Marc Maron, king of the 'fascist'-fighting hacks



Marc Maron is a hack. His politics are hack. His comedy is hack. Marc Maron is a hack’s hack.

“Beware,” comedian Freddy Nietzsche warned me one night at an open mic in Echo Park, “that when fighting hacks, you yourself do not become a hack.” That’s why I’m trying not to gaze too long into the Maron, but rather steal a glance here and there. The algorithm helps, throwing clips my way from Maron’s latest podcast appearances and comedy specials. Little bites. Not big enough to choke on.

To be fair, 'End Times Fun' came out five years ago, so I was ready to let it slide, but then a fan of mine said that Maron was giving him Doug Allen vibes.

The one that kicked it off for me was a recent appearance Maron made on "Howie Mandel Does Stuff," where Maron went after “anti-woke” comedians.

Maron has a number of problems with the anti-woke — like the way they've brought back an offensive slur (let's just call it "the R-word") for those with intellectual disabilities. As an outspoken progressive, Maron is adamant that every person has a right to be treated with dignity and respect — after a "cool-down" period during which their mothers choose whether or not to abort them, of course.

If anything, people with Down syndrome and the like deserve extra dignity and respect, seeing as up to 85% of them in America don't make it past this competitive first round. (In Iceland, it's closer to 100%.) It takes a special person to beat those odds!

Your move, Mr. Drumpf

But the one Maron grievance that stood out to me was that he accused the anti-woke comics of being hacks — that is, they’re all doing the same tired material.

I found it ironic to hear Maron accuse others of being hacks when I had just watched a clip from his 2020 Netflix special, "End Times Fun," that was so heavy with hackiness that Maron had to sit down on a stool to deliver it.

Trump is probably the most horrible human that ever lived in any capacity, doing anything. Not a political statement. That is observational. Completely observational.

To be fair, "End Times Fun" came out five years ago, so I was ready to let it slide, but then a fan of mine said that Maron was giving him Doug Allen vibes.

For those who don’t know who Doug Allen is, back in 2017, Donald Trump was such hacky material that writer Luke Spallino and I developed a fake comedy persona named Doug Allen, whom we sold as the only comedian brave enough to make fun of Donald Trump and the only comic with the guts to take on the most protected class — the one thing you are not allowed to make fun of — straight white men.

(Watch our fake trailer for Doug Allen’s comedy special "Edgy" below, and be sure to scroll through the comments to see who did and did not get the joke.)

So three years after Doug Allen “spoke truth to power,” Maron was hacking away. And now in 2025, the guy’s still hacking it.

Hit-ler or miss

This time, in a clip from his new HBO special, "Panicked," Maron takes on comedian Theo Von for having had Donald Trump on his podcast, "This Past Weekend," before the 2024 presidential election.

The stool is on stage — it might be the same stool from his other special — but somehow Maron, older but still looking five years younger, manages the strength to stand and deliver this: "I think if Hitler were alive today, he’d probably appear on Theo Von’s podcast …"

Von is used as an avatar for Maron’s nemesis, the anti-woke podcaster. I have to admit the bit itself is pretty good — I actually would be interested in hearing Von talk to Hitler about meth — but comparing Trump to Hitler is about as hack as you can get. C’mon, Maron.

For a decade, it’s been so bad that when a prominent advocate for people living with Trump derangement syndrome switched it up with a reference to OG fascist Benito Mussolini, I tried to nominate the poor guy for a Mark Twain Prize.

I’d love to see more Trump/Il Duce comparisons. Or at the very least, if you’re going to insist on calling anyone Hitler, how about you include the year too? Like, are we talking 1939 Hitler or 1944 Hitler? I mean, no one gets compared to art-school Hitler enough!

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Frazer Harrison/Getty Images

Power hour

Marc Maron — perhaps himself acting a little bit like art-school Hitler — is upset with the power he claims anti-woke comedians and podcasters wield. It’s similar to power that Maron himself once had. Do you remember in 2015 when President Obama sat down with Maron in his garage to record an episode of Maron’s insanely popular podcast, "WTF"?

It was an interesting episode. Maron’s goal was to connect with the president as a person, which he did. Maron wasn’t there to talk policy — even though President Obama spent a good portion of the episode defending his policies, with no pushback whatsoever from his gracious host.

I get it. Maron respected Obama, supported him, and they were recording days after Dylann Roof carried out his mass murder at the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston, South Carolina.

