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After the COVID lockdowns, the Western global leadership class had little credibility left. So it seemed insane when they immediately pivoted to a new crisis — but that’s exactly what they did.
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine triggered demands from elites in Europe and America for NATO-aligned nations to involve themselves in the conflict. Many Republicans were initially on board, with Fox News and CNN marching in lockstep behind intervention. But the Republican base quickly soured on the war once it became clear that U.S. involvement didn’t serve American interests.
If the situation really is dire, let the Trump administration make its case to the people. Present the evidence. Debate it in Congress. Vote.
In a strange inversion, the right became anti-war while the left championed military escalation.
That reversal matters now, as some in the GOP look to drag the country into another long conflict. We should remember what Ukraine taught us.
When Russian President Vladimir Putin invaded, many conservatives instinctively aligned with Ukraine. The Soviet Union had been an evil empire and a clear enemy of the United States. It was easy to paint Russia as an extension of that threat. President Biden assured Americans that there would be no boots on the ground and that economic sanctions would cripple Russia quickly.
But the war dragged on. Hundreds of billions of dollars flowed to Ukraine while America entered a painful economic downturn. Conservatives began asking whether this was worth it.
Putin was no friend of the U.S., and conservatives had valid reasons to distrust him. But suddenly, anyone questioning the war effort was smeared as a Russian asset. Opposition to the war became an extension of the left’s deranged Russiagate conspiracy, which painted Donald Trump as a blackmailed Kremlin agent.
Some Republican politicians kept pushing the war. Fox News stayed hawkish. But much of the conservative commentariat broke ranks. They knew that the boys from Appalachia and Texas — exactly the kind of red-state Americans progressives despise — would again be asked to die for a war that served no clear national purpose.
From that disillusionment, conservatives drew hard-earned lessons.
They saw that U.S. leaders lie to sustain foreign conflicts. That politicians in both parties keep wars going because donors profit. That Fox News can become a mouthpiece for military escalation. That you can oppose a war without betraying your country. And that American troops and taxpayer dollars are not playthings for globalist fantasies.
“America First” began to mean something real: Peace through strength didn’t require constant intervention.
Unfortunately, many of those lessons evaporated after the Hamas terrorist attack on Israel on Oct. 7.
That attack was horrific. No serious person denies the brutality of Hamas or questions Israel’s right to defend itself. But Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has treated the attack as a green light to target longtime adversaries, including Iran. As a sovereign nation, Israel can pursue its own foreign policy. But it cannot dictate foreign policy for the United States.
In 2002, Netanyahu testified before Congress that Saddam Hussein was developing nuclear weapons. He said toppling both the Iraqi and Iranian regimes would bring peace and stability. He was wrong.
He wasn’t alone, of course. Many were wrong about weapons of mass destruction and the Iraq War. But Netanyahu’s track record is highly relevant now. While conservatives once fervently supported the Iraq invasion after 9/11, many — including Tucker Carlson and Dinesh D’Souza — have since apologized. They admit they got it wrong.
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Afghanistan, while flawed, had clearer justification. The Taliban had harbored Osama bin Laden and al-Qaeda. But the lies about weapons of mass destruction and failed nation-building in Iraq turned that war into a conservative regret.
In March, Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard testified that Iran had not resumed efforts to build a nuclear weapon. Gabbard, like Trump allies Robert Kennedy Jr., Kash Patel, and Pete Hegseth, was chosen precisely for her skepticism of the intelligence bureaucracy. Trump remembers how his first term was sabotaged by insiders loyal to the status quo. This time, he selected appointees loyal to the voters.
Gabbard’s assessment contradicts Netanyahu, who claims Iran is months away from having a bomb. That’s a massive discrepancy. Either Iran hasn’t restarted its program, or it’s on the brink of building a nuke.
So which is it?
Did U.S. intelligence fail again? Did Gabbard lie to Congress and the public? Or did she simply say something the ruling class didn’t want to hear?
Trump, Gabbard, and Vice President JD Vance understand how Iraq went wrong. They know Americans deserve evidence before another war — especially one that risks dragging us into a region we’ve already failed to remake at great cost.
