The 5-point plan to turn Trump’s 2025 wins into permanent victory



As the Trump administration nears the end of year one, Chris Rufo and Jonathan Keeperman (Lomez), hosts of BlazeTV’s newest show “Rufo & Lomez,” are compelled to not only pause and reflect on 2025, but also to ask the hard questions no one else will — and demand the second-year playbook that actually delivers total victory.

“I think it started out with some very solid wins — kind of blitzkrieg-style action on many fronts — but has the Trump administration hit a stall? Are things going as well as they should be?” asks Rufo.

In this episode, the duo, celebrating the wins and acknowledging the losses, offer a “five-point agenda” aimed at ensuring more success is on the horizon.

1. Reimmigration warfare

Immigration was second only to the economy in issues that drew voters to Trump, who pledged “mass deportations” from the rally pulpit his entire campaign trail. While the administration came out of the gate with ferocious plans to flush illegal aliens out of the country, deportations need to speed up, Rufo argues.

“What we’ve seen is a lot of fireworks, especially when it comes to DHS and ICE activities, but the actual deportations are rather low,” Lomez notes.

But that makes sense. “You're never going to have enough muscle, enough kind of logistical force to deport 15 million people in handcuffs,” says Rufo.

The answer to this problem, they argue, is remigration — the voluntary relocation back to one’s native country. If the Trump administration is serious about hitting high numbers of deportations, it must incentivize people to leave of their own accord.

“If you want to get 10 million plus people to voluntarily leave the United States, you have to make their current life virtually impossible,” says Rufo. “You have to freeze them out of the financial system. You have to have punitive taxation on remittances that makes that economic incentive disappear.”

It is also critical that we begin looking at immigration through the lens of what benefits the American people, he adds. “We have to be ruthlessly selective about which populations are most likely to assimilate, most likely to contribute, and least likely to be a kind of net negative on whatever dimension — economic, social, cultural, [and] political. ... Nobody has a right to immigrate to the United States. That's a decision left to us.”

2. Build a future young Americans can afford

The nation’s younger generations are financially crushed in ways they weren’t just 10 years ago. Home affordability especially is out of reach for the majority of people under 40.

Rufo emphasizes the need for the Trump administration to “make a concrete economic agenda that will improve the possibilities for young people that are entering the work world and becoming adults.”

For starters, says Lomez, “We need to get rid of the regulatory framework that benefits older people at the expense of the young” — things like senior property-tax caps, locked-in low interest rates that keep people from ever selling, and zoning laws and building restrictions that prevent affordable homes from being built.

3. Crush terror networks

“The administration has to dismantle the left-wing terror networks, whether it's Antifa [or] other organized militant groups,” says Rufo. “They have to actually get mugshots, case numbers, inmate numbers — the tangible evidence.”

These terror networks “are essentially saying that ‘we can control the streets in places like Portland; we can veto peaceful conservative speech in places like Berkeley.’ We have to ensure that they can no longer do so and can no longer exert control through violence.”

Lomez says the Trump administration’s designation of Antifa as a terrorist network was “a huge step in the right direction,” but more action is needed. He acknowledges that some of what the administration is doing is probably “sensitive” and might take years to accomplish, but it needs to “explain to the American people what they are doing” and up the consequences for violent members of these groups.

“The other thing that we need to put pressure on,” he says, “ is these institutions that are harboring these people [in terror networks].”

“If you do a good job planting bombs at the Pentagon as the Weather Underground did, you get sinecures at major universities’ you get speaking gigs; you get massive publicity. You become a public intellectual for the left. There are ways of applying pressure to these institutions to prevent them from doing this.”

However, in order to see this through, the right people must be in power. Otherwise bureaucracy slows it down or makes it impossible. Right now there are “certain Cabinet officials [who] are doing an amazing job,” says Rufo. “They're extremely aggressive, [but] others seem to be more in it for the prestige, more in it for the spotlight, more in it the perks of the office.”

