Kansas League Of Women Voters Accused Of Buying High School Voter Registrations
Kansas AG tells League to 'stop offering cash, gift cards, or any other item of value in connection with voter registration or voting…'For years, Americans have been told not to worry about the explosion of AI surveillance cameras. They're only looking for stolen cars. They're only helping solve crimes. If you're not doing anything wrong, you have nothing to fear.
Then the CEO of one of the country's largest AI surveillance companies, Flock Safety, said something that should make every American stop and think.
Americans can support law enforcement while also believing there must be limits on mass surveillance.
In an interview with Forbes last year, Flock Safety CEO Garrett Langley called DeFlock — a volunteer group that maps the locations of Flock's automated license plate reader cameras — a "terroristic organization." He contrasted the group with the ACLU and the Electronic Frontier Foundation, saying those groups use the courts, while DeFlock's "primary motivation is chaos."
Think about that for a moment.
DeFlock's primary activity is mapping the locations of publicly visible cameras installed throughout American communities. Flock argues that publishing those locations could help criminals avoid detection. DeFlock argues that citizens have a right to know where government-connected surveillance technology is being deployed. Reasonable people can disagree about that. But calling transparency activists "terroristic" is something else entirely.
Words matter, especially when they come from the CEO of a company whose business depends on collecting, analyzing, and sharing vast amounts of location data. He didn't call the group irresponsible or reckless; he chose language normally associated with violent extremism. That choice tells us how criticism of surveillance is increasingly viewed by the industry building it.
Then there was another statement from that interview that deserves just as much attention. Langley said, "We're not forcing Flock on anyone."
Really?
Americans never voted to install AI-powered camera networks throughout their communities. They didn't vote for systems capable of tracking vehicle movements across cities. They didn't vote for technology that has evolved far beyond simply reading license plates. Today's systems can identify vehicles by make, model, color, aftermarket wheels, roof racks, bumper stickers, damage, window tint, and countless other characteristics — even when a license plate isn't visible. Every generation of this technology becomes more sophisticated than the last.
This isn't simply about solving crime anymore. It's about building an increasingly comprehensive picture of where vehicles travel, when they travel, and how artificial intelligence can connect those movements. That is why transparency matters. If these cameras are installed in public places with taxpayer dollars, why shouldn't the public know where they are? That's the question DeFlock is asking. And asking it, apparently, makes them terrorists.
It's also a question the surveillance industry appears increasingly uncomfortable answering. Perhaps the most revealing part of this controversy isn't the quote itself. It's what it says about the mindset behind the technology.
When someone maps surveillance cameras, the cameras aren't questioned. The person documenting them is. That's an extraordinary shift. The debate moves away from whether expanding surveillance deserves public scrutiny and toward whether the people asking questions are somehow the threat. That inversion should concern anyone who values accountability.
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The frustration is building. People across the country are vandalizing or removing Flock surveillance cameras. While Flock doesn't operate in Europe, activists have targeted similar surveillance cameras in London, France, and Italy.
To be clear: Destroying public or private property is illegal, and I don't support it. But those incidents reflect something policymakers and technology companies shouldn't ignore — a growing segment of the public feels these systems are being imposed without meaningful public debate or consent. Ignoring that frustration won't make it disappear. Calling critics "terroristic" certainly won't either.
The irony is hard to miss. The surveillance industry frequently tells Americans these systems are about building trust and making communities safer. But trust isn't built by dismissing or demonizing people who ask legitimate questions about privacy, accountability, and the limits of government surveillance. Trust is earned through transparency — and right now, that transparency is disappearing fast.
Americans can support law enforcement while also believing there must be limits on mass surveillance. They can believe violent criminals should be caught while also asking who owns the data, who can search it, how long it is retained, and whether artificial intelligence should be allowed to follow their daily movements without their knowledge. Those aren't extremist questions. They're the kinds of questions citizens in a free society are supposed to ask.
Garrett Langley's comments may have been intended to defend his company. Instead, they revealed something far more important. They exposed an attitude many Americans have long suspected exists beneath the rapid expansion of AI surveillance: that questioning the system is becoming more objectionable than expanding it. He said the quiet part out loud. And that matters, because once a society accepts ubiquitous surveillance as normal, history suggests it rarely moves in the opposite direction.
So let me get this straight: We did not vote to add these surveillance cameras, and letting people know where they are located makes us the bad guys. This is not a joke.
I guess I'm "terroristic" for discussing this and telling everyone about it.
The U.S. Supreme Court will let the Trump administration make the case this fall that a pair of Obama judges erred in their 2024 ruling regarding the detention of criminal noncitizens.
Carol Williams Black is a Jamaican male who entered the United States in 1983 and subsequently obtained legal permanent residency.
'No substantive-due-process right to a bond hearing.'
Black was captured in 2019 by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, which determined both that the Jamaican was removable under federal immigration law due to his criminal conviction for sexual abuse and endangerment of a child and that he should remain in detention until his removal.
Keisy G.M. is a man in his late 30s from the Dominican Republican who entered the U.S. in 2011, obtained permanent residency, and has since lived in New York. In light of G.M.'s 2015 guilty plea to second-degree assault, ICE arrested G.M. in 2020 and got the ball rolling on his deportation.
Both foreigners — Black, who was detained for seven months, and G.M., who was detained for 21 months — filed legal complaints alleging that their detentions without bond hearings amounted to violations of their due process rights.
A panel consisting of a pair of Obama-appointed circuit court judges — Hong Kong-born Denny Chin and Susan Carney — reviewed the criminal noncitizens' cases and held in 2024 that "the constitutional guarantee of due process precludes a noncitizen's unreasonably prolonged detention under [8 U.S.C. § 1226(c)] without a bond hearing."
