests that the administration is aligning its broader energy policy with the recalibration of vehicle emissions rules.

Choosing choice

At its core, this debate centers on choice — choice for consumers, choice for innovators, and choice for an industry that thrives on diversity of ideas. Environmental stewardship remains critical, but the question now is whether the U.S. can achieve it without sacrificing market freedom.

Advocates of rescinding the finding say yes: Let the engineers push boundaries and deliver solutions people actually want to buy. Opponents warn that weakening greenhouse gas regulation could slow progress toward emissions reduction targets.

The EPA’s move signals a new era of environmental policy — one where power shifts back toward legislative decision-making and away from regulatory agencies. Whether this will unleash a wave of innovation or stall environmental gains will depend on how industry and consumers respond when restrictions loosen.

The comment period has closed, with more than 140,000 responses filed. Now the EPA must sift through sharply divided opinions before issuing a final decision. Whatever the agency decides, the ruling will be a defining moment for the future of America’s automotive landscape. If the finding is rescinded, the aftermarket industry stands ready to prove that when Americans are free to innovate, the road ahead can be cleaner, faster, and more exciting — without anyone being forced into a one-size-fits-all ride.