It would have been awkward for Maron to bring up — well, all the issues I had with Obama. But at no point did I think it was his job to do so. They could have talked about cocaine, though. Which would have been a good listen, considering Maron’s tales of partying with Sam Kinison. (Personally, I’d rather do cocaine with Obama than meth with Hitler.)

At the beginning of the episode, Obama says it “would be a problem if the president was feeling stressed about coming to your garage for a podcast.” It’s a funny moment. I mean, why would the president be stressed about talking with Marc Maron? Maron saves his probing for truly evil men like … Gallagher.

Anti-woke ... or anti-joke?

Speaking as an anti-woke comedian, I credit Marc Maron and other members of his faith for showing me the way. While they spent years going after the same safe subjects, it gave me the opportunity to take on their sacred cows.

Now I’m not saying all jokes about Donald Trump are hack or all jokes about trans people are funny. It’s my job as a comedian — even when I’m not getting paid for it, which is often — to hold myself accountable: to go for the funny and be original. There are still strong punch lines yet to be created — they can be “anti-woke” or even woke.

But the idea, according to Maron, that the anti-woke won — that the culture and even policy have decidedly become anti-woke — is ridiculous. While Maron complains about Joe Rogan’s guest lists and scoffs at Ricky Gervais, male criminals are still serving their sentences in women’s prisons, anti-white racists still have well-paying jobs at the New Yorker, and those who don’t know history are doomed to compare everything to Hitler.

So yeah, there’s still so much woke stuff to make fun of that it’s R-word.

Are Democrats reclaiming the 'podcast bros'?



President Donald Trump notched a historic victory in 2024, becoming the first Republican to sweep all seven swing states and to secure the popular vote since 1984. His success has been attributed to many different aspects of his campaign, but one unorthodox strategy stuck out.

In between countless campaign rallies and many media appearances, Trump made his rounds on several platforms that have been casually dubbed as the "bro podcasts." The slate of comedians, sports enthusiasts, and cultural commentators is a far cry from the traditional presidential debates brokered by corporate news outlets, yet the reach is arguably greater.

'Like a lot of normal Americans, some of the country's top podcast hosts aren't ideologues, they're just people who detest the political establishment.'

Trump subsequently made significant gains across several demographics, including Gen Z men, a generation that is measurably more conservative compared to their Millennial and Gen X predecessors. At the same time, their support for Trump is beginning to slip, and Democrats can smell blood in the water.

Many of these podcast hosts were perceived as sympathetic toward Trump during his campaign simply for interviewing the Republican frontrunner. It's important to clarify, however, that many of those same podcasters were in talks with former Vice President Kamala Harris' campaign, which eventually turned down all their interview requests — but not before making a pit stop at Alex Cooper's notorious sex podcast, "Call Her Daddy," of course.

RELATED: Progressive Democrat sits down with Glenn Beck despite disagreements: 'We're all Team America'

Al Drago/Bloomberg via Getty Images

The bottom line is that these podcasters are not the MAGA apologists the legacy media claims they are. Within the first six months of Trump's second term, the same hosts who sat down with the president leading up to November have also come out and criticized some policies implemented by the administration.

'Democrats shouldn’t approach these podcasts as a place to score points.'

Theo Von, the beloved comedian who hosts "This Past Weekend," has been especially critical of Trump's foreign policy and Israel's ongoing attacks in Gaza. Trump campaigned on ending foreign wars, yet the same conflicts rage on, leaving Von and many other Americans dissatisfied with the administration's trajectory.

“What’s the win for us? We’re just involved in some other thing while we have suffering here at home," Von said in June as tensions grew between Iran and Israel.

The Epstein saga, which dominated the political news cycle for over a week, also sowed division among podcast hosts and American voters alike.

"Sure feels like the dark arts are afoot!" Von said in response to the GOP's handling of Epstein-related votes. "Why no vote Speaker Johnson?"

RELATED: Liberals are furious at billionaire Democrat 'mega-donor' for admitting Obama and Biden were unresponsive compared to Trump

Photo by Emma McIntyre/Getty Images for Netflix

Comedian Andrew Schulz, who co-hosts the "Flagrant" podcast, has also criticized certain aspects of the Trump administration and its immigration policy. Schulz, who was a lifelong Democrat, told Saagar Enjeti of "Breaking Points" that elected officials ought to be held accountable, even if you supported them.