“We have to get people that are willing to fight and willing to play hard, and it has to be backed up at the highest level of the government.”

4. Death to DEI

While the Trump administration excelled at ripping up the DEI apparatus in the federal government, the initiative lives on in other places.

“Corporations, universities, school districts have kept this DEI system, a system of anti-white discrimination in particular, as part of their operating procedure,” says Rufo.

The Trump administration must “use the power of the government to say, ‘This stops now. It's a violation of the Civil Rights Act. You don't qualify for federal grants and contracts. You have to stop it.”’

“We need to go back and we need to look at who was making decisions in accordance with this anti-white ideology, but that broadly is encompassed under this sort of woke banner, so this would include like the trans stuff ... and we need to remove them completely,” adds Lomez. “We need to apply maximum coercive pressure on these institutions to get rid of these people. They cannot employ these people any longer.”

5. Bankrupt the universities

To fix broken, ideologically captured universities, we can’t just punish them with investigations or funding cuts, says Rufo. We have to make them financially liable for student loans. “You have to make the universities hold the bag so that when it blows up, they blow up with it.”

This will have multiple positive downstream effects: reduce administrative bloat; stop the admission of unqualified students; end the “everyone must go to college” scam; and shift lower quintiles to trades, apprenticeships, associates degrees, and on-the-job training.

“The Trump administration should figure out how to use this student debt problem and essentially offload it to the universities. Look, universities are not MAGA's base. Punishing the universities is not going to punish MAGA voters — precisely the opposite,” says Rufo, “and so there's got to be a little bit of political calculation that's baked into this formula that yields the outcome that we want.”

To hear more of Rufo and Lomez’s five-point plan for the Trump administration to stack up Ws, watch the full episode above.

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DeSantis demands end to 'cheap' H-1B labor at Florida universities: 'Why do we need to bring someone from China?'



Public universities in Florida may soon have to hire more Americans, thanks to a decision from Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis.

In an announcement on October 29, DeSantis directed the Florida Board of Governors to "pull the plug" on the use of H-1B visas for faculty and staff at Florida state universities.

'Why do we need to bring someone from China to talk about public policy?'

In explaining the decision, DeSantis criticized companies for prioritizing visa-holders over American workers: "These tech companies will fire Americans and hire H-1B at a discount. ... This is basically, in some respects, cheap labor that they're bringing in to try to save money."

The governor said these practices hurt American workers, who should be first in line at American universities.

DeSantis said his administration has discovered many examples of unnecessary H-1B hires in the university system. "You got a computer application professor from China, public policy professor, China. Why do we need to bring someone from China to talk about public policy?" DeSantis asked.

He went on to list more examples, citing them as proof of the threat that H-1B visas pose to American workers, particularly when visa workers can be paid significantly less.

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To address the issue, DeSantis announced, "I am directing the Florida Board of Governors to pull the plug on the use of these H-1B visas in our universities." He went on to say that staff and faculty jobs can be filled "with our residents in Florida or with Americans." The Florida Board of Governors oversees the state's 12 public universities.

The H-1B visa program has recently become a hotbed issue. On September 19, President Trump signed a proclamation requiring companies to pay a $100,000 fee for new H-1B hires. In August, the Young Republicans of Texas announced they would endorse only national candidates who oppose the H-1B program.

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How radical professors turn classrooms into training grounds for Antifa



President Donald Trump announced last month on Truth Social that he would designate Antifa as a “major terrorist organization.” His move followed the assassination of Charlie Kirk, in which the alleged shooter etched Antifa-linked slogans onto bullet casings.

The announcement was overdue. But it isn’t enough. The deeper problem lies in the way far-left ideology has wormed its way into America’s universities. For more than a decade, Antifa sympathizers in higher education have used their influence to normalize radical tactics and ideology.

Studying radical groups is not the problem. The problem is activist educators who weaponize academic freedom.

Hiding behind “academic freedom,” these activists have seized positions of authority, cloaked propaganda as scholarship, and worked to sanitize Antifa’s record of violence. Their work not only whitewashes street-level thuggery but also lends intellectual credibility to other radical movements.

