It’s Not An Accident That James Talarico Is Single And Childless

Unmarried people are significantly more likely to vote for Democrats, and people are becoming significantly more likely to stay unmarried.

Leaked recording: State Department official admits demographics are used to rig elections



A leaked undercover recording has exposed one State Department official saying the quiet part out loud: Demographics determine elections, which is why the powers that be are so focused on changing America’s.

“We actually have a guy from the State Department on tape saying, ‘Yeah, this is the purpose of this. This is the Democrats. This is what they’re doing. They’re using the Great Replacement to rig elections. They want the country to be less white because white people vote Republican. White people are conservatives,’” BlazeTV host Auron MacIntyre says on “The Auron MacIntyre Show,” before sharing the clip from Project Veritas.

In the clip, the State Department official claims that “they want to change the demographics of the United States.”


“Project Veritas has an undercover guy speaking with a State Department official, and he comes out and says, ‘Look, it’s really simple. White guys in Nebraska, they’re not leftists. They’re conservatives. They’re naturally conservative,’” MacIntyre explains.

“And they’re not going to vote for radical leftist policies. They don’t want it. So, what do you do in a liberal democracy? What do you do if you’re the Democrats and you need to push this radical progressive agenda, but the native population isn’t really interested? And the answer is, you replace them,” he says.

“And by the way, this has been the policy of the left for basically ever. They’ve recognized this dynamic for a long time. Leftism cannot win in America. It is not sustainable in America without replacing the population,” he continues.

“They want to replace you because of your race,” he adds. “They want to replace you because of the color of your skin.”

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The real question isn’t war or peace — it’s which century we choose



Our world stands at a civilizational crossroads. Again. Nations must decide whether they intend to live in the 21st century or the seventh century. That choice may sound melodramatic, but anyone watching events in the Middle East, across Europe, and increasingly inside the United States understands the stakes.

On the eve of Thanksgiving in Washington, D.C., two National Guard troops were shot by a Muslim jihadist shouting “Allahu Akbar.” One of the soldiers, a young woman from West Virginia, later died. The other survived but has a long road of recovery ahead. Americans once again asked how such an attack could occur in the nation’s capital.

The choice is not between peace and war. It is between confronting an ideology that sanctifies domination or allowing it to advance unchecked under the cover of pluralism.

The answer begins with ideology.

Jihadist doctrine divides the world into two irreconcilable spheres: Dar al-Islam, the “House of Islam,” and Dar al-Harb, the “House of War.” The House of Islam consists of territories governed by Islamic law. The House of War includes every land not under Sharia. That category encompasses Israel, Europe, the United States, and vast portions of Africa and Asia.

For jihadists, this division is not theoretical. The ultimate objective is global submission to Islamic rule. The methods vary. Demographics, migration, political participation, and violence all qualify as legitimate tools of jihad, depending on circumstances.

Modern Sunni jihadist ideology draws heavily from Sayyid Qutb, the Muslim Brotherhood theorist whose book “Milestones” remains foundational. Qutb argued that Muslims should adapt their strategy based on their position within a society. When weak or outnumbered, they should emulate Muhammad’s early period in Mecca, focusing on persuasion and coalition-building. As power grows, they should advance to the next stage, asserting political authority and preparing for dominance.

That framework explains why jihadist movements operate differently across regions. We see the political phase at work in Western cities and institutions, including London, New York City, and Dearborn, Michigan. We see the violent phase in Israel, Nigeria, Europe, and parts of the Middle East.

Qutb held that the Quran justifies violence against non-Islamic governments. That claim draws on classical Islamic jurisprudence and has been codified in influential texts. Sunni and Shia jihadist groups alike act on this logic.

Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and Iran’s Islamic regime wage war against Israel under its banner. Jihadist violence devastates Christian communities in Nigeria. Terror attacks across Europe and the United States follow the same ideological thread.

The question is not whether this ideology exists. The question is how nations respond.

Governments and citizens must decide whether they will confront a violent, medieval worldview or accommodate it in the name of tolerance and stability. That choice applies both abroad and at home.

Some regimes have already chosen regression. Iran’s rulers prioritize hatred of Israel over the welfare of their own people. The country’s severe water crisis stems not from natural scarcity but from ideological fixation and mismanagement driven by revolutionary dogma.

In Gaza, support for Hamas continues to rise. In Judea and Samaria, Hamas cells plot new attacks. Hezbollah smuggles weapons through Syria while Lebanon’s leaders face a stark decision: Embrace modern statehood or remain trapped in perpetual conflict.

