The Case For Mass Deportation

Deportation is necessary not only to bring back law and order and protect the working class, but also to restore the full political rights of every American.

Abandoned by Democrats, voters find a voice in Trump’s agenda



People often ask how a former Bernie Sanders supporter like me could back Donald Trump. For me, it came down to one key issue: the Democrats’ abandonment of the working class. Sanders himself recently said it’s no wonder working Americans are leaving a party that no longer serves them.

The presidential election underscored this shift, as Trump saw record turnout among black and Latino voters. Yet instead of asking why, the left resorted to lazy stereotypes. MSNBC and other networks labeled black men “misogynists” and Latinos “racists” simply for voting Republican. These dismissive labels only deepen the disconnect. Rather than recognizing the cracks in their base, Democrats brush off real concerns, assuming they’ll regain minority support in a few years without changing their tone or agenda.

It’s no surprise that Americans turned out in record numbers for Trump, drawn to his focus on real issues and his willingness to engage with them directly.

The truth is simple: The Democrats lost because they stopped listening to everyday Americans.

Over time, they shifted focus to appeasing radical supporters and coastal elites. Instead of tackling economic issues like jobs and inflation, Democrats centered their platform on identity politics and social issues that resonate mainly with urban and affluent progressives. This approach alienates Americans grappling with real-world issues — concerns Democrats used to prioritize but now dismiss as outdated or irrelevant.

This election cycle highlighted that disconnect. Democratic elites like Barack Obama, Bill Clinton, and their Hollywood allies spent more time lecturing Americans on how they should think and vote than addressing their daily struggles. For voters barely getting by, these lectures felt out of touch and tone-deaf.

Democrats focused almost exclusively on women’s issues, especially abortion, neglecting the bread-and-butter topics most Americans care about: job security, rising costs, and public safety. Men — and the average voter — were left feeling sidelined by a party that once claimed to represent them. The Democrats’ relentless single-issue focus underscored a shift from uniting Americans to dividing them by identity.

Meanwhile, Trump and GOP leaders like JD Vance took a different approach. While Harris skipped major bipartisan events like the Al Smith Dinner, Trump showed up where it mattered — flipping burgers at a McDonald’s in Pennsylvania, while Vance poured beers at a Wisconsin pub. These weren’t just photo ops; they were genuine efforts to connect with everyday Americans, listen to their concerns, and emphasize shared values. By showing up, Trump and his team reminded voters that they’re willing to meet people where they are — a concept Democrats seem to have forgotten.

Trump didn’t stop there. Recognizing Americans’ desire for unity over division, his campaign built a coalition that crossed traditional party lines. He assembled a bipartisan “Avengers” task force, featuring figures like Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Tulsi Gabbard, and even Elon Musk. This team focused on issues that unite Americans — economic security, public safety, and national sovereignty. It was a sharp contrast to the Democrats’ divisive identity politics, and it resonated with voters tired of being labeled as “the problem” or forced to align on every single issue.

Harris’ campaign, in contrast, spent nearly three times as much as Trump’s, burning through close to $1 billion, only to underperform Biden’s 2020 numbers and end $20 million in debt. Harris simply didn’t connect with voters. Her race-driven messaging left many feeling overlooked and undervalued. Instead of addressing real concerns, her campaign focused on topics that, while important to some, missed the mark for a large slice of the voting population. It’s no surprise that Americans turned out in record numbers for Trump, drawn to his focus on real issues and his willingness to engage with them directly.

The Democrats’ refusal to listen or adapt led to a massive red wave, as voters from diverse backgrounds chose a path that aligns with their lived realities. Trump’s approach resonated because it addressed the everyday struggles Americans face.

People are tired of empty promises and tone-deaf lectures from leaders who seem out of touch. They want leaders who speak to their concerns about jobs, safety, and economic opportunity — leaders who prioritize practical solutions over ideological rigidity. While Democrats continue to alienate voters by talking down to them and dismissing dissent, Republicans are building a coalition that listens to and values Americans across all walks of life.

The facts of this election reveal that the Democratic Party’s focus on ideological purity has cost Democrats their connection to the everyday American. Working-class families, once the backbone of the Democratic base, are tired of empty promises and divisive rhetoric. They’re rejecting a narrative that labels them “racists” or “misogynists” simply for voting in their own best interests. Instead, they’re joining a movement that prioritizes their voices, addresses their concerns, and puts America first.