Yet the war hawks keep repeating the same lie: This time, it’ll be quick. The United States is too powerful, too advanced, too economically dominant. The enemy will fold by Christmas.
Biden said the same about Ukraine. And hundreds of billions later, we remain in a grinding proxy war with Russia.
Now, while still financing that war, Americans are told they must back a new war — this one initiated unilaterally by Israel. The U.S. faces domestic strife, crippling debt, and an ongoing open-border crisis. Involvement in yet another conflict makes no sense.
Israel may be right about Iran. Tehran may indeed have developed a nuclear program behind the world’s back. But if Israel wants to wage a war, it must do so on its own.
The Trump administration has made clear that it wasn’t involved in Israel’s pre-emptive strikes and didn’t approve them. If Israel starts a war, it should fight and win that war on its own. America should not be expected to absorb retaliation or commit troops to another Middle Eastern project.
These wars are never short, and they are always expensive.
Even if Iran’s regime collapses quickly, the aftermath would require a long, brutal occupation to prevent it from descending into chaos. Israel doesn’t have the capacity — let alone the political will — for that task. That burden would fall, again, to America.
So before conservatives fall for another round of WMD hysteria, they should recall what the last two wars taught them.
If the situation really is dire, let the Trump administration make its case to the people. Present the evidence. Debate it in Congress. Vote.
But don’t sleepwalk into another forever war.
Patience running thin: As spring turns to summer, Russia's offensive in Ukraine is growing stronger, and Donald Trump is growing frustrated. It's easy to see why, writes the Hudson Institute's Mike Watson. The Trump administration, Watson observes, "believed that another attempt to normalize political and economic relations with Russia" and pressuring Ukraine to make a deal would "demonstrate American good faith to the Kremlin." But offers of "sanctions relief, economic cooperation, and other goodies" have not brought a deal to end the war. Now, Trump is left with few good options, particularly as Russia strengthens its economic relationship with China.
The post How Putin Perplexed Trump. Plus, Three Cheers for Assault at Harvard Commencement. appeared first on .
As spring turns to summer and Ukraine’s Rasputitsa muddy season comes to an end, a dictator’s thoughts turn to war: Russia has now gathered over 50,000 troops for its impending summer offensive in northeastern Ukraine. Donald Trump, meanwhile, is showing frustration over his stalled campaign for peace. Vladimir Putin “has gone absolutely CRAZY! He is needlessly killing a lot of people,” he fumed after two massive Russian missile and drone attacks on Ukrainian cities. This week, he warned that Putin is “playing with fire!”
The post Why Trump Is Perplexed by Putin appeared first on .
President Donald Trump stated Monday that Russia and Ukraine will “immediately” begin negotiation talks.
In a post on Truth Social, Trump revealed some details regarding a two-hour call he had with Russian President Vladimir Putin, adding that the conversation went “very well.”
'I think it’s a place that both sides would be comfortable going.'
He announced that Russia and Ukraine would immediately begin talks to reach a ceasefire deal and ultimately agree on an “END to the War.”
“The conditions for that will be negotiated between the two parties, as it can only be, because they know details of a negotiation that nobody else would be aware of. The tone and spirit of the conversation were excellent. If it wasn’t, I would say so now, rather than later,” Trump wrote.
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The president noted that Putin expressed interest in engaging in “largescale TRADE with the United States when this catastrophic ‘bloodbath’ is over.”
“There is a tremendous opportunity for Russia to create massive amounts of jobs and wealth,” Trump continued. “Its potential is UNLIMITED. Likewise, Ukraine can be a great beneficiary on Trade, in the process of rebuilding its Country.”
Trump further noted that the Vatican had agreed to host the negotiation talks.
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Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Vice President JD Vance, and Pope Leo XIV. Photo by Simone Risoluti Vatican Media via Vatican Pool/Getty Images
On Saturday, Secretary of State Marco Rubio also suggested that the Vatican could be the venue for the discussions.
“I think it’s a place that both sides would be comfortable going,” Rubio stated. “So we’ll talk about all of that and obviously always grateful to the Vatican for their willingness to play this constructive and positive role.”
The Vatican did not immediately respond to a request for comment from Blaze News.
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