American policy toward the region often sends mixed signals. The proposed sale of F-35 fighter jets to Saudi Arabia and its elevation to major non-NATO ally status were promoted as diplomatic successes. Yet the real measure will come in actions, not assurances. Will Saudi Arabia confront jihadist networks within its borders? Will it normalize relations with Israel? Or will it offer symbolic gestures while tolerating extremism?

Qatar presents an even sharper test. Through Al Jazeera, it shapes anti-Western narratives across the region. It has funded or enabled radical activism abroad and provided safe haven to Hamas and Muslim Brotherhood leaders. Any serious strategy against jihadist ideology must address Qatar’s role directly.

President Trump took a step in that direction by issuing an executive order calling for the designation of Muslim Brotherhood chapters as “foreign terrorist organizations.” That order, however, excluded the International Union of Muslim Brotherhood, based in Qatar, and U.S.-based Brotherhood-linked organizations, including the Council on American-Islamic Relations.

RELATED:Political Islam is playing the long game — America isn’t even playing

Photo by John Moore/Getty Images

Florida Governor Ron DeSantis (R) went farther last week by designating CAIR and the Muslim Brotherhood as foreign terrorist organizations under state authority. That move reflects a growing recognition that ideological warfare does not stop at America’s borders.

The West must choose whether it will dismantle Muslim Brotherhood networks domestically and demand that its allies do the same. It must decide whether it will confront Iran, which remains the central destabilizing force in the region. Five months after a U.S. strike on Iranian targets, the regime continues to threaten Israel, the Gulf states, and Western interests.

These decisions carry consequences beyond diplomacy. They shape the world our children inherit.

The choice is not between peace and war. It is between confronting an ideology that sanctifies domination and violence or allowing it to advance unchecked under the cover of pluralism. The path forward demands clarity, resolve, and an honest reckoning with reality.

The century we choose will determine whether the future belongs to modernity and peace or to ancient grievances enforced by terror.

If America Can’t Get Immigration Right, Nothing Else Matters

If Somalis and Afghans and other unassimilable immigrants are allowed to remain here, they will metastasize into a national fifth column of hostile saboteurs.

Jean Raspail’s notorious — and prophetic — novel returns to America



“The Camp of the Saints” by Jean Raspail is one of the most interesting and controversial novels of the 20th century — which is why it’s good news that Vauban Books, a small publishing house, is coming out with a new edition, complete with a fresh translation by scholar Ethan Rundell.

English-language copies of the book, first published in the United States in 1975, have been passed around like samizdat. “The Camp of the Saints” became popular again in the 2010s, but the original publisher refused to reprint it — that is, until Vauban managed to secure the rights.

In the era of the Great Replacement, it is the most politically incorrect and the most vital lesson we need to hear.

“The Camp of the Saints” depicts mass immigration destroying European civilization. In the novel, a gigantic flotilla of boats filled with destitute Indians sets course for France to seek refugee status. After much hand-wringing, the government allows them to land rather than take the only other option available, which is to massacre them. France — and very quickly all of Europe — turns into a dystopian third-world slum.

Raspail’s novel was written in the 1970s when the “boat people” fled Vietnam for Europe. The book caused an enormous sensation. It was a best-seller in France and the U.S. and eventually globally. Many have hailed it as a great and important work of prophecy. But, predictably, it was then — and is now — denounced as a horribly racist screed that only white supremacists would be interested in reading.

Contrary to the critics, “The Camp of the Saints” is a great novel, and Jean Raspail is a great writer. You should do yourself a favor and read it.

What of the book’s supposed racism? Well, it certainly contains much imagery that will shock the American reader. The Indian refugees are portrayed in vivid passages as wholly disgusting and bestial.

However, here I must point out a number of things. First, it seems that American and French cultures have different definitions of what counts as “racist.” To this Frenchman, it has always seemed puzzling that Americans seem to separate the signified and the signifier, or the thing itself and the intent.

In American culture, any grossly negative or caricatured portrayal of a non-white person is seen as “racist,” regardless of what was meant by it. “Blackface” is considered malum in se, regardless of whether it’s done to wound or express contempt for a group of people or whether one just decided to attend a costume party. (A French athlete was recently embroiled in controversy when he proudly posted photos of himself dressed up as a Harlem Globetrotter, in what he clearly intended to be a laudatory homage to a group he admired.)