Trump’s win isn’t just a victory for one candidate; it’s a triumph for Americans who want their voices heard. It sends a message to Washington that people are finished with being dismissed and sidelined. They have chosen leaders who stand up for real issues and who are unafraid to challenge a political establishment that, for too long, has forgotten whom it serves.

Trump’s McDonald’s Stop Exposes Corporate Media’s Contempt For The Working Class

In predictable fashion, America’s morally and ethically bankrupt legacy media are melting down over former President Donald Trump’s visit to a McDonald’s franchise this past weekend. The media-wide freak-out started shortly after the former president, donning an apron and his signature red tie, worked alongside McDonald’s staffers in Feasterville, Pennsylvania, on Sunday. While cooking french fries, […]

Teamsters boss goes scorched-earth on Democratic Party: 'They have f***ed us over for the last 40 years'



Sean O'Brien, the general president of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, is a self-identified Democrat who has in recent years made no secret of his antipathy to elements of the GOP.

However, O'Brien — like the overwhelming majority of Teamsters — has recognized that the Democratic Party deserves even more of his ire.

Speaking to comedian Theo Von on the Monday episode of "This Past Weekend," O'Brien said, "I'll be honest with you, I'm a Democrat, but they have f***ed us over for the last 40 years."

"And for once, and not all of them, but for once, we're standing up as a union, probably the only one right now, saying, 'What the f*** have you done for us?'" continued O'Brien.

The Teamsters union, which has over 1.3 million members, announced in September that it would not endorse any candidate for president for the first time since 1988.

Straw polls conducted between April and July indicated that President Joe Biden had the support of the Teamsters. Following Biden's ouster, a majority of voting members twice selected Trump in polls for a possible Teamsters endorsement over Harris.

An electronic member poll conducted between July 24 and Sept. 25 showed that 59.6% of Teamsters supported Trump. Only 34% signaled support for Harris. A research phone poll conducted Sept. 9-15 similarly had Trump up by double digits, 58% to Harris' 31%.

"I'm getting attacked from the left, and we've given — since I've been in office, two and a half years — we've given the Democratic machine $15.7 million," continued O'Brien. "We've given Republicans about $340,000, truth be told. So it's like, you know, people say the Democratic Party is the party of the working people. They're bought and paid for by Big Tech."

'The f***ing system's broken.'

Extra to Trump's personal outreach to the unions, Blaze News previously noted that his selection of Sen. JD Vance (R-Ohio) as his running mate helped curry favor with unions on account of Vance's support for tariffs and protectionist economic policies.

"For the short time we've worked together, he's been great on Teamster issues," O'Brien said of Vance on Fox News. "He's been right there on all our issues."

"If 60% of our members aren't supporting [the Democrats], the f***ing system's broken," O'Brien told Von. "You need to fix it. Stop pointing fingers at Sean O'Brien. Stop pointing fingers at the Teamsters union. Look in the mirror."

"Before, you always had Democrats fighting for working people, and, you know, Republicans, now we kind of see a switch where working people feel like, number one, they've been left behind by the Democratic Party. Two, you know, the Republicans say they want to be working-class [and] represent the working class. They have an opportunity to do it."

In August, Robert F. Kennedy Jr. similarly suggested that a political realignment was under way.

"I think there's been a bunch of realignments, of political realignments — about four or five throughout American history," Kennedy told Tucker Carlson. "I think we're going through one right now."

Kennedy emphasized that the Democratic Party of yesteryear is gone and that what remains, with the Harris "apparatus" at the helm, is an anti-democratic force synonymous with corporatism, military adventurism, and censorship.

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Trump And Teddy Roosevelt Have More Than Courage In Common

From assassination attempts to championing the working class and standing up to special interests, Donald Trump and Teddy Roosevelt have a lot in common.

The elites WANT you poor. Here's why



Democrat elites say they’re the biggest supporters of the poor, but in reality, they’re anything but.

“I’m looking at what the Western world, the elites, are doing to their own countries and our own civilization,” Glenn Beck says to "Second Class: How the Elites Betrayed America's Working Men and Women" author Batya Ungar-Sargon. “They are impoverishing people.”

Ungar-Sargon agrees.

“There has been a massive plunder of the middle class by the elites,” she tells Glenn, noting that it began when they shipped good manufacturing jobs overseas to build up China and Mexico’s middle class.

“We’re never going to get those jobs back,” she says. “If you want the American dream, you have to go to college where you’ll become a card-carrying Democrat.”

Now, while a massive number of American youths have been indoctrinated through their leftist college curriculums, the Biden administration has opened up the border.