Radicalized classrooms

In the fall of 2020, Rutgers University’s Rutgers Today gave Professor Mark Bray a glowing profile. Bray, author of “Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook,” softened Antifa’s image by claiming the movement simply wants to “change the world dramatically.” He insisted its “strategic focus” is to shut down the far right and “protect progressive social movements.”

That framing wasn’t neutral scholarship. It was spin. Bray is a proudly outspoken leftist. His book is an apology for and encomium to Antifa’s “direct action” tactics.

Across the country, courses that elevate Antifa are now showing up in university catalogs. They are not taught as dispassionate examinations of an ideology. They are taught by activists who share the movement’s goals.

At the City University of New York, an English course titled “Global Antifa” promises to explore “antifascist traditions” and link them to “racial justice, anti-imperialism, intersectional feminism, and critiques of capitalism.” In practice, the course serves as movement training, rather than academic analysis.

Over the summer, video from the Socialism 2025 conference revealed the professor behind the CUNY course openly endorsing a boycott of the fossil fuel industry. Other footage showed a Seattle University law professor calling on activists to “break laws and rules” to hide people from ICE and “the cops.”

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Their classrooms mirror their activism. A review of one law professor’s 2019 “Race and Law” syllabus confirmed the bias. The reading list included Bray’s “Antifa Handbook,” a comic book glorifying Antifa, Robin DiAngelo’s “White Fragility,” and a stack of pro-Palestine and pro-Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions tracts.

Unfortunately, pro-Antifa materials are not confined to graduate seminars. They have also seeped into undergraduate classrooms.

At Harvard, the Department of Government offered a course titled “#Abolish Police.” The syllabus included Bray’s book and assigned a unit on solidarity with the BDS movement and the Palestinian cause.

Rutgers went even farther. A 2018 sociology course openly declared its aim: to study the “rise and success” of resistance movements like the Black Panther Party, Anonymous, Antifa, Black Lives Matter, and the “Anti-Trump resistance movement.” This is clearly not neutral instruction. It is activism disguised as scholarship.

From the ivory tower, these ideologies trickle down. What begins in university courses eventually lands in teacher training programs, K-12 classrooms, and education conferences. The process has a name: “idea laundering.” Academic activists flood journals, dissertations, and repositories with work that favors Antifa, then cite that same “research” to legitimize the movement.

The results can be laughable — or dangerous. One sociology dissertation at Mississippi State University read more like agitprop than analysis. The author admitted that Antifa “embraces the concept of violence and intimidation,” but brushed it off as a minority tendency. The dissertation concluded that the real problem wasn’t Antifa’s violence but the “negative press” it receives, while claiming fascist groups are the greater threat.

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Another paper, brazenly titled “Plantifa: Antifascist Guerrilla Gardening Curriculum,” shows just how far the indoctrination has gone. It links Antifa’s radical ideology with environmental “justice,” turning classrooms into training grounds for activism. The stated goal is to condition students in anti-fascism, to “plant seeds of love against hierarchies.” Translation: Enlist kids into a movement that openly rejects Western civilization.

Cleaning house

President Trump’s designation of Antifa as a terrorist organization is a long-overdue step. But stopping street violence is only part of the battle. The ideological campaign waged inside universities must be confronted with equal seriousness.

Studying radical groups is not the problem. Academic freedom allows rigorous analysis of movements and ideas. The problem is activist educators who weaponize that freedom. They smuggle their politics into classrooms, presenting indoctrination as scholarship. They use liberal values — free inquiry, free thought, dissent — as camouflage for an anti-Western ideology bent on dismantling the United States and its allies.

Universities ignore this threat at their peril. Antifa’s intellectual allies behave like a parasitic wasp: They burrow into the institution, feed on its resources, and, eventually, kill the host. If higher education refuses to police itself, the rot will spread unchecked — leaving the next generation radicalized and the nation badly weakened.