"If you're not willing to hold the person that you voted for to the standards that they expected, then you're not a real person that cares about what's happening in America," Schulz said.

Because podcasters like Schulz and Von refuse to cast themselves into ideological molds, there is room for a wide range of voices to share their thoughts and exchange ideas with the popular hosts. Many of these critiques are echoed by their audiences, and some Democrats are seizing the opportunity.

Since the inauguration, Trump's approval ratings among Gen Z and male voters have declined, in some cases in the double digits. One CBS poll shows that Gen Z approval of Trump has declined from 55% to 28% in just six months, while overall male approval has dipped from 60% to 47%. Notably, these are the same demographics that make up a large portion of the viewership for podcasts like "The Joe Rogan Experience" and "Flagrant."

'Democrats are desperate to get back their momentum with young voters, especially men, by looking like regular people.'

Emily Jashinsky, host of "After Party with Emily Jashinsky," told Blaze News that the real reason these podcasts have amassed great followings, particularly with young men, is not because of their party affiliation but because they are willing to go against the grain.

"Like a lot of normal Americans, some of the country's top podcast hosts aren't ideologues, they're just people who detest the political establishment," Jashinsky told Blaze News. "Hunter Biden actually framed himself and his father as victims of the political establishment in his conversation with Andrew Callaghan, and that's not an accident."

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Photo by Drew Angerer/Getty Images

When asked point-blank if the "podcast bro" audience was "up for grabs" for Democrats, Schulz answered bluntly.

"Absolutely," Schulz said. "I'm up for grabs."

Democrats have since been making their rounds on the podcast circuit. Everyone from former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, Democratic Rep. Ro Khanna of California, and even Gov. Gavin Newsom have made appearances alongside the "podcast bros."

"We're allegedly these 'big MAGA podcasts,' and Pete Buttigieg comes on and has the biggest interview of his career," Schulz said. "Not our biggest interview of our career, his biggest interview."

"It's very simple. Whoever has the ideas that meet the needs of the people and can actively convince us that they can execute those ideas is gonna win our vote."

"Democrats shouldn’t approach these podcasts as a place to score points," Khanna, who has previously appeared on "The Glenn Beck Podcast," told Blaze News. "I have always believed in talking with people who have different views — whether that’s on Fox News or podcasts. It’s about exchanging ideas and building authentic relationships."

RELATED: Newsom admits California depends on illegal labor — implies white Americans don’t want construction, farming jobs

Photo by MANDEL NGAN/AFP via Getty Images

Although Democrats like Newsom and Buttigieg are broadly considered to be figures of the establishment, their willingness to participate in challenging, long-form interviews is unorthodox for their party.

However, their willingness to deviate from their party norms should not be taken as a newfound embrace for free speech and open dialogue. Rather, this shift among certain Democrats seems to be simply an opportunistic form of damage control in response to America's overwhelming rejection of their party platform.

"Pete Buttigieg and James Talarico have showed up on programs like 'Pardon My Take,' 'Flagrant,' and 'Rogan' now that cancel culture is over, and Democrats are desperate to get back their momentum with young voters, especially men, by looking like regular people," Jashinsky added.

"Ceding these spaces to the right for fear of offending progressive mobs gave the right way more power to define the left because the left would refuse to even enter the arenas, let alone by criticizing the Democratic establishment," Jashinsky said. "Now, they're trying to do both."

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Men Listen To Podcasters Like Andrew Schulz Because Women Have Invaded Their Real-Life Spaces

The secret formula the podcasters have figured out is that audiences want to be talked to, not talked at.

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'Man I think it's a huge mistake for him to go after the president like that'

Democrats want a new Joe Rogan — but their dogma won’t allow it



A New York Times report this week revealed how the Democratic Party is mobilizing its donor class in a coordinated effort to reclaim cultural dominance. In the aftermath of the 2024 election, the dominant progressive narrative has avoided serious self-critique. Rather than acknowledge Kamala Harris’ unpopularity or the unappealing nature of her platform, Democrats have instead blamed independent media — most notably Joe Rogan’s podcast — for her defeat.

This obsession with podcasting has driven Democrats to propose 26 separate initiatives aimed at restoring their lost cultural dominance, backed by tens of millions of donor dollars. But no matter how much they spend, they cannot purchase the one thing they now lack: authenticity.

The Democratic Party cannot manufacture its own Joe Rogan, because its ideology forbids the conditions that make someone like Rogan possible.