“15 million illegal migrants from failed social states to undercut the wages in the jobs that remained here,” Ungar-Sargon exclaims. “It’s because fundamentally to the elites, there’s no difference between being working-class and being poor.”

“They want everybody to be poor because they control the college-educated and the poor,” she continues. “That is why they’re trying to get everybody out of the middle class and either into the college-credentialed, leftist elites or to make them poor because that’s how the Democrats win.”


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Commentary: A workers' conservatism against the neoliberals' idols



America, like the rest of the Western world, is sick.

To fight an illness with any hope of success, it is necessary to first identify what ails you. This is as true of nations as it is of men. Just as true: different diagnoses will necessitate different therapies, and an incorrect diagnosis could prove both costly and deadly.

Sohrab Ahmari, the founding editor of Compact, indicates in his new book, "Tyranny, Inc.," that the right's past diagnoses have largely neglected the extent to which the private sector has originated some of the top cancers now eating away at the body politic.

This neglect has partly been a consequence of Cold War-era fusionism, whereby traditional conservatives and libertarians joined forces with the intention of countering the red menace abroad and the pinkos at home.

The libertarian outlook, largely shaped by Ludwig von Mises, F.A. Hayek, Milton Friedman, and others, predominated in this timely alliance. Consequently, the right tended over time to worship hyper-individualism and the unregulated market above all else.

Gruesome facts drawn from over two centuries of statist nightmares, particularly from the other side of the Iron Curtain, made easy work of defending this idolatry, even among those Abrahamic conservatives whose past religious reservations about modernism, liberalism, and unbridled capitalism might otherwise have given them pause.

With idols come taboos and sacrifices.

In keeping with the libertarian outlook, any effort to temper individual ambition or regulate the market, even in the plain interest of the common good or at the behest of the public, was denounced as totalizing or authoritarian or collectivist or a revival of the spirit of this or that blood-soused leftist ideology from the last century. Pro-labor sentiments were likewise characterized as mileage down the road to serfdom.

Now, well over a saeculum into this idol worship, it has become glaringly clear that the devil-takes-the-hindmost attitude implicit in the neoliberal worldview has been in many ways ruinous for all but the ultra-elite. The center did not hold, and things have fallen apart.

Recent diagnoses point to this neoliberal state of play and the corresponding Randian state of mind as contributing causes of America's sickness.

Rusty Reno, the editor of First Things, has suggested that the postwar consensus that sought an open society, championed by libertarians and progressive liberals alike, effectively targeted the strong loves that bound us together and ordered society with a common or higher good in mind.

The liberal regime conflated the "dark gods" that brought about the totalitarianisms of the early 20th century with these and other "strong gods" (e.g., faith, family, tradition, and flag) necessary for a stable society, ultimately throwing the proverbial baby out with the bathwater.

According to Reno, neoliberalism, the "economic and cultural regime of deregulation and disenchantment," seeks to "weaken and eventually dissolve the strong elements of traditional society that impede the free flow of commerce … as well as identity and desire."

As a consequence of the neoliberals' success, many Americans have been rendered not just "unmoored, adrift, and abandoned," but powerless and increasingly susceptible to exercises of raw power by the technocratic openers and other powers that be, both private and public.

The populism that has been gaining steam over the past decade has in large part been a response to this state of things — an effort to usher in a return of the "strong gods."

Patrick Deneen, a political science professor at the University of Notre Dame, appears certain that we have crossed the Rubicon; that the liberal regime comprising cultural deregulators (progressive liberals) and economic deregulators (classical liberals) is in its death throes; and that regime change is coming.

When recently discussing how the new order might ensure a balance of power that operates in the interest of the common good, Deneen wrote, "The answer is not the elimination of the elite (as Marx once envisioned), but its replacement with a better set of elites. ... Most needful is an alignment of the elite and the people, not the domination of one by the other."

In "Tyranny, Inc.," Sohrab Ahmari similarly denounces neoliberalism as a contributing cause of America's current malady and further stresses the importance of correcting asymmetries of power adversely affecting ordinary people. However, whereas Deneen figures widespread asymmetries could be corrected by regime change resulting in a better elite, Ahmari is betting on solidarity, regulation, and re-politicization.

Ahmari explains in the book how corporate leaders and their technocratic associates have faithfully made good on the promise of neoliberalism, depriving citizens of power, prioritizing uncommon wealth over the common good, reducing souls to cents on the dollar, and altogether sickening the body politic as much if not more than does the government whose functions the private sector continues to appropriate and/or compromise.