This bizarre American form of Tourette’s can sometimes become downright vile: While the bodies of Charlie Hebdo cartoonists, who had been murdered by Islamic terrorists for their refusal to stop mocking Islam, were still warm, American cultural commentators denounced their drawings as racist. A French person would have pointed out that while their caricatures of minorities were certainly unflattering, so were their caricatures of everyone else — and therefore concluded that there was no racism.

In fact, in “The Camp of the Saints,” nobody looks good. Indeed, the novel’s central topic is not the refugees themselves but the bizarre form of cowardice and self-hate of Europeans that leads them to consent to their own replacement. In this sense, it is like Evelyn Waugh’s “Black Mischief,” whose portrayal of Africans is decidedly “racist” by our contemporary standards but whose portrayal of whites — and everybody else — is equally savage and outlandish.

Everything in “The Camp of the Saints”is over the top, not just its unflattering portrayal of refugees. It has a dreamlike quality, complete with baroque imagery, which is integral to the artistic style of the novel. This is what makes it such a powerful and fascinating work of art. To dismiss it as “racist” is not just inaccurate — it is Philistinic.

It’s also worth pointing out that Raspail was not some caveman pumping out racist tirades from some cave somewhere. He wrote dozens of novels and received some of the most prestigious literary awards France can confer, including the Grand prix de littérature of the Académie française and the Prix Jean-Walter for historical writing. Raspail was made a knight and an officer of the Legion of Honor. Of course, France has historically been much more open-minded when it comes to honoring artists and intellectuals who may be politically incorrect.

Getting past the caricatures

As a young man, Raspail started out as a travel writer. His first publishing success was a recounting of a trip he took following in the footsteps of Father Marquette, the French Jesuit who discovered the Mississippi.

Raspail kayaked down the length of the river, from Trois-Rivières in Québec all the way to New Orleans, exploring the history of a region that was once New France. He would later return to America and write ethnographies of remaining American Indian tribes in reservations and would be a lifelong activist for protecting indigenous peoples — a strange pursuit for a “racist.”

In France, Raspail is better known for his historical adventure novels, which young teenage males of a certain Catholic conservative persuasion tend to read avidly.

Many of them involve the fictional Pikkendorff family, penniless aristocrats from Bavaria who end up as knights-errant, mercenaries, or colonial administrators in the service of other great families. One of his novels has members of the French and German branches of the Pikkendorffs secretly meeting in Switzerland to try to negotiate an armistice during World War I.

Another leverages some fourth-wall-breaking postmodern tools, since it ostensibly presents itself as a first-person work of nonfiction written by Raspail in his own name. That novel features Raspail’s research into the Pikkendorff family, complete with extensive footnotes referring to nonexistent tomes of historical research. It ends with the depressing discovery that the last heir of the Pikkendorffs runs a successful chain of pizza restaurants.

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Another novel, “The Fisherman’s Ring,” starts with the premise that the Council of Constance, which ended the Great Western Schism that had sundered the Catholic Church in two, picked the wrong pope and that ever since, there has been a succession of secret, true popes.

“Seven Riders” takes place in a fictional, nameless country somewhere at the edge of Europe at some unspecified time, though the fact that people move either by horse or steam train gives a hint. The country has been stricken by a series of unexplained events, including plagues and destructive madness circulating among the youth. The Margrave, the ruler of this broken kingdom, sends out seven riders to try to find the outside world and discover a remedy for the bizarre afflictions affecting the country. Above all, he wants to find his daughter Princess Myriam, with whom the head of the expedition, Colonel-major Silve de Pikkendorff, is secretly in love.

Perhaps Raspail’s most ambitious novel is 2003’s “The Kingdoms of Borea,” which is hard not to read as an implicit reply to critics of “The Camp of the Saints.” The work, which stretches over several centuries, takes place in a fictional country at the northeastern edge of Europe, by the Russian steppes and Scandinavian fjords. In the deep forests unexplored by the white man, at least until the modern era, lives “the little man with bark-colored skin,” an indigenous people of the forest who fear the white man.

A French person would have pointed out that while their caricatures of minorities were certainly unflattering, so were their caricatures of everyone else — and therefore concluded that there was no racism.

The mystery of the true identity and nature of the little man, who is always elusive, is the running thread of the plot. As European civilization and industry keep encroaching on the little man’s forest over the centuries, turning timber into factories, his people and their way of life are doomed to extinction.

