The woke party’s favorite costume: Moderation



I usually enjoy David Harsanyi’s critiques of the left. But in a recent column, he drew a distinction I can’t accept. Quoting Rahm Emanuel’s plea for Democrats to rally behind “Build, baby, build!” Harsanyi praised politicians he believes embody a centrist alternative to the party’s radicals: Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear, Virginia gubernatorial candidate Abigail Spanberger, Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro, and North Carolina Gov. Josh Stein.

Harsanyi presented these figures as the future of a Democratic Party that might rediscover moderation. He contrasted them with open socialists like New York City's Zohran Mamdani, whom he regards as the party’s worst tendencies made flesh. In his telling, Beshear, Spanberger, Shapiro, and Stein represent a kind of Democratic “loyal opposition” that conservatives should welcome.

Abigail Spanberger shows how the Democratic ‘moderate’ label works: not as a rejection of cultural radicalism but as a smoother delivery system for it.

That picture collapses under scrutiny. On social questions, the supposed moderates fall squarely in line with the party’s most zealous activists. Beshear, though personable and pragmatic on some issues, is an LGBTQ fanatic who promotes woke causes across Kentucky. Spanberger has been a reliable ally of the gender-identity movement and has now gone so far as to support biological men competing in women’s sports. Stein in North Carolina vetoed four separate bills meant to curb DEI excesses and limit radical gender programs in his state.

These aren’t minor disagreements tucked around the edges. They reveal a deeper truth: The “moderates” whom Harsanyi and Fox News commentators now flatter are not moderates at all. They dress the same ideology in calmer rhetoric. Spanberger, the supposed pragmatist, sounds indistinguishable from Tim Walz or Mamdani when she explains her social positions.

So why do some on the right elevate them? Because these Democrats don’t call themselves socialists, don’t chant slogans for Hamas, and don’t traffic in the same racial agitation as Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Jasmine Crockett, or Omar Fateh. But the distinction is cosmetic. On gender, DEI, and race politics, the so-called moderates embrace the same policies.

This misreading exposes a larger problem on the right. For years, the Republican establishment avoided direct confrontation on cultural issues, preferring to rally donors around national defense, Israel, or deregulation. On marriage and gender, Republicans surrendered the ground years ago. When the Supreme Court decided Obergefell v. Hodges in 2015, Conservatism Inc. shrugged. Now, some seem relieved to pretend “moderates” in the Democratic Party represent a saner alternative. They don’t.

And the Democrats know it. Clinton-era strategists at the Third Way think tank now tell their party to tone down the woke jargon and talk more about housing or infrastructure. But Third Way doesn’t advise abandoning cultural radicalism — only camouflaging it. The goal is simple: Keep core constituencies like college-educated white women and black urban voters while soothing independents with bread-and-butter messaging. Beshear, Stein, Spanberger, and the others know their futures depend on that balancing act.

This is where Republicans must stop indulging illusions. They will be forced to fight on this terrain whether they like it or not.

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In Virginia, Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears — a black conservative who supports Trump’s immigration policy and holds traditional views on marriage and gender — trails Spanberger despite Spanberger’s increasingly open embrace of the left’s cultural program. In Northern Virginia’s suburbs, her positions do not hurt her. They energize her base. The clearer she becomes, the more firmly those voters rally to her side.

That is the lesson Republicans cannot ignore. Spanberger shows how the Democratic “moderate” label works: not as a rejection of cultural radicalism but as a smoother delivery system for it. Sears, to her credit, understands the stakes. She knows she cannot avoid the social questions. If she does, she loses. Her only path forward is to expose Spanberger’s record and force voters to confront it.

What’s happening in Virginia is the same fight Trump is waging nationally — against a cultural left entrenched in the administrative state, NPR, and the universities. These battles connect. They will not fade, and the right cannot win them by pretending “moderates” exist in the Democratic Party.

If Republicans cling to that illusion, they won’t just lose a governorship here or a Senate seat there. They will lose the defining fight over culture, identity, and the moral core of the nation. The Democrats’ so-called moderates are not the antidote to radicalism. They are the mask that allows it to advance.

Democrats wanted a makeover. They got Marxism and Molotov cocktails.



In February, Democratic Party operatives and elected officials met for a retreat in Virginia hosted by Third Way, a self-described center-left organization. Their goal: develop a strategy to reverse the party’s hard-left drift and reconnect with working-class voters.

They brainstormed ways to neutralize the far-left infrastructure that now defines the party. Among their key recommendations? Embrace patriotism, community, and traditional American imagery. Show up at tailgates, gun shows, local diners, and churches.

Corporate media and DC careerists will pretend these protesters don’t represent the party. They’ll try to repackage the fury in the streets as civic activism. But we won’t let them.

That plan flopped.

Democrats didn’t pivot to working-class America. They ran straight back into the arms of their radical base. By June, they had poured money and institutional support into the No Kings protests erupting nationwide.

These protests didn’t happen at tailgates or in small-town churches. They returned to the same streets torched during the Black Lives Matter riots of 2020 — angrier, louder, and even more extreme.

And the party cheered them on.

From Hillary Clinton to Chuck Schumer, Democrat leaders lined up in support. Corporate media echoed their talking points. None of them could rein in their base. More damning, none of them wanted to.

The protests weren’t fringe outbursts. In fact, they revealed the party’s core. Their rhetoric was radical. Their goals were openly anti-democratic. Many participants waved explicitly communist banners, marched under Marxist slogans, and called for the dismantling of American institutions.

That imagery — the rage, the theatrics, the ideological extremism — was exactly what February’s conference attendees feared. But it’s now the public face of the Democratic Party. The working class isn’t clamoring for more street theatrics. They want real solutions from people in power.