He summarized how this came about thusly: "The classically liberal state was mostly indifferent to private tyranny. The social democratic state sought to curb it by empowering workers and other weak market actors, winning their consent to the system in the bargain and thus stabilizing market and society. The neoliberal state, however, actively abets private tyranny."

"It does this by turning state and law into instruments for promoting market values everywhere," continued Ahmari, "and by rendering the power asymmetries generated by the market immune to political or legal challenge."

Ahmari underscored that this systematic process of depoliticization forecloses "the very possibility of ordinary people using political power and workplace pressure to get a fairer shake out of the economy."

What is needed, according to Ahmari, is the restoration of workers' countervailing power, "the indispensable lever for improving the lot of the asset-less and for stabilizing economics otherwise prone to turbulence and speculative chaos."

Stabilized economics and an empowered worker may greatly help in addressing our underlying societal illness, not only paving the way for a virtuous body politic but also for stable, bigger families, stronger communities, and a center that can weather whatever comes next.

To this end, Ahmari recommends more and stronger unionization efforts in most sectors and a "left-right consensus in favor of tackling the coercion inherent to the market."

Ahmari's pro-labor proposals may appear too pink for some and discomfiting for others on the right who saw fit to discard Christian social teaching during the fusionist decades. Nevertheless, his critique of the private sector and defense of workers — which appear to have already resonated with Republicans like Sens. Marco Rubio and Josh Hawley — are nevertheless worth considering, especially now that the dissolution of the Cold War fusion has freed traditional conservatives to once again differentiate themselves from the moribund liberal regime and to call out the coercive and "compensatory power of an asset-rich few."

If common good or working-class conservatism is to become something more than simply a politically expedient rhetorical ploy for the right to attract disaffected lefties, then it will be worthwhile knowing where we stand in the days to come when traditional values and "the free flow of commerce" conflict, not just when woke capital is involved, but across the board.

Whatever the outcome of that soul-searching, the resulting self-knowledge will likely help shape the political binary that emerges from the corpse of the liberal regime.

The service of Mammon and self has contributed much to the sickness of the West. Greater solidarity in the service of God, a bolstering of the working class, and a purposeful tempering of the powers that be, private and public alike, may contribute to its convalescence.

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RFK Jr. tells Tucker Carlson the percentage of America’s wealth that belongs to the Democratic Party, and it’s both ironic and disgusting



Dave Rubin calls RFK Jr. “the last sane Democrat,” and for good reason – the guy tends to make a lot of sense.

In a recent interview, RFK Jr. explained to Tucker Carlson why the poor feel abandoned and downright hated by the Democratic Party – the party that once was sympathetic toward them.

“To fund these wars … they print money, and that means inflation, and that’s a tax on the poor,” he explains. “The price of food has gone up 38% – the price of basic foodstuff, chicken, eggs, and milk have gone up 78%.”

While most suffer to some degree, the poor are hit the hardest.

“On March 1 of this year … 30 million Americans got [the] phone call” telling them that their “food stamps were cut to $23 a month,” he continues, adding that “that’s the same month we ratcheted up our contributions to the Ukraine at $113 billion.”

Further, “the Fed printed $300 billion unanticipated dollars to pay for the failure of the Silicon Valley Bank … and we began cutting 15 million people from the welfare roll; since then 4 million have been cut.”

“There’s no money for poor Americans,” RFK Jr. tells Tucker, whose face reveals deep concern.

Granted that “the average wage in this country is $5,000 less and the cost of basic goods – food, transportation, and housing” has skyrocketed, it’s no wonder “half of Americans are making up that gap by putting it on their credit [cards].”

“This week we pass $1.1 trillion in credit card debt – that’s the first time in history.”

Then there are the people who “are choosing between food and gasoline, food and medicine.”

But it wasn’t always this way; times have changed, and certainly not for the better.

“When I grew up, my uncle was president, my father was in the Democratic Party, [which] was with people who were poor,” RFK Jr. reflects, “and today, 70% of the wealth in this country is owned by the Democratic Party and only 30% by the Republican party.”

This “shift in wealth … maybe is one of the reasons that Democrats do not seem to be talking to or working for people any more.”


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Oliver Anthony Strikes A Chord Where The Right And Left Agree: Our Failed Elites

Artists like Oliver Anthony who represent the new counterculture, spurred on by our failed elite class who can't even do corruption right.