This is another story about demographic replacement — but one in which the whites are the clear villains and the non-whites are the clear victims. The novel is a tour de force, with contemporary descendants of 17th-century nobles and Jewish merchants somehow ending up on the path of their forebears and a stunning halfway reveal about the narrator’s true identity. It is a great historical fresco, a panorama of history’s greatest crimes.

A peaceful and prosperous Jewish community is ravaged by pogroms fomented by the kingdom’s evil ruler. One character immigrates to the Antebellum South, where he becomes a wealthy planter and happily joins the South’s rebellion, but not before freeing all his slaves. Upon returning to his home after the war, he is confronted by the devastation the Union Army caused and sets up schools and workshops for his former slaves.

Another trace of the little man is found in East Prussia in 1945. Then, Raspail reminds us vividly, the ethnic German populations of Eastern Europe were systematically butchered by Stalin’s troops, a World War II genocide that is remembered by no memorial or museum.

All genocides are bad

“All genocides are bad,” Raspail seemingly wants to say through this book. This sounds like the most trite thing imaginable until you remember that some genocides are more politically useful than others. “Don’t you understand? It’s always bad,” he seems to be screaming, grabbing us by the lapels. It’s bad when white people are the perpetrators, and it’s bad when white people are the victims, says Jean Raspail, a lifelong anthropologist and activist on behalf of Native American tribes.

For Raspail, it is clear that pogroms of Jews are bad and massacres of civilian German populations are bad. Antebellum slavery was bad, but so was destroying the South to stop it. It’s bad regardless of your politics. It’s bad even when the victim population cannot be held up as a politically convenient totem. Which is the least racist message imaginable. But in the era of the Great Replacement, it is the most politically incorrect and the most vital one we need to hear.

Editor’s note: This article was originally published at the American Mind.

Trump's crackdown on illegal immigration could greatly impact Democrats' political clout



Over 30 members of the Democrat-dominated California legislature signed a letter last month urging Republican congressional members from the Golden State "to request the President to end the crackdowns on hardworking, taxpaying immigrants in Southern California and throughout the state, as the actions are causing significant harm to our economy."

The June 18 letter noted that over one-quarter of the state's residents are "immigrants, totaling nearly 11 million people, including about 1.8 million who are undocumented," and suggested that "the vast majority of these folks contribute to California's economy and way of life."

For the first time in its history, California lost a seat in Congress in 2021, down from 53 to 52 following the 2020 census.

Those migrants, both legal and illegal, also contribute to the state's headcount in the decennial census.

While California Democrats might be genuinely concerned about the potential impact of losing low-wage foreign laborers who stole into the homeland, they also have cause to be concerned about what their party stands to lose as a result of a population decline precipitated by immigration enforcement.

As California is the most populous state in the union, it presently enjoys the most representation in the U.S. House of Representatives. However, for the first time in its history, California lost a seat in Congress in 2021, down from 53 to 52 following the 2020 census and a year marked by a drop in the state's population by more than 182,000 souls.

Owing to California's anemic population growth and significant growth elsewhere in the country, the state could lose additional seats in Congress and votes in the Electoral College through census-driven apportionment, as well as receive proportionately less of the federal money that is distributed by population.

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Win McNamee/Getty Images

Citing December 2023 U.S. Census Bureau population estimates, the Brennan Center for Justice indicated in a report that California could lose four congressional seats after the 2030 census, and may fall to second place behind Texas in total population before 2040 if current trends continue.

"Based on the most recent trends, Texas would gain four seats and Florida three seats in the next reapportionment, placing Texas within striking distance of becoming the largest state, perhaps as early as 2040," said the report. "Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Tennessee also would each gain a new congressional seat, as would three mountain states: Arizona, Idaho, and Utah."

In a December update, the Brennan Center noted that "these big apportionment changes would also significantly change political parties’ Electoral College math starting with the 2032 election."

Even if a Democrat carried the so-called blue wall states and both Arizona and Nevada, they would eke out only a narrow 276-262 victory in 2032 if the Brennan Center's projections are correct.

RELATED: JD Vance rejects Democrats' narrative, names the 'real threat to democracy'

Spencer Platt/Getty Images

While the American Redistricting Project changed its forecast of California congressional seat losses from five to three, the Democratic stronghold's dominance still appears to be waning.

California has hemorrhaged residents to other states in recent years, though CalMatters noted that the intranational population loss is offset by inbound international traffic.