So we at the Oversight Project did what we do best: investigate.

We focused on a key protest organizer, a group called 50501 — short for “50 protests in 50 states for 1 movement.” Its website paints a clear picture. Placards read “Impeach the dictator,” “Impeach the bitch,” and “No one is illegal on stolen land.” Moderate? Hardly.

We compiled Instagram activity from 50501’s state chapters — 34 in total, plus Washington, D.C., and several national branches. We tracked who its social media managers followed, and what emerged was a clear pattern of associations: communist, neo-Marxist, anti-American, and foreign-aligned groups.

These protests didn’t bubble up from the grassroots. They were built from the same radical networks that have long tried to destabilize the country from within.

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Photo by Spencer Platt/Getty Images

Seventeen accounts followed nearly 20 accounts tied to the Party for Socialism and Liberation — a Marxist-Leninist group that splintered from the Workers World Party. One of its former members carried out the shooting of two Israeli embassy staffers in Washington, D.C., earlier this year.

Thirty-three accounts followed Democratic Socialists of America pages. Sixteen followed Students for a Democratic Society. Twelve connected with Students for Justice in Palestine.

Many accounts also followed known foreign-aligned activist groups, including Code Pink — famous for its disruptions in congressional hearings — and the Act Now to Stop War and Racism coalition (ANSWER).

Naturally, we found ties to Antifa as well, including groups like Anti-Fascist Aktion and prominent members such as @PunkwithACamera.

We wish we had this report back in February. We would’ve printed it out and handed it to every Democrat in attendance — just to watch their faces drop as they saw what their party has become.

This is the story of the American left for the next decade: the radical tail wagging the party dog.

Corporate media and D.C. careerists will pretend these protesters don’t represent the party. They’ll try to repackage the fury in the streets as civic activism. But we won’t let them.

We’ll keep exposing the ties. We’ll name the names. And we’ll make sure every Democrat trying to rebrand ahead of 2028 wears the consequences of these alliances around their necks.

Democratic group has moment of clarity, identifies key reasons the working class hates the party



Democrats lost the White House and both chambers of the U.S. Congress in the November election. President Donald Trump, who won the popular vote and, more importantly, beat his opponent by 86 Electoral College votes, continues to enjoy relatively strong approval ratings.

Third Way, a liberal think tank founded by former Clinton administration staffers that is hostile to populism on both sides of the political spectrum, organized a retreat for Democratic operatives in Loudoun County, Virginia, last month so they could "begin to chart the Democratic comeback."

Third Way produced a summary of the Democratic attendees' thoughts on why their party is loathsome to working-class Americans.

Rather than resume the Democratic practice of blaming imagined racism and sexism for the party's disconnect with voters, the summary obtained by Politico revealed that attendees actually engaged in some soul-searching.

Regarding the party's cultural disconnect, attendees noted that Democrats have alienated working-class voters with their overemphasis on identity politics; progressive elitism; prioritization of imagined issues over voters' real economic woes; intolerance of dissenting voices and political correctness; simultaneous defense of "elite institutions" and criticism of "institutions working-class people value" like churches or small businesses; ideological capture by radical leftists; and negative messaging about America's national identity.

Attendees noted further that the Democratic Party has lost the trust of the working class due not only to its general hostility toward success and Americans' entrepreneurial spirit but to its support for both government overreach and climate alarmism as well as its proponents' inability to own their mistakes.

'Their future is not bright.'

Democratic attendees of the 1.5-day retreat determined that the way for their party to reconnect with voters would effectively be to plagiarize from the Republican Party's playbook — to ditch identity politics; "embrace patriotism"; avoid "condescending messaging"; "allow candidates to express personal faith and values without fear of backlash"; minimize the influence of radical leftists; invade the "real communities" progressive elitists have long thumbed their noses at; and embrace "rugged individualism."

The attendees at the Democratic retreat also acknowledged that their party, whose presidential candidate scraped together only 43% of the male vote in November, needs to "be more accepting of masculinity and male voters who feel alienated from the party."

Doing so would mean breaking from the elements of the liberal media and leftists like Jillana Enteen, a professor of instruction in "gender and sexuality studies" at Northwestern University. Enteen characterized as "harmful" Vice President JD Vance's Feb. 20 suggestion that young men should embrace their masculinity rather than fall into the camp of "androgynous idiots who think the same, talk the same, and act the same."

Many of the suggestions noted in Third Way's summary were previously raised by Democratic strategist James Carville and evidently unheeded months ahead of the election.

Carville told the New York Times' Maureen Dowd, "A suspicion of mine is that there are too many preachy females" dominating the culture of the Democratic Party.

"'Don't drink beer. Don't watch football. Don't eat hamburgers. This is not good for you,'" said Carville. "The message is too feminine: 'Everything you're doing is destroying the planet. You've got to eat your peas.'"

"If you listen to Democratic elites — NPR is my go-to place for that — the whole talk is about how women, and women of color, are going to decide this election," added Carville. "I'm like: 'Well, 48% of the people that vote are males. Do you mind if they have some consideration?'"

Carville also hammered the party's elitism and leftist bent, suggesting that between the "feminine" browbeating, the "faculty lounge" attitudes, and "woke stuff," the party was headed for trouble.

Third Way noted in a report last month, "If Democrats cannot build a broader cross-class alliance, one that includes a larger share of non-college voters, their future is not bright."

In addition to rebuilding a relationship with the American working class, the liberal think tank recommended stemming the "alarming erosion of their margin in blue states" and generating an appeal in swing states.

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