When politics becomes a surrogate religion, every policy becomes an article of faith. Apostasy, even for strategic reasons, is unthinkable. The 2024 election dealt a decisive blow to the progressive project. In a normal political environment, such a loss would prompt recalibration. But for Democrats, adjustment is impossible. Wokeness is no longer a means to an end — it has become the end itself.

Some within the party briefly suggested a return to the economic populism associated with Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.). Those suggestions were quickly silenced. Party elites rejected substance in favor of narrative, attributing their defeat not to ideology but to communication failure. Their solution is to manufacture a parallel influencer ecosystem — essentially, a Manhattan Project for progressive social media.

Democratic strategists openly discuss their desire to create a “left-wing Joe Rogan.” The irony is glaring: They already had one. His name was Joe Rogan. But they pushed him out of the coalition for refusing to submit to ideological conformity.

Progressives recognize the importance of cultural power. What they fail to grasp is that the culture they hope to reproduce cannot be engineered through funding or message discipline. The problem is not the messenger — it’s the message.

Rogan and other prominent podcasters such as Tim Dillon and Theo Von are not natural conservatives. They are comedians, drawn toward irreverence and instinctively opposed to rigid social norms. Popular culture has long associated moral puritanism with the religious right, but for decades now, it has been the left enforcing an increasingly suffocating moral orthodoxy. That men like Rogan have drifted away from progressivism under pressure from this new puritanism only underscores how deeply censorious the modern left has become.

The New York Times story concedes as much. It quotes Democratic consultants who say the goal is to “avoid the hall monitor mentality” that dominates their political brand. But that mentality is not a rhetorical accident — it is central to their identity.

Progressivism, as practiced today, functions like a disciplinary institution. Its adherents find moral satisfaction in correction and control. This dynamic alienates key demographics, especially young men, who have left the party in large numbers. And yet the behavior continues, because it is integral to the ideological structure. Asking the left to abandon its scolding posture is like asking a devout Christian to deny Christ — it’s not just a tactic; it’s the organizing principle.

Podcasting feels authentic not because conservatives suddenly became more truthful but because the podcast space allowed genuine conversations to emerge. Legacy conservative media was often as sterile and contrived as its progressive counterpart. But podcasting, by its decentralized and long-form nature, made room for the unscripted. And when people are allowed to speak freely, their conclusions tend to drift right — not because of partisanship but because truth tends to align with natural order, and natural order is inherently at odds with progressive orthodoxy.

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Photo by Steve Liss/Getty Images

The GOP had no role in building the podcast sphere — and to its discredit, it never would have tried. Republican institutions still treat culture as peripheral to politics, investing only in short-term electoral returns. Democrats, by contrast, understand that cultural influence is a long game. That’s why they’re panicking now.

Elon Musk’s purchase of Twitter may not have resulted in immediate legislative victories, but it was arguably the most important right-aligned political event of the past decade. It shifted the terrain of public discourse in ways that conventional politics never could.

This is the source of the left’s anxiety. The podcast sphere, despite its independence from traditional conservative infrastructure, now functions as a cultural counterweight. Not because it was funded by think tanks or coordinated by campaigns but because it grew organically out of cultural exhaustion. Its voices include comedians, disillusioned academics, and rogue cartoonists like Scott Adams — people driven not by ideology but by the sense that something fundamental in their world had broken.

The Democratic Party cannot manufacture its own Joe Rogan, because its ideology forbids the conditions that make someone like Rogan possible. It cannot reach the audiences it most desperately needs — especially young white men — because it has built its entire moral framework around blaming them for the ills of society.

Conservatives should take note. The left understands that culture drives politics. The right must learn the same lesson — and fast. While the right didn’t build the podcast sphere, it can nurture and expand it. That requires more than talking points or candidate funding. It requires investment in art, literature, music, and media that affirm reality and speak to a deeper longing for order and meaning.

Cultural power matters. The left knows this. The right must act like it does, too — before the window of opportunity closes.

Comedian Theo Von makes surprise appearance with Trump in Qatar, jokes about Joe Biden 'huffing' kids



President Donald Trump introduced comedian Theo Von for a surprise appearance in front of U.S. troops in Qatar on Thursday.

Trump was in the region signing a $96 billion deal between Qatar Airways and Boeing, which, according to Time, involves 210 jets being bought by Qatar's state-owned airline.