The Trump administration urged the U.S. Supreme Court in January to review whether the court of appeals erred in holding that due process requires bond hearings for criminal aliens detained under Section 1226(c) like Black and G.M., and whether there is a point at which such detention becomes "unreasonably prolonged."
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The administration also asked the high court to review the appellate court's holding that due process requires placing the burden on the government to justify continued detention by a heightened standard.
"Section 1226(c) detainees have no procedural-due-process right to a bond hearing on matters that are 'not material' to the 'statutory scheme,'" attorneys for the government noted in their petition. "And where, as here, detention bears a reasonable relation to legitimate immigration purposes — such as 'preventing deportable criminal aliens from fleeing' or 'continu[ing] to engage in crime' while their removal proceedings are pending ... — Section 1226(c) detainees have no substantive-due-process right to a bond hearing either."
The government's attorneys noted further that the U.S. Supreme Court must provide clarity on the matter, especially since the Eighth Circuit Court "disagrees with the Second and Third Circuits about whether a Section 1226(c) detainee has a due-process right to a bond hearing when his detention becomes 'unreasonable,'" and the Second and Third Circuit courts disagree about "how to determine when Section 1226(c) detention has reached that point."
The American Civil Liberties Union lawyers who are representing the criminal noncitizens unsuccessfully begged the high court not to grant review.
The ACLU lawyers claimed in an April brief that the Trump administration was advancing "an extreme theory"; that the disagreement between the lower courts was little more than a "shallow split"; and that "these cases are strikingly poor vehicles" because Black has left the country and G.M. was released from detention in 2022.
Cecillia Wang, an ACLU lawyer who represents both criminal foreigners, said in a statement obtained by Reuters, "The court of appeals got it right, and we will defend our fundamental due process principles at the Supreme Court."
"The Constitution protects all of us, regardless of immigration status, from being locked away without due process," Wang continued. "[U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement] cannot detain immigrants — separating families and cutting people off from their communities — for months or even years on end without a bond hearing."
The U.S. Supreme Court agreed on Monday to take up the case but could ultimately dismiss it as moot.
The court is reportedly expected to hear arguments in the case in its next term.
Like Blaze News? Bypass the censors, sign up for our newsletters, and get stories like this direct to your inbox. Sign up here!A Massachusetts city in the Greater Boston area commissioned a pair of 10-foot-tall bronze statues heavy with cultural and historical significance to honor police and firefighters outside its new public safety headquarters.
Since the statues also carry religious significance — one depicts the winged archangel Michael stepping on the head of a demon, and the other depicts Florian, a third-century firefighting Roman Christian — the American Civil Liberties Union and a handful of secularizing activist groups joined local thin-skinned critics in suing to block the installation last May.
According to the ACLU, having the two statues as the sole adornments on the building's facade "would undermine religious pluralism in Quincy and violate the Massachusetts Constitution’s long-standing requirement that the government remain neutral in matters of religion."
'Let Quincy pay tribute to its firefighters and police.'
The ensuing legal battle has reached the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court, which heard oral arguments on Wednesday in the case Fitzmaurice v. City of Quincy.
The defendants' thesis, as outlined in their opening brief to the court, is that symbolism on government property should not become "illegal simply because some citizens perceive it to have religious meaning."
Some of the court's justices, Democrat-appointee Gabrielle Wolohojian in particular, did not appear to be entirely buying what the attorney for the city from the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty was selling at the outset despite considering his arguments in a city already replete with public art evoking persons, symbols, and themes of religious significance, including multiple statues of Moses.
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The court proved particularly fixated on whether Florian and Michael's special recognition as saints by the Catholic Church was actually an issue in this case and raised as possibly relevant in a lower court's insinuation that the statues' primary champion, Quincy Mayor Thomas Koch, was untrustworthy and had worked clandestinely to get the statues funded and installed.
The court was not, however, overly receptive to the ACLU's arguments in favor of denying Quincy first responders their statues, which have been defended in recent months by a plethora of organizations, including the nation’s largest firefighter and police unions, various faith groups, and esteemed constitutional scholars.
One justice questioned whether:
Tom Bowes, president of Quincy's Firefighters Local 792, said in a statement, "For generations, Florian’s legacy has inspired the brave men and women who run toward danger when others need help. We hope the court allows Quincy to honor that tradition and the first responders who live it every day."
Joseph Davis, senior counsel at Becket and an attorney for the city, said, "In this country, public art doesn't become off-limits just because it may make some people think about religion. We’re confident the justices will apply that commonsense rule here and let Quincy pay tribute to its firefighters and police."
Eric Rassbach, another attorney at Becket, said in the wake of the hearing on Wednesday that the ACLU's argument largely "relied on the supposedly dead legal standard known as the Lemon test, which SCOTUS abrogated."
"For decades, the unusuable Lemon test produced confusion and split decisions in cases involving religious symbols," continued Rassbach. "That changed in 2019, when SCOTUS ruled 7-2 in [American Legion v. American Humanist Association] that the First Amendment does not require removing a WWI memorial cross and made clear that Lemon no longer applies."
While the Supreme Court rejected the relevance of the test articulated by SCOTUS in its 1971 Lemon v. Kurtzman ruling as a way of guiding the court in identifying Establishment Clause violations, Norfolk Superior Court Judge William Sullivan previously leaned heavily on it in the Quincy case.
"It would be a bizarre move for Massachusetts to revive a test that failed so badly at the federal level, especially since Lemon has no grounding in the Commonwealth’s Constitution," wrote Rassbach. "That document takes a different approach: It recognizes the vital role of religion in public life while guaranteeing equal protection for all religious denominations. That’s a far cry from forcing cities to scrub anything that smacks of the religious from all public property."
The court is expected to deliver its decision sometime this fall.
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