Democrats' dominance could be undermined further not only by the Trump administration continuing to remove illegal aliens but by the administration slowing down legal immigration into the country. After all, state officials credited the first Trump administration's immigration policies with helping set the stage for the 2021 congressional seat loss, reported the New York Times.

"If that immigration stops, then that's going to have some real consequences for our population growth and ultimately for our representation, for sure," Eric McGhee, a demographer at the Public Policy Institute of California, told CalMatters.

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Nate Silver: Young men's mental stability helps put them out of Democrats' reach



Nate Silver, an American statistician and founder of the now-shuttered political analysis blog FiveThirtyEight, recently dug into why men, young men in particular, don't like Democrats — a trend that has Democratic operatives scrambling both for answers and Joe Rogan-sized remedies.

Silver indicated that a big part of Democrats' problem might be that those young men beyond their reach are not mentally unstable or attracted to a mentally ill style of politics.

Losing men

Democrats — whom Americans largely regard as weak and ineffective — are right to be desperate.

'Young men's attachment to the GOP has grown.'

After all, in the 2024 election, President Donald Trump captured 60% of the white male vote, 54% of the Hispanic male vote, and 21% of the black male vote toward a combined total of 55% of the male vote overall.

Men ages 18-44 majoritively voted Trump. Firming up that figure were the young white men who previously supported former President Joe Biden but jumped ship and swam rightward, voting for Trump by a 28 percentage point margin.

Melissa Deckman, CEO of the Public Religion Research Institute, noted in a report last month that "since 2013, young men's attachment to the GOP has grown, but most of this growth has occurred among young white men, whose affiliation with the GOP went from 26% in 2013 to 36% today."

While young white men largely drove the trend, Deckman noted that "young Hispanic men saw a 6-percentage-point increase in Republican identification since 2021."

Meanwhile, "young women have consistently been less likely to identify as Republican and more likely to identify as Democratic than their male counterparts across racial groups," wrote Deckman. "In 2024, around one in four young white women aligned with the Democratic party (26%), compared with 18% of young white men."

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Photo by Justin Sullivan/Getty Images

As with young women's leftward drift, young men's rightward orientation does not appear to be a flash in the pan, hence the recent efforts by Democrats — who failed to heed James Carville's pre-election warnings about the fallout of "faculty lounge" attitudes and the party's dominance by "too many preachy females" — to diagnose and correct for their problem.

Mental strength is Democratic kryptonite

Citing data from the 2022 Cooperative Election Study, a 50,000-plus person national survey administered by YouGov, Silver noted that higher self-reported mental health correlates with conservative political views.

"I think an underrated factor in the 'how can Democrats win back young men' debate is the effects of personality, which differ especially among younger voters [and] are quite strongly correlated with voting preferences," tweeted Silver.

Whereas only 20% of liberals reported having "excellent" mental health, 51% of conservatives said the same. On the bottom end, 45% of liberals said their mental health was poor, while only 19% of conservatives reported the same.

'Conservative ideology may work as a psychological buffer.'

"So the young men that Democrats have trouble with aren't necessarily the ones who have been captured by the conservative 'manosphere' or who are looking for a helping hand," wrote Silver. "Rather, it's those who report relatively high mental health and see Democrats as being too neurotic and perhaps constraining their opportunity to compete and reap the rewards of their work."

Silver suggested that compounding Democrats' problem is that they are seen as "nits," which he defined as "neurotic, risk-averse, sticklers for the rules, always up in everyone's business."

RELATED: The Democratic Party is not dying — it’s evolving

Photo by Craig Hudson for the Washington Post via Getty Images

The link between ideological persuasion and mental or emotional well-being is well-documented.

For instance, a 2023 Columbia University study published in the journal Social Science & Medicine – Mental Health found that conservatives are generally happier than their leftist counterparts by a significant measure.

Epidemiologist Catherine Gimbrone and her co-authors found that "conservatives reported lower average depressive affect, self-derogation, and loneliness scores and higher self-esteem scores than all other groups."

"Beginning in approximately 2010 and continuing through 2018, female liberal adolescents reported the largest changes in depressive affect, self-esteem, self-derogation, and loneliness. Male conservative adolescents reported the smallest corresponding changes," said the study.

When attempting to account for the disparity, the researchers suggested that "conservative ideology may work as a psychological buffer by harmonizing an idealized worldview with the bleak external realities experienced by many."

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