'I can just speak freely, whether you agree or not. But I don't have that right if people don't stand up for it'

At Al Udeid Air Base, Trump told an audience full of armed forces members about a conversation he had with his son Barron, who told him, "Dad ... you gotta do an interview with a guy named Theo Von."

Trump continued, "I said, 'Who the hell is Theo Von?'"

Immediately after, Trump surprised the audience and revealed that the comedian was in the audience, eager to come on stage. "Where is Theo? He's around here someplace."

RELATED: Theo Von explains why he is no longer a Bernie-loving Democrat: 'There's certainly an attack on white males'

President Donald Trump dances on stage at the Al Udeid Air Base on May 15, 2025, in Doha, Qatar. Photo by Win McNamee/Getty Images

Von took the stage, an unorthodox one that included bulletproof glass, and immediately received raucous applause.

"This was definitely court-ordered," Von told the crowd, explaining that he was unsure how he got there.

What followed was a mostly funny, off-the-cuff riff from Von that was, at times, shockingly edgy and unexpected, especially given the audience.

Von's topics included the following:

  • Where the next 9/11 should happen.
  • Doing cocaine off of a baby's back.
  • Joe Biden smelling children.

Given his topics, one might think Von's material evoked shock and awe from the audience, but most of the jokes — especially those about Biden — drew laughter from U.S. servicemen.

Von was extremely appreciative of his reception and assured troops he would "do better next time" because, by his own admission, he did not have much material for a Qatari audience.

At the same time, the comedian was extremely thankful that he could perform on stage with any material he wanted.

"My job is, I can just say what I want," Von said, closing the show. "I can just speak freely, whether you agree or not. But I don't have that right if people don't stand up for it."

Von continued, "I wouldn't be able to come here and do my job that well today if you guys weren't here sacrificing your time and commitment."

"Thank you for freedom of speech; I'll try to use it a bit better next time," he finished.

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The comedian was praised online after he was seen taken dozens, perhaps even hundreds, of photos with American troops.

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Can we really trust Mark Zuckerberg?



Mark Zuckerberg is a name synonymous with that self-righteousness that defines Silicon Valley. However, in recent times, he has undergone a rather unexpected metamorphosis. The 40-year-old now rocks a chain, a full head of curly hair replacing his signature Caesar cut, and a deep tan. To top it off, he’s even wearing a smile. Finally, it seems like someone toggled his humanity settings.

Maybe all those hours in the dojo have served as a metaphorical punch.

Once the poster boy for woke paternalism, dictating our digital morality with the precision of a helicopter parent tracking a rebellious teen, Zuckerberg now positions himself as a champion of free speech and common sense. His recent shifts leave us with an important question: Is this transformation genuine or just a calculated act of self-preservation?

Eyebrow-raising antics

Take, for example, his budding bromance with Dana White. Adding White — a no-nonsense symbol of rugged masculinity and bare-knuckle capitalism — to Meta’s board feels like either a masterstroke of authenticity or a painfully transparent PR stunt. Around the same time he shook hands with White, Zuckerberg dismantled Meta’s fact-checking services in favor of a community-driven model similar to X and scaled back several DEI initiatives. These shifts have left critics across the political spectrum baffled, though for vastly different reasons. The left is asking whether he’s lost his mind, while the right is wondering if he’s finally found it.

The confusion is understandable. For nearly two decades, Zuckerberg positioned himself as the self-styled arbiter of truth and master of centralized control. Now, he’s rebranding as a proponent of decentralization, shifting from policing the people to letting the people police themselves.

Zuck 2.0?

Zuckerberg’s recent 2.5-hour discussion with Joe Rogan showcased a new persona — one that lamented the dearth of “masculine energy” in American workplaces. But what does this even mean?

Again, important questions need to be asked.

Is it a rallying cry for a return to hard-nosed, stoic pragmatism or merely a desperate attempt to curry favor with Rogan’s sprawling libertarian audience?

While it may seem otherwise, Zuckerberg’s transformation isn’t without context. His pivot toward jiu-jitsu — and the martial arts culture that prizes perseverance, meritocracy, and humility over virtue-signaling — marks a symbolic departure from his earlier ethos. Zuck has waxed lyrical about his newfound passion, and it seems genuine; he even clinched a win in a legitimate competition. In 2023, he took home the gold in the Nogi Master 1 White Belt Featherweight Division and claimed silver in the Gi Master 2 White Belt Featherweight Division.

Rogan’s post-interview commentary on Theo Von’s podcast was particularly telling. In short, Rogan argued that nothing transforms a soft, sniveling snowflake into a rational libertarian quite like jiu-jitsu. He has a point. In the unforgiving world of combat sports, there’s no space for curated narratives or performative outrage — only the raw reality of outworking your opponent or getting choked out. It’s Darwinism distilled: predator or prey, eat or be eaten.

Having spent years in boxing and Muay Thai gyms, I can vouch for the brutal clarity that comes with physical confrontation. A punch to the face has a funny way of shattering illusions, forcing you to confront reality head-on. Maybe, just maybe, all those hours in the dojo have served as a metaphorical punch — a wake-up call for Zuckerberg. If so, it’s a long-overdue reckoning with the fallout of his policies and the ideological echo chambers his company helped create.

From Meta to MAGA?

But let’s not hand Zuckerberg a black belt in authenticity just yet. Skepticism is warranted. In fact, it’s essential.

His recent statements — from defending free speech to decrying ideological conformity — might signal a genuine shift. Or they might just be the calculated moves of a CEO seeing which way the political winds are blowing (right, so very right). With figures like Elon Musk charming both Wall Street and Main Street, Zuckerberg’s pivot seems like a calculated attempt to curry favor with the new administration. The tech bro is many things, but he’s certainly not stupid.

There are, however, reasons for cautious optimism. If Zuckerberg’s jiu-jitsu journey has truly instilled a respect for merit and hard work, this could herald a long-overdue recalibration of Meta’s priorities. Imagine a future in which the company genuinely champions free expression and fosters a marketplace of ideas instead of reflexively bowing to the demands of vocal activist groups. It’s a tantalizing prospect, but one that requires more than a few podcast sound bites to actualize.

Moreover, Zuckerberg’s recent shift aligns with broader societal currents. People are fed up. There’s a growing backlash against the overreach of woke ideologies, particularly in corporate environments where diversity initiatives often devolve into box-ticking exercises. By championing skill and competency, Zuck could frame himself as a leader ready to challenge the status quo. It’s pathetic, I know. But that’s how low the bar has fallen.

Another factor to consider is Zuckerberg’s relationship with public perception. For years, he’s been seen as a robotic overlord, an archetype of the out-of-touch tech elite. Remember the infamous clip of Zuckerberg awkwardly declaring, "I like to smoke meats"? It cemented his title as tech’s king of cringe. Meant to humanize him, his alien-like delivery only fueled memes and highlighted his inability to connect with real people. Now, with his dojo sessions and sudden embrace of masculinity, Zuck seems to be crafting a more relatable image — and surprisingly, it’s working.

But can we really trust him?

That depends on the consistency of his actions. If Zuckerberg’s transformation is genuine, we should see real changes in how Meta operates — perhaps a platform less eager to censor dissent and more open to fostering true dialogue. If it’s merely performative, a fleeting nod to the cultural zeitgeist, it won’t be long before his carefully crafted image begins to crack.

The Media’s 2024 Trump Mea Culpa Will End The Same Way It Did In 2016

The media faced a similar reckoning in 2016, only to spend years legitimizing every single hoax peddled by Democrats under Trump's first term.

Team Trump’s Media Strategy Is A Game Changer For Future Of Politics

'It wouldn't shock me if CBS News just didn't exist in four years'

Leftist echo chamber cracks as alternative media gains ground



Donald Trump dealt an earth-shattering blow to the American left. The reality television star not only secured a convincing win in the Electoral College but also captured the popular vote and carried down-ballot Republicans to victory, with the GOP taking control of the Senate and likely retaining the House. Typically, such a decisive mandate for the opposition would lead a political party to reflect on the policies or rhetoric that contributed to such a defeat. But Democrats are having none of that.

Instead of examining their platform, tone toward the American people, or use of power, liberal pundits and politicians have reached a different conclusion. From MSNBC to CNN and HBO, they have conducted election postmortems, blaming their loss on one main problem: that the American people have too much free speech.

Democrats had constructed a reality in which their ideology was unquestionable and their victory inevitable.

A few thoughtful voices on the left have suggested that policies like opening the border, demonizing men, ignoring the economic struggles of middle Americans, and promoting radical gender politics to children may have hurt the Democrats' chances. Yet these moderating voices have been quickly labeled as racist and sexist, silenced by progressives deeply invested in their own radical ideology. Instead, the left has chosen to lay the blame for its loss on alternative media.

The left has sounded the alarm about the dangers of misinformation and disinformation for years. Progressives once held a near-total monopoly over the elite institutions that shape ideological consensus in America. In a world where individuals are often isolated from real interactions or events, the dominant narrative provided by news and entertainment had the power to define reality. That is how a nation can be convinced to treat a severe flu like the Black Death. Democrats have lived inside this self-constructed reality for so long that they have forgotten its artificial nature — like a fish that doesn’t know it’s wet.

Progressives genuinely believe Americans are inherently racist, sexist, and homophobic, and they worry that without a controlled flow of carefully curated information, people will revert to their “brutal” nature and start throwing Nazi salutes in honor of the eternal Trumpenreich. Leftist operatives don’t view themselves as propagandists because they rely on narratives shaped by a network of credentialed institutions.

When progressives talk about “our democracy,” they really mean the consensus upheld by “experts” who show loyalty to their ideology. Any information that contradicts this narrative becomes “misinformation” — not because it’s factually incorrect but because it challenges their carefully curated information ecosystem.

In this moment of utter defeat, Democrats have pointed fingers at podcasters like Joe Rogan and Theo Von, frustrated by their influence on young men. Some leftist pundits even suggest the need to create a “progressive Joe Rogan” or build their own network of influencers.

But this approach is delusional on multiple levels. The left already has a massive influence network that spans mainstream media, Hollywood, corporate America, academia, and the unelected federal bureaucracy. Progressives don’t view this as an “influence network,” however. They see it as basic institutional reality. They have convinced themselves that the shadows they cast on the wall are reality, and anything outside them is nefarious and artificial.

Progressives have plenty of young male influencers, like David Pakman and Hasan Piker. These voices enjoy major funding and the advantage of speaking with little to no fear of censorship from big tech. But it is exactly this obvious alliance with the status quo that dooms their efforts. Liberal commentators aren’t rebels speaking truth to power; they’re pushing on an open door. Their apparent lack of authenticity is palpable, and audiences sense it. This disconnect is so pronounced that Pakman recently made a video addressing the fact that his own audience is leaving in droves.

The left’s challenge isn’t a lack of media reach. Despite emerging cracks in their foundation, progressives still hold significant influence over legacy media, education, and government bureaucracies that shape public opinion in the United States. The real problem is that each of these institutions has sacrificed its credibility in pursuit of ideological control. Soft power is delicate. It requires disciplined actors who can leverage institutional control without overtly advancing their own interests. Progressives have lost all such discipline and burned the precious currency of institutional legitimacy for short-term gain. Now they will reap the whirlwind.

The left still has extensive media representation, but it no longer holds a media monopoly. Despite a substantial advantage in funding, prestige, and infrastructure, audiences are abandoning traditional media because of their consistent misinformation. They lied about the border, misled on the pandemic, skewed coverage of Trump, manipulated poll results, and even deluded themselves into thinking Kamala Harris could win a presidential election. Even in defeat, progressive commentators remain oblivious to the reality they've so fervently insulated themselves from.

Leftists now watch the success of podcasters like Rogan and platforms like X, marveling at their influence. On HBO panels and in New York Times columns, they exclaim, “Media can shape reality! I’ve got to get me some of that!” The lack of self-awareness is remarkable. Yet Democrats cannot produce a candidate capable of appearing on Rogan’s show, let alone replicate his authentic style. Rogan may not be conservative, but he doesn’t dismiss Americans or their concerns, offering an everyman quality that is hard to fabricate.

The Democratic Party’s problem isn’t a lack of media reach; it’s a toxic message and an unwillingness to engage with middle America. The party demonizes young white men and labels middle Americans as “trash,” alienating these demographics. The problem isn’t that comedians have podcasts that diverge from the Democratic Party line; it’s the Democrats’ toxic disregard for average Americans’ concerns.

Democrats had constructed a reality in which their ideology was unquestionable and their victory inevitable. Only “outdated” institutions like the Electoral College and voter ID stood between progressives and the “end of history.” Now, a resounding defeat in the popular vote has left them bewildered, searching for someone to blame. There will be no introspection or lessons learned. Instead, leftists have doubled down on radical policies and contempt for Americans. It’s a powerful reminder that decadence breeds weakness and insularity fosters delusion.